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1
Kazantsev, Artem. "The Taiwan Question and PRC Politics of Memory towards Japan." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 1 (2023): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120024221-4.
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This paper discusses the place of Taiwan in PRC’s foreign policy and politics of memory from the perspective of PRC’s raising pressure on Japan and the necessity to solve the Taiwan problem. The Taiwan issue is an important topic for the PRC. Taiwan is still perceived by the Chinese as a reminder of the unfinished civil war and a divided China. The issue of reunification became especially acute during the reign of Xi Jinping, when the need to return Taiwan "to its homeland" became one of the main tasks of the "Great Revival of the Chinese Nation". However, the leadership of Taiwan does not want to lose its de facto independence from the mainland. Besides, the unification of the island with China is not welcomed by other major powers in the region, in particular Japan. Moreover, deep economic, political and cultural interaction has been established between Taiwan and Japan. From the point of view of mainland China, Taiwan cannot have either economic or political independence. To achieve reunification with the island, the PRC resorts to memory politics. The paper analyzes the origins of the Taiwan issue, as well as the positions of the PRC, Japan and Taiwan. The features of the politics of memory of the PRC, which determine the use of memory politics as a foreign policy instrument in relation to Japan, are exposed and analyzed. It is concluded that PRC politics of memory towards Japan is characterized by frequent appeals to the events of the Sino-Japanese war (1931-1945) and the period of Japanese occupation of Taiwan. The PRC claims its right to return the island "to its homeland" as a result of victory in the war and points out that Japan has no moral right to intervene in this issue.
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Wong, Yiu Chung. "Independence or Reunification? The Evolving PRC–Taiwan Relations." Baltic Journal of European Studies 9, no. 2 (September 1, 2019): 98–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0016.
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AbstractThe article attempts to examine the relationship between Taiwan, a de facto political entity, and the People’s Republic of China (Mainland China) since 1949, the landmark year when the then ruling party KMT (The Nationalist Party) was defeated by the CCP (Chinese Communist Party) in the Mainland. Essentially, the narrative is focused on the government policies by the two respective political entities. The PRC pledged to unify Taiwan again and subsequently its unification policies are delineated. A two-stage schema is proposed for the analysis, albeit the second stage can be further divided into three phases. As for Taiwan, a five-stage categorization is proposed. Moreover, three sets of factors influencing the cross-Strait relations would be discussed, namely the power dynamics within the PRC, internal development inside Taiwan and the role of the USA. Finally, the implications of the coming of Trump era are outlined.
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Buscher, Frank M. "The U.S. High Commission and German Nationalism, 1949–52." Central European History 23, no. 1 (March 1990): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900021075.
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The recent revolutionary changes in Eastern Europe represent a mixed blessing for the United States and the western alliance as a whole. On the one hand, the West has had good reason to rejoice, witnessing the triumph of democracy and economic liberalism after more than forty years of Cold War tensions. On the other hand, the fall of the Eastern European communist governments in 1989, including that of the German Democratic Republic, once again brought the German question to the forefront. The Bush administration approached the issue of German reunification in a very cautious manner, insisting that a unified Germany guarantee the finality of its eastern borders and remain committed to the West. This caution clearly demonstrated the apprehension on the part of U.S. policy-makers that nationalism and the push for national unity might prove stronger than the German commitment to NATO and the western alliance.
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Zhihua, Shen. "Sino-Soviet Relations and the Origins of the Korean War: Stalin's Strategic Goals in the Far East." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 2 (May 2000): 44–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032309.
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After initially insisting on the peaceful reunification of Korea, Josif Stalin suddenly decided in early 1950 to give North Korean leader Kim Il Sung permission to invade South Korea. Documents from the Russian archives and materials published in China help explain this abrupt shift in Stalin's position. They show that Stalin carefully assessed the likely American reaction and mistakenly concluded that North Korean forces would quickly seize South Korea, giving the United States no opportunity to respond. The documents also reveal that Stalin's attitude toward Korea was strongly influenced by Sino-Soviet relations in 1949–1950, particularly his desire to maintain Soviet privileges on Chinese territory and his concern that Beijing would challenge Moscow's leadership of the international Communist movement. Stalin believed that a North Korean invasion of the South would greatly strengthen the Soviet Union's leverage vis-a-vis China.
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Liu, Xiaoyuan. "The Kuomintang and the ‘Mongolian Question’ in the Chinese Civil War, 1945–1949." Inner Asia 1, no. 2 (1999): 169–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/146481799793648059.
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AbstractThe essay is an historical investigation of the Chinese National Government’s policy toward Inner Mongolian nationalism during the postwar years. The study reveals that the seemingly marginal ‘Mongolian question’ was actually at the core of the KMT—CCP struggle for northern and northeastern China. Through examining the government’s rigid and Chinese-centric policies and its misconceptions about the conditions of postwar Inner Mongolia, the study contends that the KMT government’s blunders in the Inner Mongolian ethno-politics were among the reasons for its loss to the Chinese Communists in the civil war. The study is based on a solid research of archival as well as published materials.
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Vuong, Martina. "The Impact of the Anti-Chinese Páihuá Policy in Vietnam after Reunification: the Refugees’ Perspective." Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies 2, no. 1 (December 1, 2011): 149–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2011-0012.
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Abstract In 1978–1979 the news reporting on the Vietnamese boat people attracted attention from the whole world. Not only the media but also scientific researchers were interested in these mass refugees. However, this phenomenon has been detached from its context and perceived as a self-contained event on many occasions. Furthermore, most people were not aware of the fact that the main body of these refugees were ethnic Chinese, known as the Hoa. The study presented in this paper takes this as its starting point and focuses on the question of the motivations of the Hoa in leaving North Vietnam. It takes the historical, internal and foreign political context into consideration and identifies a political atmosphere extremely hostile to the ethnic Chinese.The páihuá policy drove them to leave behind what they had built up and led to the mass exodus of 1978–1979, but also gave the Hoa hope for a new and better life for themselves and especially for their future descendants outside of Vietnam.
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Afonasieva, Alina V. "On the Question of the Size and Location of the Chinese Diaspora in the World (1949 — present)." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 2 (2023): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120025331-5.
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The article is devoted to the issues of the size of the Chinese diaspora (overseas Chinese or huaqiao-huaren — Chinese emigrants with PRC citizenship and ethnic Chinese with foreign citizenship), its location in the world and the degree of its self-organization. These issues are quite complex. There is still no generally accepted methodology for studying them. Changes in the size and geographical location of the Chinese diaspora are shown in a historical perspective, with an emphasis on 1949 (the creation of the PRC), 1978 (the beginning of the policy of reform and opening-up in the PRC) and 2000-2021 (suppositive present stage). The author analyzes international, Chinese (PRC and Taiwan), American and Russian estimates of the size of the Chinese diaspora and determines the range of the number of huaqiao-huaren at the present stage at 50-80 million people. She identifies 189 countries and regions of residence of overseas Chinese (earlier, a figure of 150-160 countries and regions appeared in national and foreign literature), and creates two maps of the geographical location of the Chinese diaspora by countries and regions of the world. One of them shows the actual number of overseas Chinese, the other shows the share of huaqiao-huaren in the population of countries and regions of the world. The paper also touches upon the topic of overseas Chinese communities. It studies the statistical data of the PRC and Taiwan regarding the size and types of activities of these communities. It also gives a brief overview of the economic situation of the Chinese diaspora in host countries. The author concludes that the Chinese diaspora has a high degree of self-organization and developed economic ties with China.
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Viana, Venus. "THE POLICING OF A SOUTH CHINESE COUNTY, 1929–1949." International Journal of Asian Studies 12, no. 1 (January 2015): 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591414000217.
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In 1927, when the Nationalist Party under Chiang Kai-shek established a republic, they also established a list of urgent duties. One was to reform the government structure from top to bottom so as to show the rest of the world its capability to govern the country in a modern way. While big cities were the showplaces for modernization and state-building, down at the county level, Chiang Kai-shek proclaimed Zhongshan in Guangdong the “model county.” To maintain this honor and its benefits, the local authorities made special efforts to restructure the government; reforming and retraining the police force was one important aspect of this attempt. While it is commonly held today that in the 1930s and 1940s county governments in the Pearl River Delta had disintegrated and were dominated by “local bosses,” this article uses previously inaccessible local records to examine Zhongshan County government and reform to answer one particular question: whether Zhongshan was successful in forming a modern police force. It examines a number of problems related to inefficiency and ineffectiveness in government administration, but at the same time also discusses why many civilians were welcoming, rather than suspicious, of the police. The answers to these issues suggest that the overall structure and management of the Zhongshan government (and even social integration) was to some extent consolidated in this period.
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Crowe, David M. "The “Tibet question”: Tibetan, Chinese and Western perspectives." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 6 (November 2013): 1100–1135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.801946.
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The historical conflict between Tibet and China goes back almost a thousand years. Both sides use history to argue their point about the core issues in this dispute – Tibet's claim of independence and autonomy, and China's of suzerainty. This article looks at the historical roots of this conflict, particularly since 1949, when China began its gradual takeover of Tibet. Chinese policies toward Tibet, which have been driven by a desire to communize and sinicize Tibet, has been met by stiff resistance from the Tibetans, who see Han Chinese dominance as a force that will, over time, destroy Tibet's unique religion, language, culture, and history. This resistance has drawn the attention of the West, who see Chinese policies in Tibet as a symbol of the failings of Beijing's rulers to embrace a strong commitment to human rights at the same time that China is becoming a global economic power. The 14th Dalai Lama, a key figure in this conflict, and his government-in-exile have served as bridges to Western efforts to try to force Beijing to embrace more open, humane policies toward Tibetans throughout China. His retirement as political head of the exile government in 2011, coupled with China's growing economic and strategic power globally, raises serious questions about the willingness of the USA, and other democratic powers to risk their relationships with Beijing to continue to promote true human rights and autonomy throughout the Tibetan Plateau.
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Afonaseva, A. V. "On the Policy of Attracting the Intellectual Resources of the Chinese Diaspora to the PRC." Orientalistica 5, no. 4 (December 20, 2022): 867–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2022-5-4-867-881.
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The article analyzes the Chinese experience in attracting talented people from abroad. The author focuses on the question of how the foreign specialists' programs enabled the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to attract back mainly Chinese emigrants (华侨 huaqiao) as well as ethnic Chinese who held foreign passports (华人 huaren) rather than foreign nationals. The article offers historical background for the work of the PRC leaders who dealt with foreign Chinese specialists between 1949–1977. It also deals with the regulatory framework of the policy of attracting talented foreigners during the years of reform and opening up (from 1978 until the present). The author concludes: the legal framework, which underlied the policy of attracting talented people from abroad, in the first instance was oriented on huaqiao and huaren as opposed to foreign specialists of similar qualifications. Programs of attracting Chinese graduates of foreign universities to the PRC are also focused on huaqiao.
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Lancashire, Edel. "The Lock of the Heart Controversy in Taiwan, 1962–63: A Question of Artistic Freedom and a Writer's Social Responsibility." China Quarterly 103 (September 1985): 462–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100003071x.
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The early 1960s marked a period of intellectual and literary ferment in Taiwan. The East-West Controversy, which had its roots in the debate that took place in the middle of the last century regarding the continued validity of the Chinese tradition in the face of western military and economic superiority and in the controversy regarding westernization as the road to modernization in the 1930s, had broken out afresh. Creative writers, musicians and painters were experimenting with new forms and new techniques. As early as 1954 the writers of modern Chinese poetry had started the search for a more contemporary expression of their art form; and modern poetry societies, each with its own philosophy on how modernization should take place, had come into being. Writers of fiction who up till then had been almost exclusively concerned with the Sino-Japanese War; the mainland before the communist takeover in 1949, or the various aspects of the struggle against communism, were moving away from this kind of “propaganda-motivated writing” towards the production of “pure literature.” However, there were few modern Chinese creative writers of stature on whom either the poet or fiction writer could model himself. This was because of the ban imposed by the government in Taiwan on the works of writers prior to 1949 due to the association of many of them with communism or with ideologies unacceptable to the authorities. This meant that they had to seek for inspiration in the works of western writers which could be found in translation or in pirated versions of the original texts in the major cities of Taiwan. The traditionalists viewed this growing trend with alarm as did those writers who were closely associated with the Kuomintang. The latter had formed themselves during the early 1950s into three writers' associations, the China Association of Literature and Art, the Chinese Youth Writers' Association, and the Taiwan Women Writers' Association.
