Dissertations / Theses: 'Chinese reunification question (1949-)'

1

Chen, Han-shin. "The making of Taiwan's mainland policy milieu, state, and decision-making /." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33051230.html.

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Cheng, Xiaojing. "Chinese metaphors in poliltical discourse how the government of the People's Republic of China criticizes the independence of Taiwan /." Muncie, Ind. : Ball State University, 2009. http://cardinalscholar.bsu.edu/771.

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3

Whitten, Robert Todd. "Uniting the Empire long divided China's attempts to alter US policy on Taiwan in the 1990's /." access full-text online access from Digital dissertation consortium, 1997. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/ezdb/umi-r.pl?1385461.pdf.

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4

Cheng, Xiaojing. "Chinese metaphors in political discourse : how the government of the People's Republic of China criticizes the independence of Taiwan." CardinalScholar 1.0, 2009. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1467028.

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This dissertation discusses various underlying conceptual metaphors used to describe the issue of Taiwan’s independence in the PRC media in light of Conceptual Metaphor Theory. The conceptual metaphors underlying linguistic expressions that are used to depict the independence issue in Chinese for a total number of nineteen concepts are examined. It is also argued that the conceptual bases for some chengyu, fixed expressions in Chinese, can be explained within Conceptual Metaphor Theory, but others cannot since some of the conceptual mappings constructed are context specific. The secondary metaphors found in some chengyu are based on the original association of one domain with another in the allusion or historical story. In short, this study provides empirical evidence for Conceptual Metaphor Theory in that the use of metaphor is extremely prevalent in at least one genre of Chinese political writing. It also examines Chinese chengyu from a cognitive point of view.
Department of English

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5

Curran, Donald J. "Bridging the Strait : implications for Japan and the United States following a peaceful reunification of China and Taiwan /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5F_Curran.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Miller, Alice L. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 22, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-64). Also available in print.

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6

Wang, Yu Ting. "The evolution of US thinking on Taiwan issue and China's reunification." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554619.

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7

Lin, Chin-sheng, and n/a. "The One-China controversy, 1996-2002 : the impact of Taiwan�s democratisation on the cross-strait policies of Taipei, Beijing and Washington." University of Otago. Department of Political Studies, 2005. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070220.142540.

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The one-China issue before the 1990s was not particularly complex as both sides of the Taiwan Strait claimed that there was only one China in the world and Taiwan was part of China. Nevertheless, after Taiwan accelerated democratisation in the early 1990s, and especially after 1996 when it entered a stage of democratic consolidation, the one-China issue has become a bitter controversy. Taiwan was transformed from an authoritarian regime to a democracy through the revision of the constitution and the reform of elections for the Legislative Yüan and the presidency between 1991 and 1996. Democratisation not only legitimised the government�s rule on Taiwan, but also brought about Taiwanese nationalism, which forced the government to defend the sovereignty to which its democratic and economic achievements now entitled it. As the PRC has always claimed sovereignty over Taiwan, the one-China controversy has thus focused on Taiwan�s international status since the 1990s. In order to prevent Taiwan from declaring independence, the PRC adopted a carrot and stick strategy, but failed. Its "peaceful reunification" policy and the "one country, two systems" formula could not attract the Taiwanese, and its military threats were blocked by the US, which has strongly demanded a peaceful resolution for cross-Strait disputes since 1979. As the US also needs the PRC�s cooperation in many international areas, it did not support Taiwan�s formal independence. Under such circumstances, maintaining the status quo of the Taiwan Strait becomes the best choice for the three sides. The one-China controversy is not expected to be resolved in the near future. Democracy has been promoted as a universal value since the Cold War. As Taiwan has not ruled out the possibility of future democratic unification with the Mainland, the best way to resolve the one-China controversy might be the successful democratisation of the PRC, which the international community would welcome.

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8

Fu, I.-chieh. "U.S. arms sales to Taiwan : a critical issue in Sino-American relations." Thesis, Kansas State University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/9837.

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9

Ho, Veng On. "A unificacao nacional da China e o processo de transicao de Macau." Thesis, University of Macau, 1996. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1636858.

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10

占美珍. "開放中國居民赴台旅遊的政策研究." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554111.

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11

Szanajda, Andrij. "From cooperation to alternative settlement : the Allies and the "German problem", 1941-1949." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59901.

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This study deals with Allied policy for postwar Germany during the Second World War (1941-1945) and the Allied occupation (1945-1949). It is shown that the ideological division and the conflicting objectives of the occupation powers led to a disintegration of cooperation between the occupation powers, and resulted in the division of Germany as an alternative settlement to the "German Problem". The evidence is based on the available government documents, eye-witness accounts, and secondary sources.

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12

Ullrich, Maren. "Geteilte Ansichten : Erinnerungslandschaft deutsch-deutsche Grenze /." Berlin : Aufbau-Verlag, 2006. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/71255617.html.

