Journal articles on the topic 'Chinese state media'
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1
Xiaodong, Li. "The Chinese Model and Chinese Wisdom of Modernization." EDUCAÇÃO E FILOSOFIA 33, no. 69 (December 30, 2020): 1223–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/revedfil.v33n69a2019-56405.
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The Chinese Model and Chinese Wisdom of Modernization 1
Abstract: The Soviet model of socialism and the American model of capitalism are the two major solutions to modernization. Under the guidance of the traditional Chinese Doctrine of the Mean and the Marxist dialectical materialism, the Communist Party of China, by successively learning from these two major solutions and combining with the actual situation of China, has proposed Chinese solutions of socialism with Chinese characteristics to modernization of state governance and thus offered to the world Chinese wisdom beyond the conflicts between two major ideologies, namely, socialism and capitalism.
Keywords: State governance. Modernization. Chinese wisdom. Chinese situations.
O modelo chinês e a sabedoria chinesa da modernização
Resumo: O modelo soviético de socialismo e o modelo americano de capitalismo são as duas principais soluções para a modernização. Sob a orientação da doutrina chinesa tradicional do caminho do meio e do materialismo dialético marxista, o Partido Comunista da China, aprendendo sucessivamente com essas duas soluções principais e combinando-se com a situação atual da China, propôs soluções chinesas de socialismo com características chinesas, modernização da governança do estado e, assim, ofereceu ao mundo a sabedoria chinesa além dos conflitos entre duas grandes ideologias, a saber, socialismo e capitalismo.
Palavras-chave: Governança estatal. Modernização. Sabedoria chinesa. Situações chinesas.
El modelo chino y la sabiduría china de la modernización
Resumen: El modelo soviético del socialismo y el modelo estadounidense del capitalismo son las dos soluciones principales para la modernización. Bajo la guía de la Doctrina tradicional china de la media y el materialismo dialéctico marxista, el Partido Comunista de China, al aprender sucesivamente de estas dos soluciones principales y combinar con la situación actual de China, ha propuesto soluciones chinas del socialismo con características chinas para modernización de la gobernanza estatal y, por lo tanto, ofreció al mundo sabiduría china más allá de los conflictos entre dos ideologías principales, a saber, el socialismo y el capitalismo.
Palabras clave: Gobernanza estatal. Modernización. Sabiduría china. Situaciones chinas.
1This paper is related to “the Research of the Relationship between the Thought of the Communist Party of China about state Governance and Excellent Traditional Chinese Culture” supported by Beijing Social Science Fund Research Project Base (Project No. 17JDKDB003)
Data de registro: 30/07/2020
Data de aceite: 21/10/2020
1 This paper is related to “the Research of the Relationship between the Thought of the Communist Party of China about state Governance and Excellent Traditional Chinese Culture” supported by Beijing Social Science Fund Research Project Base (Project No. 17JDKDB003).
2
Yafeng, Dong. "The Current State and Development Trends of the Radio Broadcasting Industry in China." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 8, no. 4 (October 26, 2019): 816–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2019.8(4).816-828.
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The radio broadcasting industry in China has been operating for more than 40 years. It developed alongside with the policy of reforms and China’s openness, it followed the logic of marketization and institutionalization, it overcame the development boom of the end of the 1980s — the beginning of the 1900s and the period of a decade-long recession on the cusp of the two centuries. The author studied cutting edge literature on the subject of his research and applied such methods as analysis and generalization. The conclusions, concerning the current state and development trends of the radio broadcasting industry in China, have been drawn in relation to four aspects: general background of the branch, market design, ways of monetizing and the development of mass media convergence. To define the market structure in the industry of the radio broadcasting mass media, the author has analyzed the three-level market design, the results of the reforms of the broadcasting and production entities and frequency typing. The analysis of the national policy implementation and of the convergence trends has been taken as a principle to predict trends of development of the mass media convergence in the industry of the broadcasting media. Following the country’s political line, its economic development and the development of new media, Chinese industry of radio broadcasting media shows perfect growth dynamics day by day. In the nearest future, Chinese radio broadcasting will get even closer to convergence with the mobile Internet and other media. The objective of this article is to analyze the current state of Chinese broadcasting industry. The article can be of interest to experts and scientists who specialize in economic research of Chinese broadcasting media and Chinese mass media in general.
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Yu, Haiqing. "Doing Chinese Media Studies: A Reflection on the Field's History and Methodology." Media International Australia 138, no. 1 (February 2011): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1113800109.
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This article reflects on the history and methodology of ‘Chinese media studies' as a (sub)-field of inquiry in academia. It identifies some key features in its trajectory of development, and particularly addresses some of the methodological concerns with regard to doing media studies – some of which are specific to ‘Chinese’ media studies and some of which are relevant to all inquiries about our mediated lives. It discusses methodology as outlook and orientation in ‘approaching’ Chinese media studies and as techniques and methods in ‘doing’ Chinese media studies. This article provokes, rather than promotes, questions and thoughts on the state of Chinese media studies.
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Rinchinov, Artem B. "PRC's digital media amid the trade war with the United States: Conditions within the country and prospects for expansion." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 474 (2022): 153–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/474/17.
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The article aims to highlight some of the features of Chinese information policy and state regulation in order to survey the current state of Chinese media theory within the country. In the sphere of China's foreign relations, the aim was to find evidence that, under conditions of economic pressure, China is moving from a policy of “soft power” towards its partner countries to the practice of building direct economic and infrastructural dependence. The theoretical part of the article is mainly based on the materials of the Chinese Tsinghua Institute. When studying the situation abroad, data from the Australian Institute for Strategic Policy and similar think-tanks in North America were used. According to the current Chinese media theory, all information sources inside the country make up three major groups with more than six subdivisions inside each group. Another point of Chinese media theory, which includes the “six forces” concept, brings much more controversy. According to it, “government” and “party force” are different actors while “capital force” has only limited influence over media content. This concept may be disputed by example of “Southern Model”, when one of the Chinese provinces used a lot of autonomy in its broadcasting policy. The autonomy came to an end, when the state-owned company SMC gained control over the province's broadcasting in 2007. This is one of the examples of how party, state and capital forces' acts combined and merged into one. Correlation analysis shows the interdependence between capital and state forces within the country. The article examines activities of Chinese media, government-organized non-governmental organizations (GONGO), and communications corporations abroad. According to open-source data, the hugest economic intervention in media markets of developing countries made by China so far is united under the Digital Silk Road initiative. During the trade war, many Chinese companies, like Huawei, lost their western customers and markets access. By maintaining Chinese media market shut for foreign capital and by expanding own communication network beyond borders through the web of GONGO and favored contracts, Beijing gains an advantage in the ongoing trade war. Such impermanence shows the incompleteness of media theory in China. While being recent, it struggles to describe objective reality without notion that in highly monopolized and regulated spheres, like Chinese media market, the forces of national capital and government may act on behalf of each other. China, despite the lack of a sophisticated theoretical basis, gains control over the media policy in developing countries. The Chinese-built communication infrastructure, which allows controlling internet and mobile media, becomes fundamental for countries in Africa, South-East and Central Asia. Such a situation may lead these countries to fall into the Chinese sphere of influence.