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SHEN, Mingxian. "“延續生命 擴大生命”——何懷宏教授〈預期壽命與生命之道〉讀後." International Journal of Chinese & Comparative Philosophy of Medicine 12, no. 2 (January 1, 2014): 69–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/ijccpm.121568.
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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract in English only.Professor He’s paper raises a very interesting question: how does life span relate to way of life? Moving beyond clichéd approaches to health preservation, Professor He innovatively attributes the longevity of Chinese philosophers in the 20th century to their special way of life, informed by traditional Chinese wisdom. In my paper, I use the life history of Shen Congwen to show how we can lead long and prosperous lives. Shen Congwen’s devotion to academic research, beginning in 1949, enabled him to maintain his integrity in later life despite his unfavorable political environment. I suggest that independent intellectual self-actualization played a significant role in the happy life enjoyed by Shen and the lives of many intellectuals like him.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 33 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.
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Belchenko, Andrey S., and Maya G. Novoselova. "The reaction of the Chinese Government to Soviet Diplomatic Efforts to Resolve the Taiwan Question, 1949-1985." RUDN Journal of Russian History 19, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 418–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2020-19-2-418-437.
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The article studies Beijing's reaction to the activities of Soviet diplomacy related to the Taiwan issue. The authors examine the dynamics of Sino-Soviet interaction in 1949-1985 within the context of this geopolitical problem. The article is based on historical sources (including proclama tions and speeches of Chinese and Soviet representatives at official meetings and within the framework of the General Assembly, as well as diplomatic correspondence) and on the Russian and foreign historiography. The paper covers the period of cooperation between Beijing and Moscow (1950s) and the time of high tension in bilateral relations (1960-1985). The PRC government's harsh criticism of Soviet diplomacy, together with its rigid position with regard to the establishment of official relations between the Soviet Union and Taiwan, lead to the conclusion that Beijing could have been deliberately delaying the solution of the issue, using the Taiwan question in its political interests. The authors make suggestions concerning what could have influenced such a position of Beijing towards the Taiwan issue. The real aims of Beijing concerning Taiwan were different from those that Beijing officially proclaimed.
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Nedopekina, Ekaterina M., and Ha Cong. "Seventy-Year History of Sino-Russian Relations through the Prism of Borrowed Vocabulary." RUDN Journal of Language Studies, Semiotics and Semantics 14, no. 1 (March 30, 2023): 156–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2299-2023-14-1-156-170.
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The purpose and objectives of this study relate to the field of interlanguage contacts and, in particular, to the observation of the process of lexical borrowing as a result of the interaction of non-closely related Russian and Chinese languages. This article discusses the question of the correlation between the nature of Sino-Russian relations and some processes in the vocabulary of the languages of these states. The objective of the study is to identify patterns in the change in the volume and features of borrowed vocabulary, depending on the specifics of the development of interstate relations between China and the USSR, and later the Russian Federation in the period from 1949 to 2022. Within 70 years since the establishment of diplomatic contacts between China and the Soviet Union in 1949, relations between the two countries have gone through three different stages - from warm to cool, and then a period of strategic cooperation - in all areas of public life: humanitarian, scientific, educational, political, military and economic. During these three different periods, the number and nature of Chinese borrowings in Russian and Russian borrowings in Chinese also underwent significant changes. They are reflected in the features of the process of adaptation of borrowed words at the phonetic, grammatical and semantic levels. The frequency of borrowed words use in the period under review in the media texts of both countries is of particular interest. Statistical data on the use of lexemes of Russian origin in Chinese and lexemes of Chinese origin in Russian, obtained from the data of national corpora of the two languages, allow to draw some conclusions about the popularity of certain foreign words at each of the three identified historical stages.
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DIAMANT, NEIL J. "Conspicuous Silence: Veterans and the Depoliticization of War Memory in China." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 2 (February 17, 2011): 431–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000072.
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AbstractThis paper explores the unusually weak voice of Chinese war veterans in post-1949 politics society and culture. Although Chinese movies and television often feature military-related themes, it is rare to find frank and politicized depictions of China's military conflicts. In this respect, China departs sharply from the former Soviet Union—China's Leninist model for most of its formative years—as well as Vietnam, European inter-war fascist regimes and democracies. This paper argues that the relative weakness of authentic military voices in China can be traced to several peculiar features of modern Chinese history. The nature of warfare in China, as well as the absence of a national army, veteran organizations and a consensus over the legitimacy about China's wars, has led many to question the validity of veterans’ claims for a higher political and cultural status. Rather than allow veterans the space to portray war as they experienced it, intellectual elites in various cultural and propaganda offices dominate national war memory, presenting a simplistic and artificial rendering of China's wars.
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Dan'shin, Aleksandr. "Institute of People’s Assessors in the People’s Republic of China: History and Modern Innovations." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Humanities and Social Sciences 2024, no. 1 (March 14, 2024): 136–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2542-1840-2024-8-1-136-147.
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The Institute of people’s assessors appeared in the People’s Republic of China in 1949. The research features normative acts and other official documents that regulate the development and operation of people’s courts. In China, selecting candidates for people’s assessors is considered a form of embodying the basic values of the socialist legal system. The article analyzes the conceptual foundations of the multi-stage random selection procedure. Its nature indicates a significant expansion of social composition while the democratic principles in the judicial system seem to grow in strength. The innovative nature of the modern people’s court involves some elements of jury trial, which is not typical for China. The Chinese model of people’s participation in the administration of justice is of dual nature. Its legal basis was set up in 2018 by the Law on People’s Assessors. The Chinese experience can be useful for other countries, regardless of their political and ideological foundations. The author raises a question about the possibility of using the Chinese model of the institution of people’s assessors in modern Russia.
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Bramall, Chris. "The Chinese Coal Industry: An Economic History. By Elspeth Thomson. [London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003. xx+412 pp. £75.00. ISBN 0-7007-1727-7.]." China Quarterly 176 (December 2003): 1089–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741003240637.
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The performance of the Chinese coal industry in the 20th century is undeniably important given the pivotal role played by coal as a source of energy for Chinese industry and consumers alike until very recently. Was the coal industry a binding constraint on Chinese economic growth across the 1949 divide? And if so, can we identify some form of managerial failure as its root cause?The answer offered by Tim Wright, in his well-known Coal Mining in China's Economy and Society 1895–1937 (1984), is that the coal shortages did not constrain pre-war economic growth. On the contrary: it was the slow growth of the Chinese economy in aggregate that limited the expansion of the coal industry. The main obstacle to the expansion of coal production was thus to be found on the demand side, and not in entrepreneurial failure or some other supply-side cause. Accepting this (rather Keynesian) conclusion, the question naturally arises as to whether the coal industry fared any better under Mao, and after. In particular, this framework of analysis invites us to consider whether the Maoist regime (and its successors) lifted the demand-side constraint, only to substitute a supply-side constraint in the form of state ownership and management.
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Sernelj, Téa. "Xu Fuguan’s Methodology for Interpreting Chinese Intellectual History." Asian Studies 11, no. 1 (January 10, 2023): 335–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2023.11.1.335-351.
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The article examines the research methodology of Chinese intellectual history developed by the Modern Confucian Xu Fuguan 徐復觀 (1904–1982). His novel methodological approach differed significantly from the methodology advocated by Fu Sinian 傅斯年 (1896–1950), the founder of the Institute of History and Philology of Academia Sinica in 1928, who advocated a rigorous adoption of Western scientific methodology in historical research, based exclusively on a philological perspective. Fu Sinian’s methodological approach, however, prevailed among Chinese historians in mainland China in the first half of the 20th century and in Taiwan after 1949. Xu Fuguan was highly critical of such an approach, considering it inadequate and inappropriate because it did not allow for conceptual interpretations on the one hand, and disregarded the contextualization and historical development of concepts and meanings on the other. Xu’s methodology is based on the application of the hermeneutic circle, which Xu calls dynamic and structural holism from a comparative perspective. In his methodology, a method of seeking embodied experience (zhui tiyan de fangfa 追體驗的方法) and intersubjectivenes (zhuti jianxing 主題間性) play a crucial role as they enable actualization of and communication with ancient thinkers in present times. However, Xu’s methodological approaches are also strikingly similar to Gadamer’s method of the fusion of horizons and Schleiermacher’s hermeneutic circle, which begs the question whether his critique of Fu’s adoption of Western methods was not based upon hypocritical grounds.
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Jankowiak, William. "China's great transformation: from duty to personal rejuvenation and well-being." Psychoanalysis and Psychotherapy in China 4, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 84–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.33212/ppc.v4n1.2021.84.
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If the freedom to choose is important for personal well-being, what happens when there are drastic restrictions on personal choice? China represents an opportune case to explore this question. Its fifty-plus years of experimenting with a redistributive command economy, combined with periodic bursts of political fever, made extreme egalitarianism more important than other Chinese values recognising individual merit, vision, and achievement. Throughout much of Chinese history, these values were widely shared; but in the current era, an alternative cultural model was stressed: social responsibility for the community and nation. Individuals were ideally expected to de-emphasise their individuality in favour of "the common good". In China, the juxtaposition of the two competing value systems—extreme egalitarianism versus individual choice, responsibility, and personal achievement—engendered confusion, anger, angst, and unhappiness. In China, from 1949 to 1976, this accounts, in part, for much of the suffering people experienced in living their lives. In this article I examine the Chinese cultural model for life satisfaction or wellbeing in two different eras: work unit (danwei), socialism (1981–1983), and market reform (1987–2000). My sample was found in Hohhot, the provincial capital of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region in northern China, where I lived from 1981 to 1983; six months in 1987; five months in 2000 (a total of 35 months). I will also examine the ways Chinese sought well-being in four different domains: friendship, family, occupation, and fun activities. By analysing how Chinese conceptualised their lives over time, I will identify the conceptual frameworks individuals used to assess their relative well-being.
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Sheng, Michael M. "Chinese Communist Policy Toward the United States and the Myth of the ‘Lost Chance’ 1948–1950." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 3 (July 1994): 475–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00011835.
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In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the Sino-Soviet conflict intensified and at the same time the Sino-American rapprochement was well under way. When the Americans began to search for an answer to the question of ‘Why Vietnam’, some US foreign relation documents in the later 1940s were released, which indicated that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) had made certain friendly overtures toward the United States. Since then, it has become a widely-accepted interpretation among scholars that Washington ‘lost a chance’ to win over the CCP from Moscow in the late 1940s. The fundamental premise of this interpretation is that the CCP earnestly bid for American friendship and support as a counterweight to pressure from the Soviet Union. It is argued that the CCP sincerely sought the US recognition right up to the middle of and that it was only after their bids for American support were rejected by Washington that the Communists had to choose the ‘lean-to-one-side’ policy. In short, Washington's shortsighted policy in 1949 ‘forced Beijing into Moscow's embrace’, and therefore set in motion a train of disastrous events: the Korean War and the Vietnam War. A promising postwar Asian balance in favour of the US was ruined.
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Bickers, Robert A., and Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom. "Shanghai's “Dogs and Chinese Not Admitted” Sign: Legend, History and Contemporary Symbol." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 444–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000035001.