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13

Meredith, Garry M. Homan Gerlof D. "German unification and the big powers, 1985-1990." Normal, Ill. : Illinois State University, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p3088028.

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Thesis (D.A.)--Illinois State University, 2002.
Title from title page screen, viewed Aug. 13, 2004. Dissertation Committee: Gerlof Homan (chair), Richard Soderlund, Lawrence McBride. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 262-284) and abstract. Also available in print.

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14

Ferreira, Solange Reis 1964. "Alemanha reunificada : o debate nacional sobre politica externa e identidade." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279385.

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Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T11:53:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ferreira_SolangeReis_M.pdf: 647247 bytes, checksum: 6a191e996d32e3ed01cc3487a4de368d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008
Resumo: Nesta dissertação discutiremos a política externa da Alemanha depois da reunificação com ênfase na sua cultura estratégica. Tendo como ponto inicial uma negativa do governo alemão em apoiar a invasão do Iraque pelos Estados Unidos no ano de 2003, identificaremos os interesses que determinaram o comportamento da Alemanha a partir da problemática da identidade e da relação do país com seus principais aliados: União Européia e Estados Unidos. Veremos que, para estudar a Alemanha reunificada, será preciso recorrer às abordagens construtivistas, pois essas análises propõem a observação dos fenômenos políticos internacionais, não apenas a partir da distribuição de poder, mas também de elementos ideativos. Com o objetivo de alcançar um resultado mais autêntico, trabalharemos, principalmente, com base na literatura acadêmica e em artigos de think tanks alemães. O trabalho será composto de quatro partes. Na introdução serão expostos: o contexto político internacional no século XXI, a ruptura nas relações transatlânticas, uma breve retrospectiva da reconstrução dos fundamentos da política externa alemã no pós-guerra e o papel da identidade no comportamento de Estado. O primeiro capítulo apresentará as escolas de pensamento que orientaram o debate nacional na Alemanha sobre os rumos da política externa após a reunificação, destacando seus principais autores e prognósticos. Pretendemos que o segundo capítulo venha a conhecer os interesses que orientaram a política externa da Alemanha, e quais identidades, desenvolvidas no contexto da guerra fria, da integração européia e da reunificação do país, constituem cada um desses interesses. Analisaremos quando o comportamento da Alemanha, diante de importantes eventos internacionais entre 1990 e 2003, foi caracterizado por continuidade ou mudança no que concerne às suas relações com os principais aliados no aspecto da estratégia de segurança. Como conclusão, apresentaremos os interesses relacionados às suas identidades e tentaremos traçar um cenário provável para a política externa da Alemanha no século XXI
Abstract: This research analyses german foreign policy after its reunification in 1990. It departs from the german refusal to support US invasion into Irak in 2003 and try to identify the interests that have been determining german behavior since the reunification by considering important aspects of german strategic culture in relation to its main allies: the European Union and the United States. In order to support the comprehension of identity rolle in foreign policy it consider some aspects of Constructivism, although the theoretical approach is not the focus of this research. Our purpose is to learn about Germany and its international relations from the perspective of the german debatte based on the opinion of those agents that might influence the political decision-making process in foreign policy. Therefore it relies on the material published by some of the important academic research centers, the main think tanks and the most proeminent political foundations from 1990 to 2003. In extension we aim to expose traces of continuity or change in german foreign policy and understand how the german literature and experts explain behavior as a consequence of determinant variables such as identity and interests
Mestrado
Relações Internacionais
Mestre em Relações Internacionais

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15

Dodd, Andrew. "West German editorial journalists between division and reunification, 1987-1991." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4205.

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This thesis analyzes the published commentary of editorial journalists regarding the division of Germany in twelve major newspapers of the Federal Republic of Germany in a period spanning from the final years of division to the immediate aftermath of the unification of the two German states. The study tracks editorial advocacy in response to East German leader Erich Honecker's Bonn visit in 1987 coupled with the intra-German policy efforts of the Social Democratic Party in opposition, which seemed to edge towards two-state neutralism; the wave of repression in the German Democratic Republic from late 1987 onward in the wake of Mikhail Gorbachev's reform programme, and the June 1989 visit of Mikhail Gorbachev to Bonn. Journalistic commentators' propagation of a form of constitutional patriotism as a Federal Republican identity will be examined. Responses to the East German Revolution as it developed in late 1989 are analyzed in detail, followed by an account of journalistic efforts to define the political-cultural parameters of united Germany between March 1990 and June 1991. After four decades, the post-war division of Germany had acquired a degree of normalcy. Journalistic commentators argued against any acceptance of division that also accepted the existence of the party-state dictatorship in the German Democratic Republic, insisting that the German Question was 'open' until self-determination for East Germans was realized. Nevertheless, throughout the period journalistic commentators argued in unison against solutions to division which would alienate the Federal Republic from its western alliance or put its established socio-political order at risk. Contemporary journalism propagated an image of the Federal Republic that was thoroughly defined by its post-war internalization of 'Western' value norms. This was most evident during the East German Revolution and the immediate aftermath, ostensibly the moment of greatest uncertainty about Germany's future path, when commentators became champions of continuity within the western alliance.