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Varela Monterroso, Lucía. "Estructura mediática china: una aproximación al caso de China Central Television (CCTV)." Ámbitos. Revista Internacional de Comunicación, no. 51 (2021): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/ambitos.2021.i51.09.
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China’s Emerging superpower has become a key piece on the global information board in recent years. This study aims to delve into the Chinese media structure, paying special attention on the public television group China Central Television. From a diacritical perspective, one seeks to understand the crossroads underlying it; a descriptive methodological approach focused on content analysis will take an in-depth look at how the media and the administration that control them will be controlled. In 2018, the Chinese government carried out a “State institutional reform plan and the Deepening Party” whose main objective is based on improving public opinion about China on a global scale. Therefore, the transnational media conglomerate China Media Group was created. It has segmented and currently controls three Chinese media giants: on a television level, with China Central Television (CCTV) and radio with China National Radio and China Radio International. Using a historiographic methodology and the implementation of a descriptive methodological approach we will deepen into the following objectives. First, we seek to glimpse the way Chinese media organization is. It is then when we intended to know the way of control carried out by the government related to information and media and will eventually address the thematic content of Chinese public television (CCTV). The Chinese government’s desire for expansion around the world is particularly important, which aims to export Chinese singularities and thus to become a counterpoint to the single control currently exercise by the United States globally. Communication is a key point for China in this expansion.
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Herring, Lara. "China’s Cinema Watchdogs on the World Wide Web." Networking Knowledge: Journal of the MeCCSA Postgraduate Network 11, no. 2 (December 11, 2018): 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31165/nk.2018.112.532.
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Online communities play an important role in the development of the Chinese film industry in several significant ways. Taking social media as its focus, this article explores three areas of influence; promoting transparency, critiquing and policing. In China, the leaking of private industry documents, such as employment contracts and memos including information about incentives put forth by the State, are shared on social media with the intention of helping to ensure the opacity and integrity of the industry. Furthermore, where State-run media channels in China are heavily censored, film critiques are made possible through less-restricted social media sites such as Douban. Finally, this paper explores the role that users of social media play in policing distributors and cinema chains who are accused of committing box office fraud when Chinese film industry personnel and cinemagoers use social media to call out malfeasance. Thus, this paper contributes to existing research interested in State intervention in the Chinese cinema industry and the consequences of that intervention.
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SHUANG, Wu. "The influence of geopolitical factors on the internationalization strategies of Chinese State-owned oil and gas companies." Economic Analysis: Theory and Practice 22, no. 2 (February 28, 2023): 335–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/ea.22.2.335.
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Subject. The article addresses strategies of internationalization of Chinese State-owned oil and gas companies. Objectives. The purpose is to investigate the influence of geopolitical factors on the internationalization strategies of Chinese State-owned oil and gas companies. Methods. The study rests on general scientific research methods. Results. The study revealed that Chinese State-owned oil and gas companies are actively expanding in various macro-regions of the world. This enables China to provide its dynamically growing economy with energy resources, diversify risks, reduce dependence on individual countries and, as a result, increase the country's energy security. The internationalization strategy implemented at the State level in the oil and gas sector meets the modern geopolitical realities, which for China are characterized primarily by the tough opposition of the United States in the international arena. This struggle is going on using various economic, political, social and information tools. Conclusions. The geopolitical confrontation forces China to develop and implement comprehensive strategies for international expansion, concentrate significant resources on the most important areas, make efforts to establish long-term partnerships with foreign countries in various regions of the world. In this confrontation, the current political and economic model in China, in which control over strategic energy assets is in the hands of the State, plays an important role.
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Kehoe, Séagh. "Regimes of temporality: China, Tibet and the politics of time in the post-2008 era." Media, Culture & Society 42, no. 7-8 (March 18, 2020): 1133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443720907535.
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While the politics of time are an important dimension of Chinese state discourse about Tibet, it remains insufficiently explored in theoretical and practical terms. This article examines the written and visual discourses of Tibetan temporality across Chinese state media in the post-2008 era. It analyses how these media discourses attempt to construct a ‘regime of temporality’ in order to manage public opinion about Tibet and consolidate Chinese rule over the region. While the expansion of online technologies has allowed the state to consolidate its discourses about Tibet’s place within the People’s Republic of China (PRC), they have also provided Tibetans a limited but valuable space to challenge these official representations through counter readings of Tibet’s past, present and future. In doing so, this article contributes new insights on the production of state power over Tibet, online media practices in China, and the disruptive potential of social media as sites of Tibetan counter discourses.
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Цянь, С. "Chinese media in the era of globalization." Management of Education, no. 11(57) (December 1, 2022): 122–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25726/a2755-9766-6511-u.
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Сегодня в Китае между государством и мирровым сообществом ведется ежедневная борьба за то, чтобы максимально снизить количество фейков. Это соревнование отражает и представляет собой центральное противоречие в китайской политике между потребностями быстро модернизирующейся экономики и плюрализирующегося общества, с одной стороны, и желанием государства поддерживать абсолютную социальное равновесие, с другой стороны. В статье оценивается общая сила и эффективность системы медиа пропаганды сегодня, учитывая сличение внешних факторов на средства массовой информации в Китае. В таких сообщениях не упоминаются аспекты политической системы Китая и быстрого экономического развития. Как и другие страны, Китай признал ценность социальных сетей для усиления обмена сообщениями и укрепления социальной справедливости. Но беспрепятственный доступ к западным социальным сетям дал Пекину преимущество в глобальной борьбе за снижение количества фейков и позволил обеспечить нормальное развитие информационного поля внутри страны. Министерство иностранных дел Китая заявляет, что Китай использует социальные сети так же, как это делают другие страны, с целью углубления дружественных связей и содействия коммуникации, основанной на фактах. Today in China, there is a daily struggle between the state and the world community to minimize the number of fakes. This competition reflects and represents the central contradiction in Chinese politics between the needs of a rapidly modernizing economy and a pluralizing society, on the one hand, and the desire of the state to maintain absolute social balance, on the other hand. The article assesses the overall strength and effectiveness of the media propaganda system today, taking into account the comparison of external factors on the media in China. Such reports do not mention aspects of China's political system and rapid economic development. Like other countries, China has recognized the value of social media to enhance messaging and strengthen social justice. But unhindered access to Western social networks gave Beijing an advantage in the global struggle to reduce the number of fakes and allowed for the normal development of the information field within the country. The Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs says that China uses social media in the same way as other countries do in order to deepen friendly ties and promote fact-based communication.