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This article examines the potency and persistence of myth and language in the context of the dispute, now over 80 years old, about the officially-sanctioned wording of regulations in the municipal parks of foreign-administered Shanghai. Specifically, it examines the potent symbol of the sign placed in Shanghai's Huangpu Park that allegedly read: “Chinese and Dogs Not Admitted.” This symbol has secured a totemic position in the historiography of the Western presence in China before 1949 and is deeply embedded in contemporary Chinese and Western perceptions and representations of that era, and of the whole question of Western imperialism in China. It is the subject both of popular discourse and official fiat in China today. Drawing on a series of revisionist writings and new archival research this article shows that the true facts of the case are both beyond dispute and irrelevant, but that the legend survives undiminished.For over 60 years before June 1928 most Chinese certainly were barred from the parks administered by the foreign-controlled Shanghai Municipal Council (SMC) of the International Settlement in Shanghai. As shown below, the enforcement of the ban varied over time but for the first three decades of the 20th century it was rigidly administered. Dogs, ball games, cycling and picking of the flowers were also forbidden, but the alleged juxtaposition of the bans on dogs and Chinese became notorious. The potency of “dog” as an insulting and dehumanizing epithet in China undoubtedly exacerbated the insult, and also made the story of the sign's outrageous wording seem all the more plausible.
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Han, Xu. "The Evolution of China’s Film Translation History through the Perspective of Sociological Imagination." International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Translation 5, no. 5 (May 6, 2022): 94–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijllt.2022.5.5.12.
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Film translation has experienced a long history in China. In 1949, the film Private Aleksandr Matrosov was the first film to be imported and translated into Chinese from the former Soviet Union. This history continues into the contemporary era where China has become one of the biggest and most prosperous film markets globally; hundreds of international movies are imported to compete at the office box and for market shares. The functions, aesthetic standards, and values of film translation, including dubbing and subtitles, meanwhile, have changed along with different historical periods. This paper aims to answer the question of how the film translation has evolved along with time? What are the main reasons? An approach of literature search and discourse analysis will be used to explore the topic through the perspective of Mills’ sociological imagination theory. The main findings are displayed that the social environment, including the social priorities, market requisition, and population, would affect the film translation industry.
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Dirlik, Arif, and Roxann Prazniak. "The 1911 Revolution: An end and a beginning." China Information 25, no. 3 (November 2011): 213–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x11418247.
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The 1911 Revolution was a momentous event in bringing down the monarchical institution with a history of 2,000 years. Yet its consequences were ambiguous, it was overshadowed by the more radical revolution that followed in 1949, and it was stigmatized by the defeat of the Kuomintang, which claimed it as its own. Its ‘revolutionariness’ has been in question even as it has been celebrated as a turning point in modern Chinese history. This discussion reaffirms the revolutionary significance of the event, but also suggests that it is best viewed as a ‘high peak’ in a revolution of long duration that is yet to be completed. The current regime in China has revived aspects of monarchical culture and practices that revolutionaries sought to abolish in 1911. Most importantly, the promise of full citizenship for all that animated the 1911 Revolution remains unfulfilled, which may explain the contemporary regime’s nervousness over the celebration of its 100th anniversary.
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Weiner, Benno. ""This Absolutely Is Not a Hui Rebellion!": The Ethnopolitics of Great Nationality Chauvinism in Early Maoist China." Twentieth-Century China 48, no. 3 (October 2023): 208–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcc.2023.a905566.
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Abstract: Through the 1950s, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) considered nationality disunity to be a product of "great Han chauvinism." But what happens when history's bad guys are not Han? In parts of China's Northwest, the party identified Hui Muslim elites as the main agents of nationality exploitation and Tibetans as their principal targets. It therefore declared Tibetans of all classes to be victims of nationality exploitation and ordered that "good" Muslims be distinguished from "bad," a task made more urgent by a string of uprisings that engulfed several Muslim-majority areas of the Qinghai-Gansu Highlands from 1949 to 1953. While echoes can be found in the late Qing state's response to Muslim rebellion, this article argues that the CCP's approach to the "Hui question" must be viewed as part of a particular practice of minoritization and a framework for conceptualizing the new socialist nation-state that would leave Muslims and other non-Han communities susceptible to majoritarian-state violence.
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Wiratama, Daniel Tantra. "The Golden Age of China-Taiwan Relations: The Explanation and Its Future." Jurnal Sentris 1, no. 1 (August 17, 2020): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/sentris.v1i1.4130.69-80.
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The past eight years since 2008 under the leadership of Ma Ying-jeou, the relations between China and Taiwan have been experiencing the golden age. By cooperating in many sectors, like economic partnership; social interactions; tourism and some political dialogues, both countries have been building a good relationship between them. Looking back to the past, China and Taiwan have a long series of conflicts, which ended in the Chinese Civil War 1949 with the victory of the Chinese Communist party which has now become the People’s Republic of China. Meanwhile, its opposing democratic party has now become the Republic of China (Taiwan). Since then, China and Taiwan’s relations have been on a standstill Ma Yingjeou rose to power as the president of Taiwan. By using the concept of Economic Interdependence and Conflict in World Politics by Mark J.C. Crescenzi, this paper aims to explain how the golden age of China-Taiwan relations have been going on in the past eight years up until now, as well as the future of the relations itself under the new president of Taiwan, Tsai Ing-we. This paper has the following research question: how has the good relation between China and Taiwan been built since 2008, considering their previously severed relations in the past?
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Geymbukh, Nadezhda G. "On the State Structure of the Federal Republic of Germany at the adoption of the Basic Law of 1949." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Pravo, no. 44 (2022): 30–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/22253513/44/3.
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The article deals with the issues of state structure of the Federal Republic of Germany discussed in the process of adoption of the Basic Law of 1949. The author examines the constitutional and legal situation within which the Basic Law of the FRG was adopted, analyses in detail the ideas of leading constitutionalists on the issues of state structure that were discussed in the process of drafting the Basic Law of the FRG. Germany's partition was initiated by the West. Recently disclosed archive documents show that Germany's split was predetermined already in the course of the war at the meetings of the "Big Three" - the USSR, the USA and Britain. Then they were joined by France. The accusations that the Soviet Union was responsible for the split of that country are untrue. On the contrary, in the first post-war years, the Soviet government proposed free elections in both parts of Germany, on the condition that the united country would be neutral, that is, would not be part of any military blocs. The West rejected this proposal. The Soviet government has repeatedly stated that Germany must be seen as a single economic and political entity. The position of the Soviet Government is supported by the views of scholars of Soviet state law. The question of German state unity was widely discussed at that time in Soviet periodicals. Soviet scholars L. Bezymensky, B.S. Mankovsky, D. Melnikov, D. Monin, E. Tarle and I. Traynin were in favour of a united German state. On this basis, they concluded that the rejection of the political unity of Germany was directed against the democratic restructuring of the country. A dismemberment of Germany is in the interest neither of the German people, nor of the democratic countries of Europe. Only the re-establishment of a united Germany is in the interest of a lasting peace in Europe, consistent with the historical development of the country and the legitimate aspirations of the German people themselves. There were differences of opinion about the future state structure of Germany. The position of prominent Soviet jurists differed fundamentally from that of Western politicians and jurists. The Western allies were in favour of a federal Germany, while the Soviet scholars were in favour of a unitary form of government. Thus, Germany, divided first into four occupation zones, and then into American and Soviet zones of influence, which not only lost considerable territories, but also completely lost its international standing, ceased to exist as a unified nation state for many years. Two independent states, the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, were created on German territory. There was a de facto split into two states, which found themselves in different military and political blocs. Since that time, all the aspirations of West and East Germans have been directed towards the unification of Germany and the reunification of the German people. The author declares no conflicts of interests.
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Nataliia, Sun. "The genesis of Taiwanese piano art: historical and cultural context." Problems of Interaction Between Arts, Pedagogy and the Theory and Practice of Education 63, no. 63 (January 23, 2023): 52–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.34064/khnum1-63.03.
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Introduction. The article examines the origins of Taiwanese piano art, its evolution, the influence of national and numerous non-national musical traditions. Until today, no special study devoted to the general panorama of these important processes has been created. The general picture of the formation and development of Taiwanese musical culture in the context of the political, economic and social situation is considered. The purpose of the article is to highlight the origins of Taiwanese piano art, which influenced its evolution, the process of introducing national and numerous non-national elements at the main stages of its formation and development. With the help of analytical, historical, comparative, interdisciplinary methods of research, a number of tasks are solved: the role of Western Christian missionaries in the development of musical education and piano art on the island is determined, the reasons why the Western classical music was accepted by the local society, the questions about the founders of the system of Western of classical music education, the programs and forms of learning in the first music schools in Taiwan, the names of the first Taiwanese composers-pianists are clarified; а periodization of the development of piano art in Taiwan is proposed. Results. The most important historical stages of the formation and development of Taiwanese piano art can be considered: – the period of its creation from the end of the 16th century to 1894; – the period of Japanese colonial rule from 1895 to 1945; – the period of development of national self-awareness, 1946–1986; – the period of reunification with mainland China from 1987. The proposed periodization makes it possible to reveal the entire historical and cultural context of the existence of piano art in Taiwan, to project its genetic settings for further stages of its development. Its basis was national folklore, but since the middle of the 16th century, the island was visited by Spanish, Portuguese, Dutch and Canadian colonists, and the first contacts of Western music with the indigenous population of Taiwan were made thanks to the activities of Western missionaries and were subordinated mainly to religious purposes. The stage of Japanese colonial rule was important for the development of piano art on the island. Due to the influence of Japan, Taiwanese musicians had further opportunities to join the system of Western classical music education, as the Japanese government was helping Taiwanese youth to obtain it. After 1920, Western classical music becomes popular in Taiwan; the formation of composer creativity in the field of piano music also takes place – the activities of such Taiwanese composers and pianists as Chiang Wen-Yeh, Chen Sizhi, Kuo Chih-Yuan, Kao Tzu-Mei and others. In the years 1946–1986, we observe the further development of performing and teaching activities at the island, a bright burst of creativity by such composers as Chang-Hui Hsu, Hsiao Tyzen, Shui-Long Ma and others. After 1987, active musical contacts between China and Taiwan contribute to the further progress of the island’s piano art. The piano works of Taiwanese composers Shih-Hui Chen, Fan-Ling Su, Chien-Yu Huang and others are widely popularized. In recent decades, the performing activities of Taiwanese pianists, represented in the international space by the names of Chien-Yu Huang, Yi Chih Lu, Chiu Tze Lin and many others, have become very active. Today, the piano art of Taiwan is the most important part of not only Chinese, but also world music culture. Conclusions. The study of the origins of the piano art of Taiwan, the periods of its development, ways of refracting different musical traditions will help to understand both the historical-theoretical and aesthetic-pedagogical and artistic significance of this phenomenon in musical art. The most important events in the social and cultural life of Taiwan, since the end of the 16th century, indirectly affected the development of national piano art, which underwent qualitative changes connected with the emergence of new musical forms and means of expression, the methods of using the national and Western compositional techniques. The prospect of further study of the topic consists in a more detailed study of the modern stage of developing piano art in Taiwan and clarifying the influence of its extensive genetic roots on the compositional and performing creativity of representatives of Taiwanese musical culture.
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Cabestan, Jean-Pierre. "Commentary on “A Modest Proposal for a Basic Agreement on Peaceful Cross-Strait Development” by Chang Ya-chung." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 39, no. 1 (March 2010): 163–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261003900108.
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The main question that Chang Ya-chung's Modest Proposal triggers is whether a political and security agreement can realistically be reached today. The twelve agreements signed by Beijing and Taibei since 2008 should be saluted as conducive to constructing détente, non-military confidence-building measures and de facto government-to-government relations across the Strait. However, in the foreseeable future, is it realistic to ask for more? Actually, a temporary or long-term political agreement between Taibei and Beijing will not be reached if the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (ROC) refuse to formally recognize each other's separate existence and sovereignty in one way or another, at least tacitly, and if they do not agree to address security issues squarely with the assistance of the USA. Finally, no meaningful agreement can be reached either if the PRC Chinese and certain segments of the Kuomintang (KMT) (Guomindang) fail to recognize Taiwan's specific history or realize that the Taiwanese have been developing a distinct identity since 1949 and even more so since the island's democratization took place in the late 1980s.
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ALTEHENGER, JENNIFER E. "On Difficult New Terms: The business of lexicography in Mao Era China." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 3 (May 2017): 622–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000147.