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16

Wood, Laura Matysek. "The Hallstein Doctrine: its Effect as a Sanction." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501041/.

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The Federal Republic of Germany (F.R.G.) used the Hallstein Doctrine from 1955-1970 to prevent the worldwide recognition of the German Democratic Republic (G.D.R.). By denying the existence of a separate German state and thus the de facto division of Germany, the F.R.G. sought to perpetuate the idea of one German nation and to ease reunification. In addition, the F.R.G. claimed to be the sole, legitimate representative of German interests, and hoped to prevent the G.D.R. from acting as a separate Germany in world affairs. As a sanction, the Doctrine effectively prevented the international recognition of the G.D.R.. Also, the G.D.R.'s trade with Third World nations, from whom recognition was most likely, was severely limited. Unfortunately, the Doctrine also prevented the reunification of Germany.

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17

Dabo, Boubacar. "La France et les questions politico-stratégiques franco-allemandes : de l’échec de la CED à l’unification allemande (1954-1990)." Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030037/document.

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Avant la création de la République fédérale d’Allemagne en 1949, la France et l’Allemagne se sont livrées la guerre à trois reprises (1870, 1914, 1945). L’objet de notre étude se propose de suivre le parcours des relations politico-stratégiques entre les deux pays depuis l’échec du projet de communauté européenne de défense en 1954 jusqu’à la réunification allemande en 1990. À travers cette étude, nous essayons de montrer comment le couple franco-allemand, malgré les réussites et les échecs, s’est imposé depuis la création de la RFA comme un axe fondamental dans l’espace européen à telle enseigne qu’il est considéré à tort ou à raison comme le « couple moteur » de l’Europe.Notre étude nous conduit à aborder les relations internationales contemporaines.Malgré ses succès sur le plan économique, politique et plus ou moins social, l’Union européenne pêche dans le secteur de la défense. Quelles sont les réticences à la mise en place d’un pôle européen de défense au sein de l’espace européen ?
Before the birth of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949, France and Germanyhad been at war thrice (1870,1914, 1945).The object of our study is to follow the course of the politico-strategic relationshipthese two countries shared between the failure of the European Defence Community Project in 1954 and Germany’s reunification in 1990. All through this study, we willtry to explain how the French and German pair has become – despite both successand failure and since the birth of the FRG – a fundamental axis of the European Area : so much so that it is rightly or wrongly regarded as the ‘duet of Europe’.Our study will highlight today’s international relations, since despite its economic,political and social victories, the European Union has a lots of weaknessesconcerning Defence. Which arguments are held against the establishment of aEuropean pole of Defence within the European Area. ?

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18

"中國「統一過渡期」的構想." 盧家耀], 1996. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5888711.

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盧家耀.
論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院政治及公共行政學部, 1996.
參考文献 : leaves 183-190.
Lu Jiayao [Lo Ka-yiu].
導言 --- p.1
Chapter 第一章： --- 統一的目的和意義 --- p.39
Chapter 第二章： --- 中國大陸對台灣的政策（1979-1995) --- p.39
Chapter 第三章： --- 台灣對大陸的政策（1979-1995) --- p.62
Chapter 第四章： --- 台灣民主化對統一的影響 --- p.79
Chapter 第五章： --- 兩岸經貿發展對統一的影響 --- p.103
Chapter 第六章： --- 總結：「統一過渡期」的構想 --- p.118
附錄一：中國(共)全國人民代表大會常務委員會《告臺灣同胞書》（葉九條） --- p.134
附錄二：中國(共)關於台灣回歸祖國實現和平統一的方針政策 --- p.136
附錄三：中國(共)國務院關於鼓勵台灣同胞投資的規定 --- p.137
附錄四：中華民國《國家統一綱領》 --- p.141
附錄五：中華民國關於「一個中國」的涵義 --- p.143
附錄六：中國(共)國務院政策白皮書：《台灣問題與中國的統一》 --- p.144
附錄七：中華民國對中共「台灣問題與中國的統一」白皮書的看法-只有「中國問題」，沒有「台灣問題」 --- p.156
附錄八：台海兩岸關係說明書 --- p.161
附錄九：中國(共)國家主席江澤民兩岸關係講話全文 (江八點） --- p.175
附錄十：李登輝總統於國家統一委員會的講話全文 (李六點） --- p.179
表1.1:台灣在大陸及東盟四國的直接投資 --- p.19
表4.1:兩黨支持人口分析表 --- p.93
表4.2:縣市長選舉各黨得票數、得票率統計表 --- p.93
表4.3：立法委員三次選舉各黨派席位分配消長 --- p.94
表4.5 ：1996年3月23日台灣總統選舉結果 --- p.94
表5.1:台灣與部分亞太地區、地價和辦工室租金比較 --- p.104
表5.2:台灣與中國大陸經香港轉口貿易表 --- p.108
表5.3:大陸台灣科技合作互補性 --- p.109
表5.4:兩岸貿易依存度 --- p.109
表6.1:分裂國家統一的三個階段 --- p.125
表6.2:分裂國家走向統一之四階段 --- p.126
表6.3:分裂國家關係進程模式 --- p.127
表6.4:「統一過渡期」特點 --- p.130
表6.5：「統一過渡期」構想與兩岸統一政策之比較 --- p.132
參考書目 --- p.183