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Zhang, Hongzhong, Juana Du, and Rui Wang. "Media credibility." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 29, no. 2 (August 6, 2019): 188–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.00030.zha.
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Abstract Media credibility, as a construct that has been mainly developed in the western context, hasn’t been examined thoroughly and tested in Asia cultural and social context. This research discusses and verifies media credibility as a multi-dimensional construct, with the support of empirical data. It discusses the impact of privately-owned news websites, e.g. Sina, on state-owned television stations, e.g. CCTV, with a focus on media credibility in the context of China. The data supports that media credibility includes both professional and political dimensions. The dimension of political orientation is a unique one developed directly in the context of China with empirical data support. This paper also explores contributing factors that impact media credibility in the Chinese context, and finds positive impact of privately-owned website use on media credibility of state-owned television.
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Sun, Wenting. "Division of Chinese opinion on Russia-Ukraine War: Analyzing Key Actors’ Strategic Framing on Weibo." European Journal of Law and Political Science 1, no. 5 (December 14, 2022): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejpolitics.2022.1.5.45.
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Is strategic framing in authoritarian regimes fully under the control of the government? How could opinions on the Russia-Ukraine war of Chinese key actors differentiate from each other? Based on strategic framing theory, we use Structural Topic Models (STM) and a computational corpus-based approach to conducting a discourse analysis of 576 blogs produced by Chinese media outlets and opinion leaders on Weibo, the most popular social media platform in China. We argue that the strategic framing of private media is internally linked and influenced by state media in terms of topic distribution, topic trending, and position. However, the neutral position of the state is designedly to give space for private media to challenge the dominant frame of the state, which reflects an actively weakening control over the media ecosystem in China.
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Li, Meng. "Staging a social drama: Ritualized framing of the spring festival homecoming in Chinese state media." Journalism 19, no. 9-10 (April 21, 2017): 1417–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884917704090.
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The transformation of Chinese media from the propaganda organ of the Party-state to its central means of hegemony has given rise to typified news practices that vary in formality but cohere in functionality. Integrating theories of media ritual and framing, this study explores how Chinese state media ritualistically manufacture a public consensus on the interpretation of the annual Spring Festival homecoming, a chronic social problem that exposes socioeconomic inequalities and policy deficiencies. An analysis of the 2014 homecoming coverage on China Central Television (CCTV) reveals that state media create and popularize a state-sponsored social drama, reducing a complex, multifaceted social problem to a one-dimensional transportation crisis. This media ritual, in accordance with both the state’s mandate to maintain social stability and the media’s logic of commercial success, contains alternative interpretations and obscures the important social concerns encapsulated in this issue.
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Watanabe, Nicholas M., Tie Nie, and Grace Yan. "Evolution of Sport-Broadcast Commentary: The Case of China." International Journal of Sport Communication 6, no. 3 (September 2013): 288–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ijsc.6.3.288.
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The Olympic Games are one of the most popular global televised sporting events. In the greater body of sport communication literature, a great deal of focus has been placed on examining sport media from the West. This article considers the unique and specific case of Chinese Olympic broadcast commentary televised by state media. In this, an evolutionary process of sport media can be seen in the analysis of several themes: nationalism and identity, heroes and failure, collectivism and individualism, and the portrayal of female athletes. In considering the dynamic changes that have come about in the past 3 decades of Chinese commentary, it is evident that many themes in Chinese sport media have become reflective of those found in Western sport media. While Chinese sport media have similarities to Western sport media, it is important to note that Chinese sport media are unique. Results of this work can help provide richer understanding of sport media and consumers in China.
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Zheng, Shuyuan. "The Communication Power of Chinese Novel Coronavirus Pneumonia (COVID-19) News Reports in Light of the Framing Theory." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 10, no. 11 (November 1, 2020): 1467. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1011.18.
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This paper attempts to use the Framing Theory and the Conceptual Metaphor Theory to explain the surface frames and deep frames often used by Chinese state media in face of the COVID-19. It discusses how the official discourse achieves its purpose of inspiring based on the audience emotion , and enables the audience to be more determined and courageous to overcome the epidemic, which best displays the communication power news reports with regard to COVID-19. It is found that Chinese official media mainly use metaphorical frames such as WAR, COMPETITION, and BARRIERS, and non-metaphorical frames such as SOLIDARITY, CONFIDENCE, and VICTORY. News reports of Chinese state media fully highlights the unity of the Chinese people in fighting against the epidemic, which helps persuade the audience to understand and trust the Chinese government and to become more determined and courageous in the battle.
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Zhaukeyeva, Nazerke, and Indira Rystina. "MASS MEDIA AS A TOOL OF THE PRC'S "SOFT POWER" POLICY." Qogam jane Dauir 71, no. 3 (September 15, 2021): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.52536/2788-5860.2021-3.02.
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The article reflects the peculiarities of the application of the theory of "soft power" of the People's Republic of China through the mass media in state policy. In addition, the origin of this theory, the definition of the concept of "soft power" by Chinese researchers, adapted to Chinese society and culture, is given. This theory has gained particular popularity in the country, because it has found harmony with the worldview of the Chinese nation. Modern Chinese media, which, relying on new technologies, are the main tool for implementing this policy, successfully solve their main tasks. In particular, many major Chinese media content is published in English, their presence on the global Internet is increasing, and the scale of distribution is expanding. It is known that in order to spread Chinese culture on a global scale, deepen its acceptance, express a positive attitude to socio-economic modernization and political decisions of the People's Republic of China, the state uses innovative communication methods and actively spreads the Chinese "tone" in the international arena. The Chinese media come to the conclusion that they are effectively pursuing a policy of "soft power", spreading the values and culture of China around the world and thereby forming a positive image of the country. However, it is impossible to come to an unambiguous conclusion that China's soft power is being successfully implemented. After all, within the framework of the US-Chinese confrontation and the "belt and road", the activities of the Chinese media are severely criticized.
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Lin, Jian. "Be creative for the state: Creative workers in Chinese state-owned cultural enterprises." International Journal of Cultural Studies 22, no. 1 (January 9, 2018): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367877917750670.