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AbstractEntries in Mao Era reference works today serve as windows into the world of words and meanings of a bygone era. Dictionaries and encyclopaedias, though, did not speak with one voice, even under Communist Party control. Lexicography and the question of who would get to publish on and explain the meaning of the ‘new terms’ and ‘new knowledge’ of ‘New China’ were subject to constant debates. Lexicographers, editors, and publishers specialized in the business of setting up categories and, together with readers and state censors, they policed them. Following on their heels, this article examines four moments in Mao Era lexicography, ranging from the early years of transition to Chinese Communist Party rule to the height of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. Internal reports and letter exchanges on the production and circulation of single-volume encyclopaedic dictionaries show who contributed to encyclopaedic work, how it was controlled, and why control and censorship were often far from simple. Taking lexicography seriously as a component of the socialist information economy after 1949 sheds light on complex processes of knowledge transmission that defy simple models of socialist state propaganda.
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Tanner, Harold M. "Learning Through Practice." Journal of Chinese Military History 3, no. 1 (May 14, 2014): 3–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-12341259.
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Abstract American scholars of Chinese history have generally explained the outcome of China’s civil war (1945-1949) by reference to social, economic, and political factors rather than by looking at the conduct of the war itself. Recently, military historians have begun to shift the focus to Communist strategy and operations. However, the question of how the Chinese Communist forces made the transition from guerrilla to conventional warfare has still not received sufficient attention. Using Mao Zedong’s theories of guerrilla warfare and Peter Senge’s model of the “learning organization” to analyze Lin Biao’s conduct of the war against the Nationalists in China’s Northeast (Manchuria), we can better understand how the Northeast People’s Liberation Army transformed itself from a force characterized by “guerrilla-ism” to the powerful army capable of defeating Jiang Jieshi’s best troops. The Communists performed poorly when they first encountered American-trained Nationalist units in the Northeast. Lin Biao and his staff responded to defeat by devising principles of tactics which they applied in a series of campaigns beginning with the “Three Expeditions/Four Defenses” (winter 1946-47). The Communist forces continued to derive lessons from their experience and to incorporate those lessons into programs of education and training. As a result, they made great strides forward in terms of the coordination of infantry, artillery, and armor in order to be able to pull off a conventional combined arms operation on the scale of the Liao-Shen Campaign. The Communist forces would bring these strengths with them when they entered the Korean War in 1950.
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Chan, Kwun-fu. "Destructive construction." Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 16, no. 1 (May 7, 2020): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-04-2019-0009.
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Purpose This study aims to examine the problems encountered during the establishment of the Central Police Academy (CPA) under the Nationalist regime from 1936 to 1949. While the authoritarian party-state unified the police academies by forceful means, this catalyzed the cleavage between the schools of police studies and resulted in power struggles over police education, intellectual thought, collectivity and even the national reform of police administration. More than narrating the progress of power consolidation, this study attempts to identify the problems underlying the factional strife and to reveal the interwoven pattern of these power struggles, exploring the confusion regarding what the police is, a question that troubled Chinese policemen from the mainland to Taiwan. Design/methodology/approach This paper explains the emergence of the factional strife from the beginning of the preliminary growth of the Police Academies in Nanking and Chekiang. It widely makes use of the official archives from Japan Center for Asian Historical Records and Historica Academia to show the dynamic situation in police education and administration. Rather, the official publications of the Police Academies and their affiliated associations reveal the hidden political agenda behind a unified framework as the party-state claimed. Moreover, official gazettes, memorials and newspapers are also used to strengthen the core argument of this study. Findings This paper examines the impact of the factional strife between the police leaders Dai Li and Li Shizhen on the CPA from 1936 to 1949. It illustrates that the establishment of the CPA ostensibly unified the nationwide police force but triggered power struggles over the control of the police administration. More importantly, it also shows how the factions strove for larger shares of power under the supreme doctrines that Chiang Kai-shek and the party-state imposed. Originality/value The failure of police education to become powerful was a special case among other more typical institutions. The governors coercively merged the police academies and created robust conditions for growth under the shelter of state authority. The police force did not follow the same path of national monopoly as what recent studies found but drifted apart with its vested interests and incompatible beliefs. Hence, the greater the demand for centralized control by the state, the greater the tension of the factional strife.
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Filipek, Michał. "Międzynarodowoprawny status archipelagu Wysp Alandzkich : kwestia demilitaryzacji i neutralizacji Alandów." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (November 29, 2011): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2011.1.6.
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This article deals with the question of demilitarization and neutralization of the ?land Islands in respect to international law regulating this issue. In this paper it was not intented to go into details of all historical phases and changes of the ?land's status, but rather to concentrate on international treaties regulating this question, which are still in force. ?land is an autonomous, demilitarized and neutralized region of Finland with a largely Swedish-speaking population. The ?land Islands form an archipelago in the Baltic Sea. They are situated in the entrance to the Gulf of Bothnia. Its legislative autonomy and a strong protection for its population's Swedish language and culture are enshrined in the Finnish constitution. The ?land Islands are located in a very strategically important place. There are three problems under international law connected with the ?land Islands: that is to say, demilitarization, neutralization and autonomy of ?land. After the Crimean war it was decided that Russia should not fortify the ?land Islands. The strategic position was one of the factors that influenced the decision of the Paris Peace Conference in 1856 to demilitarize the ?land Islands. After the Crimean War (1854-56) an appendix to the 1856 Treaty of Paris forbade Russia from establishing fortifications, maintaining or building up a military presence and naval forces on the islands. In 1917 Finland gained independence from Russia and ?land became for a number of years a source of controversy or even conflict between Finland and Sweden as a result of the ?landers' demand for ?land's reunification with Sweden. In 1921 the League of Nations resolved the ?land question. ?land remained a part of Finland but gained autonomy along with the historically rooted principles of neutrality and demilitarization. In October 1921 the Convention relating to the non-fortification and Neutralization of the ?land Islands was signed by Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, Latvia, Poland, Sweden and the United Kingdom. The Western powers did not regard Bolshevik Russia as a sovereign state after the revolution of 1917 and Russia (the Soviet Union) was not a party to this convention. The treaties that regulatedthe demilitarization and neutralization were: 1) the 1856 Convention on the Demilitarisation of the ?land Islands (annexed to the 1856 Paris Peace Treaty), 2) the 1921 Convention on the Demilitarization and Neutralization of the ?land Islands, 3) bilateral treaty of 1940 between Finland and Russia (the Soviet Union) on the demilitarization of the ?land Islands and 4) the 1947 Paris Peace Treaty. There is no cause to doubt the continuance in force of the demilitarization and neutralization of ?land. The treaties and agreements of 1921,1940 and 1947 are still in force. ?land's demilitarization and neutralization remain beyond question, despite the changes in the political context. The ?land Islands are both demilitarized and neutralized, the main purpose is to keep it completely outside the armed actions of armed conflicts. ?land's status received renewed attention in the 1990s in view of the changes taking place in Europe. The 1994 treaty on Finland's accession to the EU recognizes in its Protocol No. 2, that the ?land Islands enjoy a special status under international law. Furthermore, another legal regulation dealing with this question is the Additional Protocol I to the 1949 Geneva Convention on the protection of war victims (Article 60) obligates States Parties to respect demilitarized zones during international armed conflicts. ?land's demilitarized and neutralized status has a strong foundation and position in the international law. Some experts and writers have described this status as a example of a "permanent settlement" or "objective regime" in international law. According to another experts (H. Rotkirch), the special status of the ?land Islands is of such long standing " that it has without doubt become part of customary international law and is thus binding on the international community as a whole". Since 1970, ?land has had its own representation in the Nordic Council and participates in the work of the Nordic Council of Ministers. Since 1989, ?land is a member of the Council of Europe. One might also mention the fact that, ?land stands outside the EU tax union and has retained the limitations on ownership of land and operation of business.
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Yu, Ruby, and Jean Woo. "Cognitive Assessment of Older People: Do Sensory Function and Frailty Matter?" International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 16, no. 4 (February 24, 2019): 662. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16040662.
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Background: To examine the associations of visual and hearing functions, and frailty with subjective memory complaints (SMCs) in a community primary care pilot project of older people aged 60 years and over. Methods: The study was conducted in 24 community centers. A total of 1949 community-dwelling older people aged between 60–97 years were evaluated for which detailed information regarding socio-demographics, lifestyle, and clinical factors were documented at baseline and an average of 12 months later. SMCs were assessed using the 5-item Abbreviated Memory Inventory for the Chinese (AMIC). Visual and hearing functions were measured with two separate single questions. Frailty was assessed using a simple frailty question (FRAIL). Results: At baseline, 1685 (74.6%) participants had reported at least 3 SMCs (AMIC score ≥ 3). Of the 573 participants without / with 1–2 SMCs (AMIC score = 0–2) at baseline, 75 had incomplete data regarding SMCs and 190 developed at least 3 SMCs after 12 months. After adjustments for age, sex, marital status, educational level, hypertension, and diabetes at baseline, poor vision (OR 2.2 95% CI 1.8–2.7), poor hearing (OR 2.2 95% CI 1.8–2.8), and frailty (OR 4.6 95% CI 3.1–6.7) at baseline were each significantly associated with an increased risk of at least 3 SMCs at follow-up. After a further adjustment for baseline SMCs, the associations remained significant. Similar results were obtained when incident SMCs and improvement in subjective memory were used as the outcome variables; and Conclusions: In the care of older people, detection of sensory impairment and frailty through screening may allow formulation of strategies to prevent or delay the onset of cognitive decline.
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Lee (李培德), Pui-Tak. "Dealings with ccp and kmt in British Hong Kong: The Shanghai Bankers, 1948–1951 (在英屬香港面對中國共產黨和中國國民黨──上海銀行家的抉擇與挑戰,1948〜1951年)." Translocal Chinese: East Asian Perspectives 11, no. 1 (February 17, 2017): 125–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24522015-01101007.
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The year 1949 was a great divide in modern Chinese history. How Shanghai bankers responded to it is an interesting question to address. For those bankers who chose to leave Shanghai and settle in British Hong Kong, can we suppose they were permanently separated from China or Taiwan? It is generally assumed that once the Shanghai bankers confined themselves to their new home in Hong Kong or moved on to other locations in the United States or elsewhere, they immediately severed all ties with either mainland China under the ccp (Chinese Communist Party) or Taiwan under the kmt (Kuomintang or Guomindang). Such an assumption leads to a mistaken argument that the departure of Chinese bankers from Shanghai cut short their involvements in China politics. Perhaps it is true that some emigrant bankers never returned, but others remained in touch with their home in China, whether because they were solicited by the agents who were sent to the colony by the ccp in China and the kmt in Taiwan, or, because they took the initiative in reaching across the borders to mainland China or Taiwan. From their sanctuary in Hong Kong, how did the bankers conduct cross-border relations after 1949? This paper will go beyond the general assumption that the Shanghai bankers turned to Hong Kong solely for the colony’s being a sanctuary during the political and economic turmoil of the 1940s. Instead, these bankers continued to engage in political confrontation to the ccp and the kmt after they fled Shanghai. This paper argues that once they were in the colony, they had to address several problems. These included, first, to choose their final destination in either Shanghai, Hong Kong or Taipei; second, whether to continue or quit their banking careers and thirdly, to find a solution in order to counteract the alignment with either the ccp or the kmt. 1949年是中國近代史的分水嶺，上海銀行家對面對動盪不安的局勢會作出怎樣的回應，是一個很值得討論的問題。一旦銀行家選擇離開上海，轉移到英屬香港，他們就可完全脫離國共內戰的地理範疇──中國大陸或臺灣嗎？一般的研究無不認為已從香港轉移到香港的上海銀行家，目的為遠離包括在大陸執政的中國共產黨或撤退至臺灣的國民黨。本文指出，這樣的設想是對當時處於動盪政治經濟局勢的上海銀行家的錯誤理解。事實上，當時是有一部份從上海撤離的銀行家並不願意再被捲入政治，但是有更多已在境外的銀行家，透過自己在國共兩黨的代表，與中國大陸或臺灣保持緊密之聯繫，也有許多銀行家是主動地發展出跨境的管道來維持與中國大陸或臺灣的關係。值得探討的是，1949年之後，這些以英屬香港為基地的跨境聯繫是如何運作的呢？ 本文探討1940年代末在中國變動的政治與經濟局勢下，香港不僅為離開上海的銀行家提供一個安全的庇護所，同時更是這些銀行家在離開上海後繼續面對中國共產黨和國民黨，進行各種活動的最重要境外基地。本文指出這些上海銀行家在移居香港之際所要面對的諸多問題。首先，如何在上海、香港和臺北三地之間作出選擇，哪裏是他們最佳的落腳處？其次，是否要繼續和如何維持銀行的業務？最後，應如何因應中國共產黨和中國國民黨向他們的統戰而作出適當的反應？ (This article is in English).