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19

Lo, Chih-cheng. "Rapprochement between regional rivals a study of divided nations /." 1995. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/35517677.html.

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20

Kao, Lang. "One country, two systems its theory, practice, and feasibility /." 1989. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/22537680.html.

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21

Lee, Hsing-wei. "An analysis of Beijing's policy toward Taiwan, 1979-1988." 1991. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/27047968.html.

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22

"Examining the anti-secession law, and its effects on cross-strait relations." 2007. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5893107.

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Levine Zachary Jonah.
Thesis submitted in: November 2006.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 107-126).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
"Title Page, Abstracts, Acknowledgements" --- p.i-v
Introduction --- p.1
Chapter Chapter One: --- The Formation of a Taiwanese Identity --- p.6
Chapter Chapter Two: --- Literature Review --- p.27
Chapter Chapter Three: --- The Current State of Relations Between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China --- p.46
Chapter Chapter Four: --- The History and Nature of America's Security Commitment to Taiwan --- p.56
Chapter Chapter Five: --- Analysis of the Anti-Secession Law --- p.67
Chapter Chapter Six: --- Reasons Behind the Passage of the Anti-Secession Law --- p.76
Chapter Chapter Seven: --- Effects of the Anti-Secession Law --- p.93
Chapter Chapter Eight: --- Conclusion --- p.102
Sources --- p.107

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23

Ungvari, Peter. "The effects of the Hong Kong handover on U.S. one-China policy." Master's thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144654.

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24

Chai, Goo Mook. "National unification a comparison of German experience and Korean possibilities /." 1995. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/35517546.html.

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"Die betekenis van die oprigting van die Berlynse muur (1961) in die konteks van die Koue Oorlog." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/12637.

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Petz, BH. "Gunter Grass's Unkenrufe : telling German hi/stories : who it telling them? And by whose authority?" Thesis, 2003. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/21199/1/whole_PetzBeatriceHelen2003_thesis.pdf.

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Historical writing is a means of taking possession of the past in the interest of the present, and in turn, the future. The reunification of Germany provided the impetus and urgency for historiography to play an important role in influencing the kind of nation that would establish itself in the heart of Europe. With a crucial aspect of the nation's identity consisting in its relations with its neighbours, the prospect of reunification threw the spotlight on unresolved aspects of German-Polish relations, for at that time Germany's border with Poland had still not been recognized by the Federal Republic. To Gunter Grass Germany's prevarication on this issue has long been a matter of deep concern. Unkenrufe, his first postunification prose fiction work, is his response to the new urgency surrounding issues of German-Polish relations at the time of reunification. It is an important work which, to date, has not been accorded the recognition it deserves. Employing two questions posed by Grass - 'Wer erzahlt hier? Und mit wessen Erlaubnis?' - as its starting point, this thesis situates Unkenrufe securely within the traditions of Grass's complete oeuvre, while simultaneously demonstrating that the work represents a new departure in that most central aspect of Grass's prose fiction writing, namely the narrator figure. The two most significant changes which distinguish Unkenrufe from the work of the preceding decades are identified as, firstly, the shift in the narrator's location away from the position at the centre of the action characteristically occupied Grass's narrators, to a position on the edge of the action; and secondly, a move away from a concern with metafiction towards a concern with metahistory. The Unkenrufe narrator is identified as an historian whose methodical treatment of historical documents as he struggles with the existential circumstances which brought the documents into his possession shows how historical obligation falls to those who were too young to have been perpetrators and victims, those whose age might imbue them with the cool distance of the 'Verdienst- und Schuldlosen'. At the same time, however, Unkenrufe represents a step towards the more direct confrontation of the issue of the German victims of Nazism which is seen a decade later in Im Krebsgang, and is a precursor to a broader, more considered approach to German history.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Chinese reunification question (1949-)'

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