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This article studies creative labour in Chinese state-owned cultural enterprises (SOCEs). Based on the empirical analysis of fieldwork data, it analyses the governmentality of creative labour in Chinese SOCEs through an investigation of the condition of autonomy and the discourse of self-realization within selected Chinese media companies. The autonomy of creative work within the system is made contingent by the party state’s ideological concern, while since the commercialization reform of SOCEs, creative workers are also expected to ‘be creative for the state’ under the discourse of self-realization. In practice, as the case of loafing on the job illustrates, the system causes marked contradictions that furnish creative individuals with possibilities to distance themselves from the expected subjectivity of ‘being creative for the state’. This article offers an exemplary case study of how the governance of creativity and creative labour works in Chinese SOCEs, and of how it distinguishes itself from the creativity dispositif in the West. It suggests that the theorization of creative labour needs to go beyond the western neoliberal perspective and take into account the diversity of socio-political contexts across the world.
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Chen, Hongbing, and Xinghua Wang. "An Exploring Study on Chinese Sports Law System in Digital Economy." Technium Social Sciences Journal 38 (December 9, 2022): 185–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v38i1.7918.
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China uses digital, intelligent, and networked technology as the foundation for the development of sports at this stage of the global digital economy's rapid expansion. Sports laws support digital applications and guide the direction of sports development. This paper organizes one sports law, one sports law soon to be in force, seven administrative policies, 26 State Council documents, 31 sports departmental policies, 165 normative documents, and 110 sports institutional documents of the General Administration of Sports in China that are currently in effect as of June 30, 2022. Reviewing the existing literature shows that China's digital economy-related sports legislation needs to be revised, sports policies and normative documents replace laws, relevant content is advocacy-oriented, the sports legislative system needs to be completed, and the extensive and complex sports legislative needs cannot be met.
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Nie, Yuxi. "Discourse Analysis of Xinhua News Agency’s Social Media Content: A Review of Xinhua’s Reporting Perspectives of China’s Belt and Road Initiative." International Journal of Languages, Literature and Linguistics 9, no. 3 (June 2023): 176–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.18178/ijlll.2023.9.3.400.
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The use of digital media has gone through a major transition in China in the last decade. To study how China’s major official media outlet, Xinhua News Agency, interacts with social media, this paper examines the measures Xinhua has taken to promote the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) through digital channels. As an important part of the Chinese diplomacy, on the one hand, the Belt and Road Initiative shows Chinese leadership is calling for a proactive role in international relations; on the other hand, its establishment has caused contentions in the international media sphere. Based on Foucault’s approach on discourse, this paper examines the Chinese state media’s handling of the case on social media platforms Twitter and Sina Weibo in both the Chinese and English languages.
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Zavyalova, Natalya Alekseevna, Li Xinqi, Tao Mening, and V. V. Melnikova. "Chinese bestiary as a marker of the state of modern society." Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), no. 4 (March 23, 2022): 239–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2204-02.
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The authors show that the phenomenon of animals included in the Chinese horoscope attracts the attention of representatives of the scientific community and ordinary people around the world. Today, the animal symbols of the Chinese horoscope are in demand by the most extensive range of electronic information platforms and traditional media. A natural question arises: what is the secret of the bestiary's longevity and why is it so successfully integrated into the latest communication technologies? The authors respond to this question by revealing the features of Chinese culture. The material of the article may be useful for students and teachers studying Chinese culture.
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Yan, Li, and Lin Lidong. "The Chinese Media Framing of the 2015’s Tianjin Explosion." Jurnal ILMU KOMUNIKASI 14, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24002/jik.v14i1.1179.
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This study compares the framing’s patterns of the Chinese traditional media and social media in reporting the incident of Tianjin explosion in 2015. Applying frame-building and framesetting theory, this study explores the interplay between online opinions available on Weibo and the Chinese newspapers in different phases of the crisis event. Moreover, it examines the differences in framing the incident between the state-owned party media and the commercial media. The results reveal that various frames applied by different Chinese media in reporting the incident. A complex interplay between Weibo, the Communist-owned and the commercial happened, including framebuilding, frame-setting, and frame-interacting effects.
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Ye, Yong, Lei Huang, and Ming Li. "Negative media coverage, law environment and tunneling of controlling shareholder." China Finance Review International 5, no. 1 (February 16, 2015): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cfri-12-2013-0135.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyze the relationship among negative media coverage, law environment and tunneling of controlling shareholders. Design/methodology/approach – Under the Chinese especial institutional background, this paper empirically test the relationship among negative media coverage, law environment and tunneling of controlling shareholders with the sample of 2009-2011 Chinese listed companies. Findings – The empirical results demonstrate that negative media coverage can reduce tunneling of controlling shareholder, and compared with state-owned listed companies, negative media coverage have a greater effect on tunneling in non-state-owned listed companies; and negative media coverage have a greater effect on tunneling in areas with better law environment. Further study shows that the reduction of controlling shareholder’s behavior of tunneling can improve company performance, and the improvement is more significant in non-state-owned listed companies and areas with better law environment. The research results indicate that media coverage play a very active role on restraining stakeholder’s behavior and perfecting corporate governing. Originality/value – First, this paper will study of tunneling from the perspective of media coverage for the first time. Second, this paper further analyzes how the decrease of tunneling improves corporate performance following the research of how media coverage influence tunneling. Third, this study enrich literatures about the effects of media coverage on corporate governance in Chinese capital market.
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Wong, Jamie, Crystal Lee, Vesper Keyi Long, Di Wu, and Graham M. Jones. "“Let’s Go, Baby Forklift!”: Fandom Governance and the Political Power of Cuteness in China." Social Media + Society 7, no. 2 (April 2021): 205630512110249. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051211024960.
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This article describes how the Chinese state borrows from the culture of celebrity fandom to implement a novel strategy of governing that we term “fandom governance.” We illustrate how state-run social media employed fandom governance early in the COVID-19 pandemic when the country was convulsed with anxiety. As the state faced a crisis, state social media responded with a propagandistic display of state efficacy, broadcasting a round-the-clock livestream of a massive emergency hospital construction project. Chinese internet users playfully embellished imagery from the livestream. They unexpectedly transformed the construction vehicles into cute personified memes, with Baby Forklift and Baby Mud Barfer (a cement mixer) among the most popular. In turn, state social media strategically channeled this playful engagement in politically productive directions by resignifying the personified vehicles as celebrity idols. Combining social media studies with cultural and linguistic anthropology, we offer a processual account of the semiotic mediations involved in turning vehicles into memes, memes into idols, and citizens into fans. We show how, by embedding cute memes within modules of fandom management such as celebrity ranking lists, state social media rendered them artificially vulnerable to a fall in status. Fans, in turn, rallied around to “protect” these cute idols with small but significant acts of digital devotion and care, organizing themselves into fan circles and exhorting each other to vote. In elevating the memes to the status of celebrity idols, state social media thereby created a disposable pantheon of virtual avatars for the state, and consolidated state power around citizens’ voluntary response to vulnerability. We analyze fandom governance as a new development in the Chinese state’s long history of governing citizens through the management of emotion.