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Fokov, A. P. "THE CODIFICATION OF CIVIL LAW IN THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA (GENERAL PROVISIONS): HISTORY AND MODERNITY." Proceedings of the Southwest State University 22, no. 2 (April 28, 2018): 128–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.21869/2223-1560-2018-22-2-128-135.
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In this article, the author highlights the main historical stages of the codification of civil legislation in China, reveals the content of the "General provisions of the civil code of the PRC", which entered into force on October 1, 2017, predicts further prospects for the development of Chinese civil law institutions in modern economic conditions The author analyzes the historical stages of codification of a large array of Chinese civil legislation in the twentieth and early TWENTIETH centuries, shows its focus on borrowing Russia's experience in codification and improvement of civil legislation, and also takes into account international obligations related to the participation of the state in the WTO. The current doctrine that the Civil code is a kind of economic Constitution that is constantly evolving, not only in time but also in space, shows that in China the process of reforming civil legislation is slow and haste. Thus, it is significant that the procedures related to the preparation, discussion and adoption of the civil code of the PRC have historically developed over time: from the past to the present and, of course, to the future with the prospect of solving new social and economic problems on the basis of stable codified laws. Until now, the science of Russian civil law has not received full coverage of the processes of reforming the civil legislation after the formation of the people's Republic of China in 1949, and there is no answer to the legitimate question of, and for what reason have not been adopted by scientists developed the Draft Civil code of China (1954), (1962), (1979), (2002)? The author understands the complexity of the topic, but also draws attention to the fact that in recent years, between civil scientists and practitioners of China and Russia there is a tendency to intensify the development of General provisions and institutions of civil law in the context of international cooperation. But the question of whether it is possible to identify the stages of codification of the civil legislation of Russia and China is still open, because the historical features of China, the mentality of its citizens and traditions do not allow full use of the experience of Russia, which at one time proposed a new unified text of the Civil code in the context of WTO accession. The author focuses not only on the problems of understanding the historical stages of reforming China's civil legislation in time, but also its features in the space, when the codification of the General part and institutions of civil law is under the influence of the formation of a common judicial practice in a market economy. In the course of the research the author used analytical, formal and legal methods, abstraction method, which allowed to formulate conclusions on the conducted research. The author comes to the conclusion that the codification of civil legislation in China has a common historical relationship with Russia, but at the same time, and distinctive features, which are expressed in the content of the "General provisions of the civil code of the PRC" (hereinafter - the civil code of the PRC), which entered into force on October 1, 2017.
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Saha, S. C. "United States-India Relations 1947–1962: Stresses and Strains Over Communist China." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 44, no. 1-2 (January 1988): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848804400106.
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The United States had an inbuilt constituency in India, a constituency that had its origins in the pre-independent period. Although the British were under fire, they enjoyed a certain amount of respect for their commitment to justice and law. The Indian elites were the products of English education. All these resulted in a love-hate relationship between the Indians and the Anglo-Saxon groups in general. Besides, the amount of importance the Indian nationalist leaders gave to the mediatory role of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the liberal American Press in bringing about India's independence bears testimony to this formulation. Thus in 1941 when India won independence, the United States enjoyed considerable goodwill in India. The United States was willing and far abler than Stalin's Soviet Union to help in the economic betterment of India. The US launched the Point Four Programme, a politico-humanitarian package.1 Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, was consciously warm towards it because, apart from other reasons, he found it good tactics to use against domestic communism, and the collapse of the Telengana rebellion in Southern India proved him right. During his first visit to the United States in 1949, Nehru and President Truman seemed to have achieved a reasonable desire of mutual sympathy in genera! outlook on. world affairs. What alienated India's diplomacy from that of the United States most was the difference in their views of the nature of Chinese Communist threat and what approaches could be made about it. The United States had not yet given in to Dulles's pactomania, nor had the dreadful McCarthy era started. Yet guided by their different experiences, the two countries began to choose their different paths which did not converge until the Communist Chinese massive invasion of India's north-eastern border in October 1962. So conflicting were the approaches of India and the United States that they found themselves ranged on opposite sides on many issues regarding China. This worked clearly to the disadvantage of both. The differences discouraged economic assistance to India while the United States lost the sympathy of the emerging Asian nations. My paper examines the various aspects of these Indo-American differences over Communist China in order to define the impact on their political relations. It establishes that the ‘China Question’—the non-recognition by the United States, non-admission to the United Nations, the status of Formosa, etc., created bitter differences between India and the United States till the China War of 1962. This provided cause for an unparalleled deepening of the Indo-US involvement.
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Lim (林劲利), Jin Li. "New Research on Tan Kah Kee (关于陈嘉庚的新研究)." Journal of Chinese Overseas 13, no. 1 (May 2, 2017): 119–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341346.
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This article uses heretofore unavailable or unexamined archival documents to offer new insights into and analysis of two specific historical questions concerning Tan Kah Kee. The first question has to do with the precise circumstances and motivations that underpinned Tan’s departure from Singapore in 1950, which turned out to be a permanent return to China. The second question has to do with a more recent revisionist argument that suggests that Tan tried — and failed — to escape from China in 1954 and 1957. Both questions have a certain historical significance in that they are closely connected to how Tan has been, and is, remembered in the modern histories of Singapore, the People’s Republic of China (prc), and the Chinese overseas. The prevailing historiographical view on Tan’s permanent return to China in 1950 is that it was essentially the product of both “push and pull” factors; that is, that Tan was both pushed out of Singapore by the increasingly hostile political situation after the British pressure that was placed on him as a result of the Malayan Emergency, and attracted back to China by the “pull” that the establishment of New China (in 1949) exerted on his patriotic sentiments. Based on a close reading of archival evidence, this article demonstrates that Tan was not pushed out of Singapore. He left on his own terms, and because he wanted to play a part in New China. The New Biography of Tan Kah Kee suggests that Tan attempted to escape to Singapore in 1954 and 1957, because he had become disillusioned with the radicalizing political situation in China, and thus decided to leave Mao Zedong and the Chinese Communist Party behind. In this narrative, Tan’s escape ultimately fails because, in 1954, Zhou Enlai uses political blackmail to force Tan to stay and, in 1957, the British authorities in Singapore ban him from returning. This article demonstrates that this narrative is unsupported by archival evidence. Tan only made one attempt to travel to Singapore in 1955, and it was neither an escape attempt nor was it blocked by the Chinese Communists or the British. Rather than fleeing the prc, Tan was likely trying to travel to Singapore on behalf of the prc. 本文利用不可多得或迄今为止未经细查的档案文献, 为关于陈嘉庚的两个具体的历史问题提供了新的见解和分析。第一个问题围绕陈嘉庚在新加坡的种种境遇和其1950年离开新加坡并永远留在中国的动机。第二个问题有关于一个近代修正主义争论, 它指出: 陈嘉庚曾试图在 1954 年和 1957 年逃离中国, 但都以失败告终。这两个问题对陈嘉庚如何在新加坡现代史, 中华人民共和国史以及华侨华人史中被记录有着密不可分的联系, 因此具有特殊历史重要性。 对于陈嘉庚于 1950 年回归中国这历史事件, 主流观点认为这是 “推力与拉力” 两者共同作用的产物: 面对马来亚紧急状态, 英国对陈嘉庚施压, 从而加大陈嘉庚与当下政治局势日益敌视的关系, 最终迫使其被 “推” 出新加坡; 与此同时, 1949 年新中国的成立激发了他的爱国情感而将他 “拉” 回中国。基于对档案证据的仔细阅读, 本文论证了陈嘉庚并没有被 “推” 出新加坡——他的离开出于自愿, 因为他希望为新中国做出贡献。 《陈嘉庚新传》一书中提到, 中国激进的政治局势使陈嘉庚感到理想破灭, 于是他决定离开毛泽东及中国共产党。之后他分别在1954和1957年试图逃返新加坡, 但都以失败告终: 在 1954 年, 周恩来利用政治因素威胁陈嘉庚留下; 而在1957年, 新加坡的英国当局禁止他返回。本文证实此书的叙述不能被档案证据所支持。事实上, 陈嘉庚仅在 1955 年试图前往新加坡; 作为仅有的一次“离开中国,” 它不具有逃跑的企图, 陈也未被中共和英国阻拦, 反倒更像是代表中国出访新加坡。 This article is in English.
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THOMPSON, JAMES. "Critical Analysis of “Divided Nation” Model Applications to China–Taiwan: A Case Study of Germany’s Annexation of Austria in 1938." Issues & Studies, December 27, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251123500091.
Full textAbstract:
Scholars have argued that “divided nations” (i.e., countries that have split into separate political entities) have distinct characteristics in the international system, and this model has been applied to China–Taiwan relations. Yet, despite ethnic, cultural, linguistic, and historical ties, the current state of cross-Strait relations does not resemble classic cases of the “divided nation” model such as East and West Germany, North and South Vietnam, or North and South Korea, not least because power asymmetry is a major feature of the relationship. China’s largely one-sided demands for “reunification” with Taiwan share more similarities with Germany’s approach to Austria in the 1930s. Both are cases of an aggressor state seeking to annex the territory of a smaller, sovereign neighbor based on a revanchist ideology that stems from perceived notions of “national humiliation” by outside powers and ethno-nationalist ideas of a shared blood community. Germany’s annexation of Austria in 1938 was the result of overwhelming German military power and political decision-making in the dictatorship of the Third Reich rather than ethnic, cultural, or historical ties. Germany’s invasion and occupation of Austria and the transformations of German and Austrian national identity after 1945 show that the “divided nation” model is contingent on historical and ideological subjectivities and not objective, scholarly analysis. Scholars of cross-Strait relations should approach the subject without reference to this model and instead focus on the political struggle between Chinese authoritarianism and Taiwanese democracy on the question of Taiwanese sovereignty in addition to Taiwan’s pivotal role in the great power conflict between the United States and China.
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Zhou, Luyang. "Chinese Observations of Soviet Nationality Affairs in the Mao and post-Mao Eras." Nationalities Papers, December 15, 2023, 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2023.92.
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Abstract Over the years, China’s nationality policy tended to imitate the Soviet Union while also retaining its uniqueness. Existing scholarship has described three deviations the CCP made vis-à-vis the Soviet model: denying national self-determination, rejecting the supra-national union of nation-states, and undertaking constructivist classification of ethnicity. These features took shape around 1949. In this article, I survey China’s observations on Soviet nationality affairs from 1949 to 1991 and provide a perspective for understanding how these deviations from the Soviet nationality model both crystallized and varied. My findings show that after 1949, Soviet studies in China lacked a coherent agenda for studying the nationality question. The experts gathered rich materials but subordinated nationality questions to themes such as revolution, a centrally planned economy, border disputes, geopolitics, and ideological indoctrination. They also tended to reduce ethnopolitics to class struggle and economic modernization. Such systematic evasion of nationality questions persisted until the collapse of the Soviet Union. The USSR’s disintegration caused China to recognize the resilience of ethnicity and nationality, while before 1991, Soviet studies in China had lacked any systematic reflection on the Soviet nationality model.
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Li, Yi, and Andrew E. G. Jonas. "City-regionalism and (re)framing the urban question in China." Transactions in Planning and Urban Research, September 2, 2022, 275412232211160. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/27541223221116062.
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This paper situates the rise of city-regionalism in China in the context of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s approach to the urban question since 1949. From strictly controlling urbanization during the first two decades of socialist central planning, the Chinese state now promotes mega city-regionalization (literally in Chinese, city clusters) as a vehicle for internationalizing China’s economy. A reframed urban question in China today emerges from the ongoing tension between city-regional growth, on the one hand, and the emergence of new political interests in the urban living place around the collective provision of services, social and environmental inequalities, and citizen/resident representation in urban governance, on the other. The planetary scope of urbanization notwithstanding, differences in the national political context are crucial for explaining the full diversity of city-regional development processes and outcomes in different countries. The city-regional domain provides an exciting opportunity for urban scholars to examine the changing nature of the urban question in China in the context of an emergent ‘world of city-regionalisms’.
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Chuang, Julia, and John Yasuda. "Polanyi and the Peasant Question in China: State, Peasant, and Land Relations in China, 1949–Present." Politics & Society, July 23, 2021, 003232922110327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00323292211032753.
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This article applies Karl Polanyi’s concept of a double movement to the trajectory of rural state policies in China since 1949. It argues that Chinese socialism created a contradictory social contract that has fueled an ongoing struggle between state and peasantry over the surplus generated from rural land. This struggle has shaped a historical oscillation between state policies that facilitate extraction of agricultural surpluses and policies that introduce social protections in the form of household farming and revitalized collective ownership. Based on secondary sources, this article compares the arc of rural policies during the Mao era and in the transition to and during the current state capitalist period. Then, based on original interview-based and ethnographic fieldwork undertaken in rural Sichuan Province, it analyzes the current introduction of urban and agrarian capital into the rural economy, revealing dynamics of a current countermovement from state-led extraction to compromise.
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Young, Terry, and Linnea McCord. "China And The U. S. At The Crossroads: Rule Of Law Or Rule Of Force?" International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 8, no. 3 (February 14, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v8i3.3110.
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Although Chinas sudden reach for prosperity has created wealth for thousands of its citizens, it has also generated concern about Chinas future social harmony and stability. At the heart of Chinese politics is the unchallenged dominance of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) which has governed China since 1949, but may be facing serious challenges in the years ahead. Likewise, US economic dominance that has existed for decades has hit serious economic headwinds. The recent financial crisis and its staggering public debt are posing a threat to US economic and political leadership in the world and the U.S. may be facing its own problems of maintaining security and harmony in a rapidly worsening economy. The question this paper will address is whether Americas Rule of Law or Chinas Rule of Force will prevail in the long run?
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Xu, Lingyu. "Lost in translation: how comparing the uses of the term ‘foreigner’ can help explain China’s immigration policy shift." SN Social Sciences 2, no. 5 (April 23, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s43545-022-00346-3.
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AbstractScholars normally explore China’s international migration policy through a pure social sciences lens. This article aims to investigate the policy evolution trajectory, adding a linguistic viewpoint. It explores the question of how the word ‘foreigner’ changed to reflect shifting policies. Theoretically, it engages historical institutionalism and focuses on the critical junctures in Chinese history, especially after 1949. Methodologically, it uses document interrogation. To collect data, it mainly relies on Chinese encyclopaedic dictionaries (e.g. The Great Chinese Dictionary, Chinese Etymology Dictionary), Chinese historical ancient books, the Peking University Law database [PKULAW] and some regulation compilation books. In China, a variety of words can signify ‘foreigner’ (Waiqiao, Waiguoren, Yimin), yet each word has another connotation. Waiqiao suggests that China regards foreigners from an ethnic and cultural perspective, revealing an ethnic orientation of the policy makers in Chinese immigration policies in the 1950s. Waiguoren has a more political undertone and strengthens the administrative orientation of immigration policies after the 1960s. While, as a more recent phenomenon, the use of Yimin is a sign for the turn of integration-oriented policies. By differentiating those terms and clarifying their applications in different historical periods, we expect to unveil a clear link between the use of the different terms and China’s immigration policy changes.
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Rahul Kumar. "TRIPARTITE RELATION BETWEEN CHINA-TIBET-INDIA AND INDIA’S RESPONSE TO TIBETAN QUESTION." EPRA International Journal of Research & Development (IJRD), September 30, 2020, 315–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.36713/epra5264.
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Tibet is situated geo-strategically as buffer state between China and India and is critical to India’s security. Tibet was ruled by theocratic head of states like Dalai Lama which served socio-political culture of Tibet before 1949. Mao’s military intervention led to the occupation of Tibet. The hostility between India and China emerged after Dalai Lama and his followers fled to India and were given asylum here. In 1959 there was suppression by Chinese PLA to quell down the Tibetan uprising my militarily and control over its territory has increased tension between two countries. India has recognised the Tibet as autonomous region of PRC while contrary China should also recognise Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh and Jammu &Kashmir as states of Indian union on reciprocal basis. India has urged Dalai Lama on earlier stances to seek peaceful settlement with Beijing and which will enhances the Tibet autonomy. Dalai Lama visited India during 1956 and stayed here permanently while Nehru urged to return back to Tibet and work on the basis of Seventeen point programme. The political and monistic elites of Tibet’s has tried to squeeze out the concession from China by exploiting the popular discontent from there. India’s security interest and concerns primarily lies in the eliminating and reducing the Chinese military presence in the Tibet. China has relationship with India and ask for endorsing the “one china policy” with regard to Tibet. India needs to re-evaluate and re-look at the Tibetan policy from the prism of national security and its religious tolerance to Tibet. There has been linkages of Buddhist philosophy between Tibet and India and acknowledges its threads to India. This Buddhist philosophy worked as Guru-Patron or Choe-yon relationship between India and Tibet. The Tibetan refugee settlement, Buddhist monasteries and educational institutions as these institution playing crucial role to maintaining traditional culture and identity of Tibet. KEY WORDS: occupation, reciprocal, endorsing, acknowledges, re-evaluate.
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Schulz-Zinda, Yvonne. "Winning the Korean War: Early DPRK and PRC Films." European Journal of Korean Studies, October 1, 2023, 89–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.33526/ejks.20232301.89.
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This paper adopts a comparative approach by focusing on a selection of early DPRK and People’s Republic of China war films made during the years that followed the Korean War. It looks into the narrative, and the aesthetics of the films in the general framework of socialist construction but also in terms of the DPRK’s shattered dream of reunification. The Korean War broke out during the beginnings of socialist construction, a time of awakening and departure into a new world. It marked the beginning of the Cold War that drew battle lines that would remain in place over the next four decades. The war also served as the theme of a number of films in both countries that reflected their war experience. For the DPRK and PRC, film provided an occasion to address the socialist construction and supremacy over the United States. While the earliest Chinese movies, The Battle of Shangganling Ridge (上甘岭 1956) and Flying in the Sky (长空比翼, 1958), focused on the heroic battles of the Chinese troops, later films such as Friendship (友谊, 1959), Raid (奇袭, 1960) and At the 38th Parallel (三八线上, 1960) recounted incidents of Chinese and Korean soldiers fighting in cooperation against the US enemy under the background of a “Resist the US and Help Korea” campaign. The eight DPRK films discussed include Again to the Front (또 다시 전선으로, 1951), Scouts (정찰병, 1953), and The Combat Unit of a Fighter Plane (비행기 사냥군조, 1953). These productions had to confront the fact that Kim Il Sung’s attempt for (forced) unification had ended in a complete failure that permeated divisions and cut family ties. The Korean War broke out during the early stages of socialist construction in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), a time of awakening and departure into a new ideological world.1 It marked the beginning of the Cold War, drawing battle lines that would remain in place for the next four decades. When Chinese Volunteer troops entered the Korean War on the DPRK side, they were motivated, rather than by friendship, by a mutual enemy, the US, which the PRC feared might further invade Manchuria.2 The war became the theme of a number of films in the DPRK, and the PRC, reflecting their war experience. For the DPRK and the PRC, film was a means to address the process of socialist construction and its supremacy as a model over that of the United States. The DPRK’s films had to deal with the fact that Kim Il Sung’s attempt at (forced) unification had ended in complete failure, which permeated divisions on the Korean peninsula and cut family ties. In addition, the films were produced at a time when Kim Il Sung and the Korean Workers’ Party (KWP) sought to build North Korean society anew, in order to present the socialist system as superior to what had been before. A few years before, Mao Zedong had started to introduce socialist values among his followers during the first rectification campaign in Yan’an in 1942. However, the socialist construction period only started after the establishment of the PRC in 1949. This paper focuses on the war films made in the DPRK and the PRC during the Korean War and the years that followed it, when the Chollima movement in the DPRK (launched in 1955, in full swing by 1957), the Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957) and the Great Leap Forward (1958–1962) in the PRC, served as ideological turning points until the beginning of the 1960s.
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GARY LILIENTHAL, NEHALUDDIN AHMAD. "MASS LINE METHOD AND GRAMSCI’S PHILOSOPHY OF PRAXIS TO RITUAL PROPRIETY: AN OVERVIEW." Russian Law Journal 11, no. 3 (April 7, 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.52783/rlj.v11i3.1602.
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Jaspers, in 1949, coined the term ‘Axial Age’, as an age in which humans apparently became more analytical and reflective. Despite this great age, humanity is arguably still balanced in continuing regression against the former axial age. The overall research objective of this paper is therefore to examine critically the contemporary socialist attempt at combatting this regression. Chinese politics is a process of image creation, that, in turn generates new knowledge in the people, while ‘politics in command’ infers the same precept that Gramsci had called the ‘philosophy of praxis’. The mass line was a systematic and enduring set of programs and policies, prescribing the optimal form of propriety between the masses and the Party’s leadership. Xunzi had written a full account of the origin of ritual propriety and its relationship to these problematic facets of human nature. The research question asks how putting politics in command could inform party leadership by means of the philosophy of praxis. The argument sets out to bring proof for the proposition that deployment of the mass line would allow the gleaning of an epistemology of ritual propriety between the superstructure and the masses. The research paradigm is a cumulative synthesis made into new knowledge, built on top of well-established research. Thus, the manuscript’s research methodology is the construction of an argument constrained within a legal narrative concerning the various facets of Gramsci’s exegeses on folklore. Without the philosophy of praxis, governments would want to eradicate any folklore that challenged the ruling party’s worldview and legitimacy, charging such challengers as having been derelict in their externally imposed duties. This kind of contradiction is thus managed in the sole interests of a ruling class, and its unintended artifact is a truncation of creativity both within and by hegemonic groups. Gramsci conceived of the resultant subaltern groupings as being deliberately created by linguistic irradiation, so creating a war of position of self-developed identities against externally imposed identities. Combatting this, the mass line establishes the dialectical position of political activity as differentiation in the superstructures, inferring that to improve quality of life, the political activity must take control of the superstructure.