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Hou, Zhide. "A Corpus-Driven Analysis of Media Representations of the Chinese Dream." International Journal of English Linguistics 6, no. 1 (January 31, 2016): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v6n1p142.
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<p class="PACLICAbstracttext">The Chinese dream describing a set of ideals received numerous media reports after its proclamation by Chinese President Xi Jinping in November 2012. Making use of the rich source of media data, this article explores the ideology and ideals of the Chinese Dream represented in China’s state-run English-language newspapers. Modeled on the approach of corpus-driven discourse studies and combining the theoretical framework and methodological approaches of Critical Discourse Analysis and corpus linguistics, this study attempts to yield new insights into the media representations of the Chinese Dream. A corpus of the Chinese dream is analyzed using software Concgram (Greaves, 2009) by creating information on the frequency distribution regarding the most frequently occurring two-word/three-word concgrams, and related concordance lines. Findings shown Chinese President Xi’s speech on the Chinese Dream has strong control of ideological positions in media representations.</p><p class="PACLICAbstracttext"> </p>
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Brehm, Stefan. "Whose Vision Is It Anyway? The “Free Internet” in Chinese State Media." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 50, no. 1 (March 24, 2021): 12–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868102621998084.
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This study seeks to explain how Chinese state media bolster the use of visions in global internet governance. The empirical data for the article consist of 1,158 internet-related articles published in the Global Times between 2009 and 2018. I develop a theoretical perspective that distinguishes between grand and strategic narratives. Based on a mixed-methods approach, I show that “internet sovereignty” has qualified as a grand narrative since the second half of 2013. State media facilitate this shift with strategic narratives that push the content and context of “internet sovereignty” from domestic political rationales towards a matter of global affairs. The article contributes to theoretical and methodological advancement in textual analysis.
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Chen‡, Yang. "Negotiating fragmented women's news: state, market and feminism in contemporary Chinese media." Asian Journal of Communication 19, no. 1 (March 2009): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01292980802618510.
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Culpepper, Rucker. "Nationalist competition on the internet: Uyghur diaspora versus the Chinese state media." Asian Ethnicity 13, no. 2 (March 2012): 187–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2012.625711.
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Xu, Jie. "Trust in Chinese state media: The influence of education, Internet, and government." Journal of International Communication 19, no. 1 (April 2013): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2012.737816.
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Shaw, Gareth, and Xiaoling Zhang. "Cyberspace and gay rights in a digital China: Queer documentary filmmaking under state censorship." China Information 32, no. 2 (October 30, 2017): 270–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x17734134.
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Owing to China’s austere censorship regulations on film media, directors of films and documentaries engaging with lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender themes have struggled to bring their work to domestic attention. Working outside of the state-funded Chinese film industry has become necessary for these directors to commit their narratives to film, but without approval of China’s State Administration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film and Television, these artists have had little chance of achieving widespread domestic distribution of their work. However, advancements in new media technology and Web 2.0, ranging from digital video formats to Internet-based distribution via social media networks and video-hosting platforms, provide opportunities for Chinese audiences to access films and documentaries dealing with LGBT themes. This empirical study assesses how production, promotion and consumption of queer documentary films are influenced by the development of social media within Chinese cyberspace. Through close readings of microblogs from SinaWeibo, this study combines analysis of contemporary research with digital social rights activism to illustrate contemporary discourse regarding film-based LGBT representation in China. Finally, the study comments on the role that documentary filmmaking plays in China’s gay rights movement, and discusses the rewards (and challenges) associated with increased levels of visibility within society.
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Xu, Qingru, and Andrew C. Billings. "When Sports Challenge Authority: A Case Study of Gatekeeping During the 2017 Chinese Ping-Pong Boycott." International Journal of Sport Communication 11, no. 4 (December 1, 2018): 529–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ijsc.2018-0093.
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At the World Tour Platinum China Open in 2017, 3 leading Chinese table tennis players and two coaches withdrew from the Games to protest the sudden removal of Head Coach Liu Guoliang, triggering unprecedented public uproar online. Applying gatekeeping theory, this study explored how mainland Chinese media controlled information flow during the crisis. A thematic analysis uncovered 3 primary gatekeeping behaviors: repetition, selection, and manipulation. Findings suggest that the party-state, not media institutions, was the dominant gatekeeper in mainland China. The Chinese media system and sports system were both subject to strict government control during a crisis that challenged authority.
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Hanley, Hans W. A., Deepak Kumar, and Zakir Durumeric. ""A Special Operation": A Quantitative Approach to Dissecting and Comparing Different Media Ecosystems’ Coverage of the Russo-Ukrainian War." Proceedings of the International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media 17 (June 2, 2023): 339–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/icwsm.v17i1.22150.
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The coverage of the Russian invasion of Ukraine has varied widely between Western, Russian, and Chinese media ecosystems with propaganda, disinformation, and narrative spins present in all three. By utilizing the normalized pointwise mutual information metric, differential sentiment analysis, word2vec models, and partially labeled Dirichlet allocation, we present a quantitative analysis of the differences in coverage amongst these three news ecosystems. We find that while the Western press outlets have focused on the military and humanitarian aspects of the war, Russian media have focused on the purported justifications for the “special military operation” such as the presence in Ukraine of “bio-weapons” and “neo-nazis”, and Chinese news media have concentrated on the conflict’s diplomatic and economic consequences. Detecting the presence of several Russian disinformation narratives in the articles of several Chinese media outlets, we finally measure the degree to which Russian media has influenced Chinese coverage across Chinese outlets’ news articles, Weibo accounts, and Twitter accounts. Our analysis indicates that since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Chinese state media outlets have increasingly cited Russian outlets as news sources and spread Russian disinformation narratives.
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Permono, Prakoso. "COVID-19: INSIDE INDONESIA’S ISLAMIC STATE SOCIAL MEDIA NETWORK." Masyarakat Indonesia 46, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 138–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jmi.v46i2.903.
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ISIS affiliates in Indonesia have been involved actively in social media particularly during the Covid-19 pandemic. This article is trying to explore and analyze Islamic State affiliates daily narrative in their social media network based on digital ethnography conducted between March to July 2020 following the Covid-19 outbreak. The ethnography focuses on four ISIS affiliate’s Telegram channel and group. We found that ISIS affiliates in Indonesia as a rational actor have been capitalizing opportunities brought by Covid-19 and vulnerabilities in Indonesia’s society to strengthen radicalization and grassroots support from broader Muslim communities. This research also finds more advanced and personalized anti-government and anti-Chinese rhetoric being emphasized by Islamic State affiliates in Indonesia during the pandemic and concludes that behind Indonesian ISIS narratives during the Covid-19 pandemic emerges a clandestine imminent threat to the society.
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Xu, Qingru, and Peggy J. Kreshel. "State Versus Professional: A Case Study of How Chinese New Media Construct Elite Female Athletes." International Journal of Sport Communication 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ijsc.2020-0264.
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In this case study, the authors examined media representations of two Chinese female athletes—state athlete Ding Ning and professional athlete Li Na—in China, a nation undergoing social transformation and a sport-reform initiative. Analyzing stories from two Chinese web portals (i.e., Sina and Tencent), the authors analyzed how (a) gender, (b) nationalism, and (c) the individualism–collectivism continuum entered into media representations of these two female athletes. Notable differences emerged in all three conceptual areas. A fourth theme, which the authors have identified as the commercialized athlete, also emerged. Possible explanations and implications are discussed.
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Liu, Baodong, Porter Morgan, and Dimitri Kokoromytis. "Nation-State Contexts and Authoritarian Value Changes of Ethnic Chinese." ATHENS JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES 9, no. 1 (November 12, 2021): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajss.9-1-2.
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The recent global populist wave has reignited interest in how authoritarianism gains momentum in different nation-state contexts. A central question remains: under which conditions do individuals abandon or embrace authoritarian values? In the context of ethnic Chinese, this paper argues that Confucianism still plays a pivotal role in shaping attitudes and values. Specifically, it asserts that the Confucian value of meritocracy maintains importance in the ethnic Chinese value system. The study utilized the Chinese social media platform WeChat to deploy a four-question, snowball sample survey of 1,763 ethnic Chinese in seven regions from around the globe to evaluate their levels of authoritarianism. It tested six hypotheses derived from previous theories concerning assimilation, individual/ family resources, group competition, communist influence, and generational gap. The empirical results, however, provide the strongest support for the theory of meritocratic and conditional authoritarianism, which suggests that ethnic Chinese around the world will become more authoritarian when they perceive a threat to their status quo and will become less authoritarian when they perceive threats to their upward mobility. Keywords: ethnic Chinese, authoritarianism, political culture, immigration, meritocracy
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Nip, Joyce. "A Meta-Review of Chinese Media Studies, 1998–2008." Media International Australia 138, no. 1 (February 2011): 112–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1113800113.
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This article aims to provide the first comprehensive meta-review of Chinese media studies in an international academic journal. It situates the state of the field against the historical context of institutional development and the flow of ideas related to the study of media in China. Content analysis was conducted on 147 articles in 52 top academic journals between 1998 and 2008. Results show that research on Chinese media has increasingly drawn interest beyond ethnic Chinese researchers, with a rising proportion of articles published by non-ethnic Chinese, and growing collaboration between non-ethnic and ethnic Chinese researchers. The industries and genres have broadened, but journalism remains the most studied industry – as it has been since media studies started in China. The internet has become the most researched medium. Partly due to the influence of mass communication research in the United States, the media message has become the most popular subject of study. Qualitative methods have been used more often than quantitative ones, but an increase in quantitative methods is expected among scholars in Mainland China, as positivist hypothesis-testing methods gain wide acceptance there.
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Wang, Chen, Yuanlin Hu, Jianhua Zhang, and Chenglin Miao. "CEO Media Exposure and Green Technological Innovation Decision: Evidence from Chinese Polluting Firms." Mathematical Problems in Engineering 2020 (October 1, 2020): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2020/8271621.
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The upper echelons theory is utilized to establish how CEO’s attributes affect firm’s technological innovation decisions. The extant literature has largely ignored the impacts of CEO media exposure. An unbalanced panel data analysis is used to examine the effects of CEO media exposure on Chinese polluting firm’s green technological innovation. It is illustrated that CEO media exposure generally enhances Chinese polluting firms’ green technological innovation decisions. In addition, we find that firms with state ownership and environmental regulations all moderate positively the relationship between CEO media exposure and green technological innovation. The research suggests that CEO media exposure appears to be a stimulus to firm’s green technological innovation decisions.
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Widodo, Risma Aprilia, Anggraeni Anggraeni, Lispridona Diner, and Dian Yuni Pamuji. "Development of Monopoly Media in Zhongguo Lvyou Course, Mandarin Language Education Study Program, Semarang State University." Longda Xiaokan: Journal of Mandarin Learning and Teaching 6, no. 1 (June 27, 2023): 28–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/longdaxiaokan.v6i1.46077.
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The course is a course that aims to increase knowledge about tourist attractions in China. Learning activities for the course use learning media such as powerpoint presentations and textbook summaries, it is known that this does not attract students interest in learning. Based on this, the researcher decided to develop learning media, especially monopoly game learning media in the course so that it attracts more students' interest in learning activities. The aims of this study were (1) to describe the needs of lecturers and students for Monopoly game learning media in the course of the Chinese Language Education Study Program, Semarang State University. (2) Describe the procedure for developing Monopoly game media in the course, Mandarin Language Education Study Program, Semarang State University. (3) Describe the results of expert validation of the Monopoly game media in the course of the Chinese Language Education Study Program, Semarang State University. The research method used is the R and D (Research and Development) research method, namely through 5 stages: (1) Potential Problems, (2) Data Collection, (3) Product Design, (4) Design Validation (5) Design Revision. The results of the validation by material experts showed that the monopoly game learning media in the course of the Semarang State University Mandarin Education Study Program received an overall average score of 86.9, which means that the media is very suitable for use in learning. The results of validation by media experts showed that the monopoly game learning media in the course of the Semarang State University Mandarin Education Study Program received a score of 85.1, which means that the media is suitable for use in learning.
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Billings, Andrew, Qingru Xu, and Mingming Xu. "Two Sides of the Chinese Sports Media Story: Contrasting State-Owned and Commercially Sponsored Chinese Websites by Nation and Sex of Athlete." Communication & Sport 7, no. 2 (March 11, 2018): 244–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2167479518759749.