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Wang, Chiu-Yuan. "Between Flexibility and Reliability. Changing Planning Culture in China." Architecture and the Built Environment, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.59490/abe.2014.15.1026.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this research is to provide an outline to address questions with regard to the transformation of planning in China that has occurred after the 1980s. The research is using “planning evolution” as the main research skeleton. The starting point is to investigate to what extent Chinese urban planning has developed after the opening up and other reforms under the state-led and market-driven modes of Chinese reformation, and to investigate how the different modes and various actors have influenced urban planning, based on the investigation of the respective political and economic changes within the initial reformation in general, and planning in particular. In recent years, China has undeniably undergone a dramatic process of urban growth and transformation. Apart from its speed and scope, it is less recognized that these processes are confronting the Chinese planning institutions with new and unexpected demands almost on a daily basis. In reference to the increasing importance of private investments and developments within the Chinese urbanization process, a new balance between public planning and private developments, and between top-down and bottom-up approaches is required to be able to generate both a reliable and responsible framework for long-term urban development and a flexible system of implementation that meets the needs of changing conditions and new demands. Flexibility and reliability become the new demands for planning practice. Based on the theory of planning culture, planning traditions, concepts, systems and decision-making processes are always related to the cultural context and cultural background of the people and societies involved. Investigating the contemporary urban transformation and urban development processes in China can allow us to outline the new planning culture of contemporary China in relation to its historical roots and traditional characteristics in a long term framework. I argue that the changing role of urban planning is strongly embedded in the political, economic, and social domains and is a part of cultural innovation. The research opens a general debate on the circumstances of the contemporary Chinese transformation after the 1980s. After introducing the idea of planning culture and elaborating to what extent the idea of planning culture is applied in this research, I argue that the “soft” characteristics of planning emphasized by the idea of planning culture are crucial to understand Chinese planning evolution. The idea of planning culture is applied to build up the theoretical framework needed in order to approach the research subject: the contemporary Chinese transformation, based on a systematic structure. Overall, this research states the following. 1). The reversal of Chinese policies in 1978 and the opening up of the country to foreign investments and technology were taking up the job that had been left unfinished in 1949. The momentum is regarded as a part of the long-term evolution of Chinese modernization, for which the term of “critical-modernity” is introduced, situating the changes within the broader context of the globalization. It cannot be disconnected from the roots of Chinese history and tradition and as such is an alternative to Western paradigms. 2). The dissection of the specific Chinese historical evolution results in a sequence of layered modes of hybrid development. 3) Situating the political-economic momentum of the 80s in a longer time span and exploring it beyond the political status of the time by making the contextual linkage to the cultural and traditional consensus of Chinese history, it is seen as a “cultural turn” of Chinese society. 4). This study applies the idea of “planning culture”—to compare different periods in one country and to analyze the changes that have taken place with regard to both the planning system and the cultural context; and to approach urban planning transitions from political, social, and economic aspects by investigating the conditions, approaches, and results of current spatial planning in China. According to the application of the idea of planning culture as a systematic framework, the research comprises three major research themes: the transformation of society, the transformation of the planning system and the implementation of planning in practice. The Transformation of the Society comprises two parts. The first reviews the philosophical roots of the Chinese norm and value system and the second part introduces the contextual background of the emerged evolution of Chinese modernization. The purpose is on the one hand to anchor the contemporary Chinese transformation within the Chinese context, and on the other hand to argue that the transformation of contemporary China in the 1980s is a new turn that is part of the evolution of modernization. The Transformation of the Planning System offers the specific information about the transformation that took place in the 1980s, in particular in relation to the reforms initiated by the central government. The focus is in on the re-modification of the urban planning system after 1978; special attention is given to the political structure, planning organization, and plan forms. It is the analysis of the top–down system. The Implementation of Planning System in Practice zooms further in on the micro-scale of planning evolution by analyzing the planning implementation in practice in one of the fastest growing cities of the country: Shenzhen, located in the Pearl River Delta, which can be regarded as an almost newly constructed city with approximately 300.000 inhabitants in 1980 and reaching 10.47 million in 2011. During a relatively short period of development the degree of acceleration and the scope of an entirely unexpected growth forced local planning authorities to constantly readapt to changing conditions and new demands. In this framework, different planning documents and the process of decision-making are analyzed, with special attention to the coordination and fine-tuning between planning intervention and planning implementation. These three clusters of research themes serve to answer a series of research questions respectively. The main research question is: How does urban planning in contemporary China face the challenges of the emergent urban evolution within the current world society? This research argues that planning strategies have to be developed, on the one hand under the circumstances of inevitably increasing uncertainties in China society generating the flexibility for new and unexpected developments, and on the other hand to confront the unpredictability and uncertainty of initiatives from diverse public and private actors by generating and building up a reliable framework for sustainable long-term developments. Planning embodiment (ideology, aim, system etc.) must be understood and used not only for political-economical interventions but, furthermore, as a spatial agent in order to mediate the changing confrontations of socio– spatial demands embedded in the cultural domain, instead of being used only as a top–down dominating intervention tool. China enters a critical era of modernity, a society in which to retrieve the socio-spatial meaning for people is a much more powerful force than only focusing on economic success and political stability. This reflection shall be based on the revival of Chinese traditions and values and the re-evaluation of those values in a systematical manner. However, in comparison with drawing a concrete conclusion, this study’s intention is to inspire reflection, to provoke further debate and to disclose and dissect the context of Chinese planning culture. It is by the same consideration that I found the idea of planning culture a useful and valuable framework to access urban development and planning evolution in non-Occidental countries. The “soft” core of planning culture has the same essential cultural value everywhere, and for countries like China who share the similar hybridity of evolutional history, the processes of industrialization, urbanization, decolonization, Westernization, post-industrialization and globalization are affecting the country not in a linear–subsequent manner, but on different layers simultaneously and sometimes with contradicting demands. Being embedded in this unique Chinese political–socio–economic environment, urban planning is used by the state as a powerful instrument providing a vision for the country’s future in the transitional process between the rules of both extreme modes of top-down and bottom-up approaches, balanced by involving the governmental and public sectors simultaneously. I am convinced that the idea of planning culture can trigger a new wave of discourse leading to a completely new insight in and understanding of cultural differences, not only in an abstract sense for Chinese culture but also in general for everybody whose live is strongly influenced by planning decisions and whose daily activities are interactively incorporated in the socio-spatial domain.
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Wang, Chiu-Yuan. "Between Flexibility and Reliability. Changing Planning Culture in China." Architecture and the Built Environment, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.59490/abe.2014.15.984.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this research is to provide an outline to address questions with regard to the transformation of planning in China that has occurred after the 1980s. The research is using “planning evolution” as the main research skeleton. The starting point is to investigate to what extent Chinese urban planning has developed after the opening up and other reforms under the state-led and market-driven modes of Chinese reformation, and to investigate how the different modes and various actors have influenced urban planning, based on the investigation of the respective political and economic changes within the initial reformation in general, and planning in particular. In recent years, China has undeniably undergone a dramatic process of urban growth and transformation. Apart from its speed and scope, it is less recognized that these processes are confronting the Chinese planning institutions with new and unexpected demands almost on a daily basis. In reference to the increasing importance of private investments and developments within the Chinese urbanization process, a new balance between public planning and private developments, and between top-down and bottom-up approaches is required to be able to generate both a reliable and responsible framework for long-term urban development and a flexible system of implementation that meets the needs of changing conditions and new demands. Flexibility and reliability become the new demands for planning practice. Based on the theory of planning culture, planning traditions, concepts, systems and decision-making processes are always related to the cultural context and cultural background of the people and societies involved. Investigating the contemporary urban transformation and urban development processes in China can allow us to outline the new planning culture of contemporary China in relation to its historical roots and traditional characteristics in a long term framework. I argue that the changing role of urban planning is strongly embedded in the political, economic, and social domains and is a part of cultural innovation. The research opens a general debate on the circumstances of the contemporary Chinese transformation after the 1980s. After introducing the idea of planning culture and elaborating to what extent the idea of planning culture is applied in this research, I argue that the “soft” characteristics of planning emphasized by the idea of planning culture are crucial to understand Chinese planning evolution. The idea of planning culture is applied to build up the theoretical framework needed in order to approach the research subject: the contemporary Chinese transformation, based on a systematic structure. Overall, this research states the following. 1). The reversal of Chinese policies in 1978 and the opening up of the country to foreign investments and technology were taking up the job that had been left unfinished in 1949. The momentum is regarded as a part of the long-term evolution of Chinese modernization, for which the term of “critical-modernity” is introduced, situating the changes within the broader context of the globalization. It cannot be disconnected from the roots of Chinese history and tradition and as such is an alternative to Western paradigms. 2). The dissection of the specific Chinese historical evolution results in a sequence of layered modes of hybrid development. 3) Situating the political-economic momentum of the 80s in a longer time span and exploring it beyond the political status of the time by making the contextual linkage to the cultural and traditional consensus of Chinese history, it is seen as a “cultural turn” of Chinese society. 4). This study applies the idea of “planning culture”—to compare different periods in one country and to analyze the changes that have taken place with regard to both the planning system and the cultural context; and to approach urban planning transitions from political, social, and economic aspects by investigating the conditions, approaches, and results of current spatial planning in China. According to the application of the idea of planning culture as a systematic framework, the research comprises three major research themes: the transformation of society, the transformation of the planning system and the implementation of planning in practice. The Transformation of the Society comprises two parts. The first reviews the philosophical roots of the Chinese norm and value system and the second part introduces the contextual background of the emerged evolution of Chinese modernization. The purpose is on the one hand to anchor the contemporary Chinese transformation within the Chinese context, and on the other hand to argue that the transformation of contemporary China in the 1980s is a new turn that is part of the evolution of modernization. The Transformation of the Planning System offers the specific information about the transformation that took place in the 1980s, in particular in relation to the reforms initiated by the central government. The focus is in on the re-modification of the urban planning system after 1978; special attention is given to the political structure, planning organization, and plan forms. It is the analysis of the top–down system. The Implementation of Planning System in Practice zooms further in on the micro-scale of planning evolution by analyzing the planning implementation in practice in one of the fastest growing cities of the country: Shenzhen, located in the Pearl River Delta, which can be regarded as an almost newly constructed city with approximately 300.000 inhabitants in 1980 and reaching 10.47 million in 2011. During a relatively short period of development the degree of acceleration and the scope of an entirely unexpected growth forced local planning authorities to constantly readapt to changing conditions and new demands. In this framework, different planning documents and the process of decision-making are analyzed, with special attention to the coordination and fine-tuning between planning intervention and planning implementation. These three clusters of research themes serve to answer a series of research questions respectively. The main research question is: How does urban planning in contemporary China face the challenges of the emergent urban evolution within the current world society? This research argues that planning strategies have to be developed, on the one hand under the circumstances of inevitably increasing uncertainties in China society generating the flexibility for new and unexpected developments, and on the other hand to confront the unpredictability and uncertainty of initiatives from diverse public and private actors by generating and building up a reliable framework for sustainable long-term developments. Planning embodiment (ideology, aim, system etc.) must be understood and used not only for political-economical interventions but, furthermore, as a spatial agent in order to mediate the changing confrontations of socio– spatial demands embedded in the cultural domain, instead of being used only as a top–down dominating intervention tool. China enters a critical era of modernity, a society in which to retrieve the socio-spatial meaning for people is a much more powerful force than only focusing on economic success and political stability. This reflection shall be based on the revival of Chinese traditions and values and the re-evaluation of those values in a systematical manner. However, in comparison with drawing a concrete conclusion, this study’s intention is to inspire reflection, to provoke further debate and to disclose and dissect the context of Chinese planning culture. It is by the same consideration that I found the idea of planning culture a useful and valuable framework to access urban development and planning evolution in non-Occidental countries. The “soft” core of planning culture has the same essential cultural value everywhere, and for countries like China who share the similar hybridity of evolutional history, the processes of industrialization, urbanization, decolonization, Westernization, post-industrialization and globalization are affecting the country not in a linear–subsequent manner, but on different layers simultaneously and sometimes with contradicting demands. Being embedded in this unique Chinese political–socio–economic environment, urban planning is used by the state as a powerful instrument providing a vision for the country’s future in the transitional process between the rules of both extreme modes of top-down and bottom-up approaches, balanced by involving the governmental and public sectors simultaneously. I am convinced that the idea of planning culture can trigger a new wave of discourse leading to a completely new insight in and understanding of cultural differences, not only in an abstract sense for Chinese culture but also in general for everybody whose live is strongly influenced by planning decisions and whose daily activities are interactively incorporated in the socio-spatial domain.
49
Wang, Chiu-Yuan. "Between Flexibility and Reliability. Changing Planning Culture in China." Architecture and the Built Environment, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.59490/abe.2014.15.983.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this research is to provide an outline to address questions with regard to the transformation of planning in China that has occurred after the 1980s. The research is using “planning evolution” as the main research skeleton. The starting point is to investigate to what extent Chinese urban planning has developed after the opening up and other reforms under the state-led and market-driven modes of Chinese reformation, and to investigate how the different modes and various actors have influenced urban planning, based on the investigation of the respective political and economic changes within the initial reformation in general, and planning in particular. In recent years, China has undeniably undergone a dramatic process of urban growth and transformation. Apart from its speed and scope, it is less recognized that these processes are confronting the Chinese planning institutions with new and unexpected demands almost on a daily basis. In reference to the increasing importance of private investments and developments within the Chinese urbanization process, a new balance between public planning and private developments, and between top-down and bottom-up approaches is required to be able to generate both a reliable and responsible framework for long-term urban development and a flexible system of implementation that meets the needs of changing conditions and new demands. Flexibility and reliability become the new demands for planning practice. Based on the theory of planning culture, planning traditions, concepts, systems and decision-making processes are always related to the cultural context and cultural background of the people and societies involved. Investigating the contemporary urban transformation and urban development processes in China can allow us to outline the new planning culture of contemporary China in relation to its historical roots and traditional characteristics in a long term framework. I argue that the changing role of urban planning is strongly embedded in the political, economic, and social domains and is a part of cultural innovation. The research opens a general debate on the circumstances of the contemporary Chinese transformation after the 1980s. After introducing the idea of planning culture and elaborating to what extent the idea of planning culture is applied in this research, I argue that the “soft” characteristics of planning emphasized by the idea of planning culture are crucial to understand Chinese planning evolution. The idea of planning culture is applied to build up the theoretical framework needed in order to approach the research subject: the contemporary Chinese transformation, based on a systematic structure. Overall, this research states the following. 1). The reversal of Chinese policies in 1978 and the opening up of the country to foreign investments and technology were taking up the job that had been left unfinished in 1949. The momentum is regarded as a part of the long-term evolution of Chinese modernization, for which the term of “critical-modernity” is introduced, situating the changes within the broader context of the globalization. It cannot be disconnected from the roots of Chinese history and tradition and as such is an alternative to Western paradigms. 2). The dissection of the specific Chinese historical evolution results in a sequence of layered modes of hybrid development. 3) Situating the political-economic momentum of the 80s in a longer time span and exploring it beyond the political status of the time by making the contextual linkage to the cultural and traditional consensus of Chinese history, it is seen as a “cultural turn” of Chinese society. 4). This study applies the idea of “planning culture”—to compare different periods in one country and to analyze the changes that have taken place with regard to both the planning system and the cultural context; and to approach urban planning transitions from political, social, and economic aspects by investigating the conditions, approaches, and results of current spatial planning in China. According to the application of the idea of planning culture as a systematic framework, the research comprises three major research themes: the transformation of society, the transformation of the planning system and the implementation of planning in practice. The Transformation of the Society comprises two parts. The first reviews the philosophical roots of the Chinese norm and value system and the second part introduces the contextual background of the emerged evolution of Chinese modernization. The purpose is on the one hand to anchor the contemporary Chinese transformation within the Chinese context, and on the other hand to argue that the transformation of contemporary China in the 1980s is a new turn that is part of the evolution of modernization. The Transformation of the Planning System offers the specific information about the transformation that took place in the 1980s, in particular in relation to the reforms initiated by the central government. The focus is in on the re-modification of the urban planning system after 1978; special attention is given to the political structure, planning organization, and plan forms. It is the analysis of the top–down system. The Implementation of Planning System in Practice zooms further in on the micro-scale of planning evolution by analyzing the planning implementation in practice in one of the fastest growing cities of the country: Shenzhen, located in the Pearl River Delta, which can be regarded as an almost newly constructed city with approximately 300.000 inhabitants in 1980 and reaching 10.47 million in 2011. During a relatively short period of development the degree of acceleration and the scope of an entirely unexpected growth forced local planning authorities to constantly readapt to changing conditions and new demands. In this framework, different planning documents and the process of decision-making are analyzed, with special attention to the coordination and fine-tuning between planning intervention and planning implementation. These three clusters of research themes serve to answer a series of research questions respectively. The main research question is: How does urban planning in contemporary China face the challenges of the emergent urban evolution within the current world society? This research argues that planning strategies have to be developed, on the one hand under the circumstances of inevitably increasing uncertainties in China society generating the flexibility for new and unexpected developments, and on the other hand to confront the unpredictability and uncertainty of initiatives from diverse public and private actors by generating and building up a reliable framework for sustainable long-term developments. Planning embodiment (ideology, aim, system etc.) must be understood and used not only for political-economical interventions but, furthermore, as a spatial agent in order to mediate the changing confrontations of socio– spatial demands embedded in the cultural domain, instead of being used only as a top–down dominating intervention tool. China enters a critical era of modernity, a society in which to retrieve the socio-spatial meaning for people is a much more powerful force than only focusing on economic success and political stability. This reflection shall be based on the revival of Chinese traditions and values and the re-evaluation of those values in a systematical manner. However, in comparison with drawing a concrete conclusion, this study’s intention is to inspire reflection, to provoke further debate and to disclose and dissect the context of Chinese planning culture. It is by the same consideration that I found the idea of planning culture a useful and valuable framework to access urban development and planning evolution in non-Occidental countries. The “soft” core of planning culture has the same essential cultural value everywhere, and for countries like China who share the similar hybridity of evolutional history, the processes of industrialization, urbanization, decolonization, Westernization, post-industrialization and globalization are affecting the country not in a linear–subsequent manner, but on different layers simultaneously and sometimes with contradicting demands. Being embedded in this unique Chinese political–socio–economic environment, urban planning is used by the state as a powerful instrument providing a vision for the country’s future in the transitional process between the rules of both extreme modes of top-down and bottom-up approaches, balanced by involving the governmental and public sectors simultaneously. I am convinced that the idea of planning culture can trigger a new wave of discourse leading to a completely new insight in and understanding of cultural differences, not only in an abstract sense for Chinese culture but also in general for everybody whose live is strongly influenced by planning decisions and whose daily activities are interactively incorporated in the socio-spatial domain.
50
Wang, Chiu-Yuan. "Between Flexibility and Reliability." Architecture and the Built Environment, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.59490/abe.2014.15.790.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this research is to provide an outline to address questions with regard to the transformation of planning in China that has occurred after the 1980s. The research is using “planning evolution” as the main research skeleton. The starting point is to investigate to what extent Chinese urban planning has developed after the opening up and other reforms under the state-led and market-driven modes of Chinese reformation, and to investigate how the different modes and various actors have influenced urban planning, based on the investigation of the respective political and economic changes within the initial reformation in general, and planning in particular. In recent years, China has undeniably undergone a dramatic process of urban growth and transformation. Apart from its speed and scope, it is less recognized that these processes are confronting the Chinese planning institutions with new and unexpected demands almost on a daily basis. In reference to the increasing importance of private investments and developments within the Chinese urbanization process, a new balance between public planning and private developments, and between top-down and bottom-up approaches is required to be able to generate both a reliable and responsible framework for long-term urban development and a flexible system of implementation that meets the needs of changing conditions and new demands. Flexibility and reliability become the new demands for planning practice. Based on the theory of planning culture, planning traditions, concepts, systems and decision-making processes are always related to the cultural context and cultural background of the people and societies involved. Investigating the contemporary urban transformation and urban development processes in China can allow us to outline the new planning culture of contemporary China in relation to its historical roots and traditional characteristics in a long term framework. I argue that the changing role of urban planning is strongly embedded in the political, economic, and social domains and is a part of cultural innovation. The research opens a general debate on the circumstances of the contemporary Chinese transformation after the 1980s. After introducing the idea of planning culture and elaborating to what extent the idea of planning culture is applied in this research, I argue that the “soft” characteristics of planning emphasized by the idea of planning culture are crucial to understand Chinese planning evolution. The idea of planning culture is applied to build up the theoretical framework needed in order to approach the research subject: the contemporary Chinese transformation, based on a systematic structure. Overall, this research states the following. 1). The reversal of Chinese policies in 1978 and the opening up of the country to foreign investments and technology were taking up the job that had been left unfinished in 1949. The momentum is regarded as a part of the long-term evolution of Chinese modernization, for which the term of “critical-modernity” is introduced, situating the changes within the broader context of the globalization. It cannot be disconnected from the roots of Chinese history and tradition and as such is an alternative to Western paradigms. 2). The dissection of the specific Chinese historical evolution results in a sequence of layered modes of hybrid development. 3) Situating the political-economic momentum of the 80s in a longer time span and exploring it beyond the political status of the time by making the contextual linkage to the cultural and traditional consensus of Chinese history, it is seen as a “cultural turn” of Chinese society. 4). This study applies the idea of “planning culture”—to compare different periods in one country and to analyze the changes that have taken place with regard to both the planning system and the cultural context; and to approach urban planning transitions from political, social, and economic aspects by investigating the conditions, approaches, and results of current spatial planning in China. According to the application of the idea of planning culture as a systematic framework, the research comprises three major research themes: the transformation of society, the transformation of the planning system and the implementation of planning in practice. The Transformation of the Society comprises two parts. The first reviews the philosophical roots of the Chinese norm and value system and the second part introduces the contextual background of the emerged evolution of Chinese modernization. The purpose is on the one hand to anchor the contemporary Chinese transformation within the Chinese context, and on the other hand to argue that the transformation of contemporary China in the 1980s is a new turn that is part of the evolution of modernization. The Transformation of the Planning System offers the specific information about the transformation that took place in the 1980s, in particular in relation to the reforms initiated by the central government. The focus is in on the re-modification of the urban planning system after 1978; special attention is given to the political structure, planning organization, and plan forms. It is the analysis of the top–down system. The Implementation of Planning System in Practice zooms further in on the micro-scale of planning evolution by analyzing the planning implementation in practice in one of the fastest growing cities of the country: Shenzhen, located in the Pearl River Delta, which can be regarded as an almost newly constructed city with approximately 300.000 inhabitants in 1980 and reaching 10.47 million in 2011. During a relatively short period of development the degree of acceleration and the scope of an entirely unexpected growth forced local planning authorities to constantly readapt to changing conditions and new demands. In this framework, different planning documents and the process of decision-making are analyzed, with special attention to the coordination and fine-tuning between planning intervention and planning implementation. These three clusters of research themes serve to answer a series of research questions respectively. The main research question is: How does urban planning in contemporary China face the challenges of the emergent urban evolution within the current world society? This research argues that planning strategies have to be developed, on the one hand under the circumstances of inevitably increasing uncertainties in China society generating the flexibility for new and unexpected developments, and on the other hand to confront the unpredictability and uncertainty of initiatives from diverse public and private actors by generating and building up a reliable framework for sustainable long-term developments. Planning embodiment (ideology, aim, system etc.) must be understood and used not only for political-economical interventions but, furthermore, as a spatial agent in order to mediate the changing confrontations of socio– spatial demands embedded in the cultural domain, instead of being used only as a top–down dominating intervention tool. China enters a critical era of modernity, a society in which to retrieve the socio-spatial meaning for people is a much more powerful force than only focusing on economic success and political stability. This reflection shall be based on the revival of Chinese traditions and values and the re-evaluation of those values in a systematical manner. However, in comparison with drawing a concrete conclusion, this study’s intention is to inspire reflection, to provoke further debate and to disclose and dissect the context of Chinese planning culture. It is by the same consideration that I found the idea of planning culture a useful and valuable framework to access urban development and planning evolution in non-Occidental countries. The “soft” core of planning culture has the same essential cultural value everywhere, and for countries like China who share the similar hybridity of evolutional history, the processes of industrialization, urbanization, decolonization, Westernization, post-industrialization and globalization are affecting the country not in a linear–subsequent manner, but on different layers simultaneously and sometimes with contradicting demands. Being embedded in this unique Chinese political–socio–economic environment, urban planning is used by the state as a powerful instrument providing a vision for the country’s future in the transitional process between the rules of both extreme modes of top-down and bottom-up approaches, balanced by involving the governmental and public sectors simultaneously. I am convinced that the idea of planning culture can trigger a new wave of discourse leading to a completely new insight in and understanding of cultural differences, not only in an abstract sense for Chinese culture but also in general for everybody whose live is strongly influenced by planning decisions and whose daily activities are interactively incorporated in the socio-spatial domain.