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This study content analyzed news coverage of two state-owned and two commercially sponsored Chinese sports websites over a 14-day period, focusing on issues of nationality and biological sex. Examining 3,417 news stories and 2,327 news images, this study found that the online sports coverage on state and commercial media can be largely divergent, with the former prioritizing party-state ideology and the latter pursuing commercial profits. Compared to the state websites, the commercial websites tended to provide foreign athletes or teams more coverage, whereas the sexualization of women athletes on commercial websites was significant, yet virtually nonexistent on state websites.
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Hu, Yue, and Zijie Shao. "What Drives Chinese Internet Users to Watch State-Media Broadcasts? An Audience Analysis." Journal of Chinese Political Science 27, no. 1 (October 6, 2021): 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11366-021-09756-1.
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Yang, Hai, and Stephan Keukeleire. "Rhetorical Legitimation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank: Evidence from Chinese State Media." Journal of Contemporary China 28, no. 120 (March 21, 2019): 932–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2019.1594105.
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Liu, Lin, and Wenjun Jiang. "Study On The Graphic Structure And The Communication Ways Of Chinese Characters In The Light Of New Media." E3S Web of Conferences 236 (2021): 05064. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202123605064.
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Objective The new media has promoted the presentation of three-dimensional dynamic Chinese character images on the screen, with temporal and spacial, virtual and interactive characteristics. Therefore, this article aims to study the influence of new media art on the graphic structure and the communication ways of Chinese characters. Method Through the Exploration of the graphic structure of Chinese character and screen, visual representations of the character image and communication ways of the image, this article makes it clear that the character image supported by the new media technology is expanded from two-dimensional to three-dimensional mode, from static to dynamic state. Conclusions There appears more and more three-dimensional character image design which is presented with the new media. For example, animation and hypertext technology add the concept of motion to Chinese character, which means characters are designed in a dynamic way, getting rid of the traditional static subtitle presentation and bringing character design unprecedented opportunities and challenges.
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Liebman, Benjamin L. "The Media and the Courts: Towards Competitive Supervision?" China Quarterly 208 (December 2011): 833–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741011001020.
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AbstractScholarship on Chinese governance has examined a range of factors that help to explain the resilience of authoritarianism. One understudied aspect of regime resilience and institutionalization has been the growing importance of supervision by a range of party-state entities. Examining court–media relations in China demonstrates that “competitive supervision” is an increasingly important tool for increasing state responsiveness and improving accountability. Court–media relations suggest that China is seeking to develop novel forms of horizontal accountability. Placing such relations in a broader institutional context also helps to explain why common paradigms used to analyse them may be inapplicable in China.
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Budhwani, Henna, and Ruoyan Sun. "Creating COVID-19 Stigma by Referencing the Novel Coronavirus as the “Chinese virus” on Twitter: Quantitative Analysis of Social Media Data." Journal of Medical Internet Research 22, no. 5 (May 6, 2020): e19301. http://dx.doi.org/10.2196/19301.
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Background Stigma is the deleterious, structural force that devalues members of groups that hold undesirable characteristics. Since stigma is created and reinforced by society—through in-person and online social interactions—referencing the novel coronavirus as the “Chinese virus” or “China virus” has the potential to create and perpetuate stigma. Objective The aim of this study was to assess if there was an increase in the prevalence and frequency of the phrases “Chinese virus” and “China virus” on Twitter after the March 16, 2020, US presidential reference of this term. Methods Using the Sysomos software (Sysomos, Inc), we extracted tweets from the United States using a list of keywords that were derivatives of “Chinese virus.” We compared tweets at the national and state levels posted between March 9 and March 15 (preperiod) with those posted between March 19 and March 25 (postperiod). We used Stata 16 (StataCorp) for quantitative analysis, and Python (Python Software Foundation) to plot a state-level heat map. Results A total of 16,535 “Chinese virus” or “China virus” tweets were identified in the preperiod, and 177,327 tweets were identified in the postperiod, illustrating a nearly ten-fold increase at the national level. All 50 states witnessed an increase in the number of tweets exclusively mentioning “Chinese virus” or “China virus” instead of coronavirus disease (COVID-19) or coronavirus. On average, 0.38 tweets referencing “Chinese virus” or “China virus” were posted per 10,000 people at the state level in the preperiod, and 4.08 of these stigmatizing tweets were posted in the postperiod, also indicating a ten-fold increase. The 5 states with the highest number of postperiod “Chinese virus” tweets were Pennsylvania (n=5249), New York (n=11,754), Florida (n=13,070), Texas (n=14,861), and California (n=19,442). Adjusting for population size, the 5 states with the highest prevalence of postperiod “Chinese virus” tweets were Arizona (5.85), New York (6.04), Florida (6.09), Nevada (7.72), and Wyoming (8.76). The 5 states with the largest increase in pre- to postperiod “Chinese virus” tweets were Kansas (n=697/58, 1202%), South Dakota (n=185/15, 1233%), Mississippi (n=749/54, 1387%), New Hampshire (n=582/41, 1420%), and Idaho (n=670/46, 1457%). Conclusions The rise in tweets referencing “Chinese virus” or “China virus,” along with the content of these tweets, indicate that knowledge translation may be occurring online and COVID-19 stigma is likely being perpetuated on Twitter.
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Ji, Yang, Erhua Zhou, and Wenbo Guo. "Can the media breed CEO overconfidence? A sociocognitive perspective in the Chinese context." Cross Cultural & Strategic Management 28, no. 4 (June 17, 2021): 705–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ccsm-04-2020-0093.
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PurposeAnchored in the role of a social arbiter, the purpose of this study is to examine whether and how media coverage has an impact on CEO overconfidence and further explore how media ownership and Confucianism affect the relationship in the Chinese context.Design/methodology/approachUsing a sample of 1,492 Chinese listed companies from 2010 to 2015, the study adopts random effects models to empirically analyze the effect of media coverage on CEO overconfidence and the roles of media ownership and Confucianism.FindingsThe paper finds that media coverage is significantly and positively associated with CEO overconfidence, and the positive relationship between media coverage and CEO overconfidence becomes stronger for state-controlled media. What is more, the influence of media coverage on CEO overconfidence is attenuated for those firms located in stronger Confucianism atmosphere. A further analysis reveals that different tenors of media coverage yield asymmetric effects.Originality/valueThe paper provides a new and solid support for the argument that media praise stimulates CEO overconfidence and increases the knowledge about under what conditions CEO overconfidence varies, broadly speaking which fosters the development of upper echelons theory (UET). Meanwhile, the results extend the literature on media effect and information processing. The findings are also beneficial to improve corporate decisions and government regulation on Chinese media systems.
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Xin, Xin. "Financialisation of news in China in the age of the Internet: the case of Xinhuanet." Media, Culture & Society 40, no. 7 (December 7, 2017): 1039–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443717745121.
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This article discusses the recent development of Xinhuanet.com , a news website launched by Xinhua News Agency, one of China’s key central state-owned news organisations. Xinhuanet Co. Ltd, the business entity running the website, went public in October 2016 in Shanghai. This marked the first step in the state news agency’s financialisation. Two main questions are addressed. First, what were the main driving forces behind Xinhuanet’s transformation from a governmental cultural organisation to a publicly traded enterprise, the majority shareholder of which remains Xinhua? Second, how should the nature of this transformation be understood, in relation to Xinhua’s wider marketisation process and that of the Chinese media sector as a whole? The article argues that Xinhua’s financialisation via Xinhuanet is best understood as part of a state-administrated initiative in accord with Xinhua’s own business ambitions. The financialisation of news by state players such as Xinhuanet does not alter the underlying ownership structure of Chinese news media, which remain ultimately state-controlled.
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Inwood, Heather. "Multimedia Quake Poetry: Convergence Culture after the Sichuan Earthquake." China Quarterly 208 (December 2011): 932–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574101100107x.
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AbstractThis article examines a wave of Chinese poetry sparked by the 2008 Sichuan earthquake. “Quake Poetry” was published online before being re-circulated through digital, print and live media. Multimedia adaptations of one poem are examined to investigate the relationship between the authors of Quake Poetry, the different media platforms, and the people and institutions involved in its proliferation. Media convergence enabled Quake Poetry to fulfil several functions in the aftermath of the earthquake. Most prominently, it served as an emotional outlet for those affected by the quake, while giving its netizen-producers a sense of creative agency as they engaged in participatory cultural production. Members of the contemporary poetry scene cited Quake Poetry as evidence of poetry's ongoing hold over the Chinese national consciousness. Finally, certain poems were appropriated and promoted by China's state-controlled media to propagate a politically expedient image of Chinese unity in the face of tragedy.
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Stockmann, Daniela. "Who Believes Propaganda? Media Effects during the Anti-Japanese Protests in Beijing." China Quarterly 202 (June 2010): 269–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741010000238.
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AbstractThe Chinese media have undergone commercial liberalization during the reform era. Interviews with media practitioners reveal that media reform has brought about three different types of newspapers that differ with respect to their degree of commercial liberalization. Based on a natural experiment during the anti-Japanese protests in Beijing in 2005, this article shows that urban residents found more strongly commercialized newspapers more persuasive than less commercialized newspapers. Provided that the state can enforce press restrictions when needed, commercial liberalization promotes the ability of the state to influence public opinion through the means of the news media.
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Sullivan, Jonathan, and Jing Cheng. "Contextualising Chinese Migration to Africa." Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, no. 8 (May 31, 2018): 1173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618776443.
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Who are ‘the Chinese’ in Africa? Why are they there? As China’s engagement with African countries intensifies, and the size of the Chinese population in Africa increases, these questions have elicited substantial attention. Many attempts to provide answers, especially in the media and popular publications, are problematically based on uninformed stereotypes and undifferentiated notions of ‘the Chinese’, by implication a homogeneous group lacking contextualisation. Seeking to address such characterisations, this paper uses the digital communications of present and prospective Chinese migrants to provide a more nuanced picture of the motivations, preoccupations and migration experiences of private entrepreneurs and state-owned enterprise workers.
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Costa-Ribeiro, Nelson, and José-Manuel Simões. "The Political and Economic Dependence of the Press in Macao under Portuguese and Chinese Rule: Continuity and Change." Communication & Society 34, no. 1 (January 12, 2021): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/003.34.1.29-40.
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The article analyses the media system in Macao, a special administrative region of China that transitioned from Portuguese to Chinese sovereignty in 1999, becoming one of cities in the world with the largest number of published newspapers per capita. Combining historical research with the analysis of contemporary empirical data collected through interviews with journalists working on the ground, the research demonstrates how there is a long tradition of state control that goes back to the colonial era and that has assumed different forms, ranging from outright censorship to physical intimidation of journalists and economic dependence on the government. Limitations and control strategies imposed on news reporting during the Portuguese administration continue to be practiced today by the Chinese authorities. Even so, journalists operating on the Macao media market tend to overstate the level of freedom they are given, which can be attributed to media outlets being economically dependent on the state. Nevertheless, the level of freedom attributed to the press is today higher than it had been during the colonial period with some critical voices being allowed to reach the media. This needs to be understood in the context of what has been defined as the Chinese safety valve strategy.
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Duan, Meiling. "Analysis of the Success Factors and Future Developments of Hunan TV International Channel." BCP Business & Management 29 (October 12, 2022): 65–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpbm.v29i.2176.
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The rapid development of Internet technology has spawned a number of new medias, also accelerated the pace of traditional television media transformations. Hunan TV International Channel is undoubtedly the leader of the successful transformation and will become the international mainstream media of cultural communication with Chinese characteristics. This essay will mention enterprise position, integrated, creativity, brands and human advantages to state the success factors of Hunan TV International Channel, from the aspects of strategic planning and products sensations, standing on the future altitude of Hunan TV International Channel, put forward constructive suggestions from the perspectives of strategic planning and organizational reconstructing.
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Zhu, Bokun. "The Evolution of the New Year's Gala Concert in Chinese Media." Litera, no. 9 (September 2022): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8698.2022.9.38682.
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In 2023, the world's largest broadcast by the number of viewers of China Central Television "New Year's Gala Concert", timed to coincide with the Spring Festival, will celebrate its 40th anniversary. Since its launch in 1983 The "New Year's Gala Concert" has undergone many changes reflecting the global transformations of Chinese media and Chinese society as a whole. The object of our research was chosen by the PRC television, and the subject was the "New Year's Gala Concert", on the example of the evolution of which we analyze the formation and development of modern Chinese media in the context of national and global media processes. The author's main contribution to the study of the chosen topic is a unique selection of key events defining the history of the "New Year's Gala Concert", on the basis of which the main stages of the modernization of Chinese television were determined: the Taiwanese pop wave, the "cultural thaw" and the crisis of censorship of the CPC in the mid-1980s; the advent of the era of advertisers and the rapid commercialization of Chinese media of the 90s-00s; strengthening the role of the state and the activation of ordinary viewers in the formation of a nationwide media campaign of the 2010s. The stages of the evolution of the "New Year's Gala Concert" highlighted in the article characterize the historical process of development not only of Chinese television, but of the whole country as a whole.