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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Chinese reunification question (1949-)

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Academic literature on the topic 'Chinese reunification question (1949-)'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Chinese reunification question (1949-)"

1

Kazantsev, Artem. "The Taiwan Question and PRC Politics of Memory towards Japan." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 1 (2023): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120024221-4.

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This paper discusses the place of Taiwan in PRC’s foreign policy and politics of memory from the perspective of PRC’s raising pressure on Japan and the necessity to solve the Taiwan problem. The Taiwan issue is an important topic for the PRC. Taiwan is still perceived by the Chinese as a reminder of the unfinished civil war and a divided China. The issue of reunification became especially acute during the reign of Xi Jinping, when the need to return Taiwan "to its homeland" became one of the main tasks of the "Great Revival of the Chinese Nation". However, the leadership of Taiwan does not want to lose its de facto independence from the mainland. Besides, the unification of the island with China is not welcomed by other major powers in the region, in particular Japan. Moreover, deep economic, political and cultural interaction has been established between Taiwan and Japan. From the point of view of mainland China, Taiwan cannot have either economic or political independence. To achieve reunification with the island, the PRC resorts to memory politics. The paper analyzes the origins of the Taiwan issue, as well as the positions of the PRC, Japan and Taiwan. The features of the politics of memory of the PRC, which determine the use of memory politics as a foreign policy instrument in relation to Japan, are exposed and analyzed. It is concluded that PRC politics of memory towards Japan is characterized by frequent appeals to the events of the Sino-Japanese war (1931-1945) and the period of Japanese occupation of Taiwan. The PRC claims its right to return the island "to its homeland" as a result of victory in the war and points out that Japan has no moral right to intervene in this issue.

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2

Wong, Yiu Chung. "Independence or Reunification? The Evolving PRC–Taiwan Relations." Baltic Journal of European Studies 9, no. 2 (September 1, 2019): 98–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0016.

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AbstractThe article attempts to examine the relationship between Taiwan, a de facto political entity, and the People’s Republic of China (Mainland China) since 1949, the landmark year when the then ruling party KMT (The Nationalist Party) was defeated by the CCP (Chinese Communist Party) in the Mainland. Essentially, the narrative is focused on the government policies by the two respective political entities. The PRC pledged to unify Taiwan again and subsequently its unification policies are delineated. A two-stage schema is proposed for the analysis, albeit the second stage can be further divided into three phases. As for Taiwan, a five-stage categorization is proposed. Moreover, three sets of factors influencing the cross-Strait relations would be discussed, namely the power dynamics within the PRC, internal development inside Taiwan and the role of the USA. Finally, the implications of the coming of Trump era are outlined.

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Buscher, Frank M. "The U.S. High Commission and German Nationalism, 1949–52." Central European History 23, no. 1 (March 1990): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900021075.

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The recent revolutionary changes in Eastern Europe represent a mixed blessing for the United States and the western alliance as a whole. On the one hand, the West has had good reason to rejoice, witnessing the triumph of democracy and economic liberalism after more than forty years of Cold War tensions. On the other hand, the fall of the Eastern European communist governments in 1989, including that of the German Democratic Republic, once again brought the German question to the forefront. The Bush administration approached the issue of German reunification in a very cautious manner, insisting that a unified Germany guarantee the finality of its eastern borders and remain committed to the West. This caution clearly demonstrated the apprehension on the part of U.S. policy-makers that nationalism and the push for national unity might prove stronger than the German commitment to NATO and the western alliance.

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Zhihua, Shen. "Sino-Soviet Relations and the Origins of the Korean War: Stalin's Strategic Goals in the Far East." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 2 (May 2000): 44–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032309.

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After initially insisting on the peaceful reunification of Korea, Josif Stalin suddenly decided in early 1950 to give North Korean leader Kim Il Sung permission to invade South Korea. Documents from the Russian archives and materials published in China help explain this abrupt shift in Stalin's position. They show that Stalin carefully assessed the likely American reaction and mistakenly concluded that North Korean forces would quickly seize South Korea, giving the United States no opportunity to respond. The documents also reveal that Stalin's attitude toward Korea was strongly influenced by Sino-Soviet relations in 1949–1950, particularly his desire to maintain Soviet privileges on Chinese territory and his concern that Beijing would challenge Moscow's leadership of the international Communist movement. Stalin believed that a North Korean invasion of the South would greatly strengthen the Soviet Union's leverage vis-a-vis China.

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Liu, Xiaoyuan. "The Kuomintang and the ‘Mongolian Question’ in the Chinese Civil War, 1945–1949." Inner Asia 1, no. 2 (1999): 169–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/146481799793648059.

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AbstractThe essay is an historical investigation of the Chinese National Government’s policy toward Inner Mongolian nationalism during the postwar years. The study reveals that the seemingly marginal ‘Mongolian question’ was actually at the core of the KMT—CCP struggle for northern and northeastern China. Through examining the government’s rigid and Chinese-centric policies and its misconceptions about the conditions of postwar Inner Mongolia, the study contends that the KMT government’s blunders in the Inner Mongolian ethno-politics were among the reasons for its loss to the Chinese Communists in the civil war. The study is based on a solid research of archival as well as published materials.

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Vuong, Martina. "The Impact of the Anti-Chinese Páihuá Policy in Vietnam after Reunification: the Refugees’ Perspective." Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies 2, no. 1 (December 1, 2011): 149–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2011-0012.

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Abstract In 1978–1979 the news reporting on the Vietnamese boat people attracted attention from the whole world. Not only the media but also scientific researchers were interested in these mass refugees. However, this phenomenon has been detached from its context and perceived as a self-contained event on many occasions. Furthermore, most people were not aware of the fact that the main body of these refugees were ethnic Chinese, known as the Hoa. The study presented in this paper takes this as its starting point and focuses on the question of the motivations of the Hoa in leaving North Vietnam. It takes the historical, internal and foreign political context into consideration and identifies a political atmosphere extremely hostile to the ethnic Chinese.The páihuá policy drove them to leave behind what they had built up and led to the mass exodus of 1978–1979, but also gave the Hoa hope for a new and better life for themselves and especially for their future descendants outside of Vietnam.

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Afonasieva, Alina V. "On the Question of the Size and Location of the Chinese Diaspora in the World (1949 — present)." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 2 (2023): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120025331-5.

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The article is devoted to the issues of the size of the Chinese diaspora (overseas Chinese or huaqiao-huaren — Chinese emigrants with PRC citizenship and ethnic Chinese with foreign citizenship), its location in the world and the degree of its self-organization. These issues are quite complex. There is still no generally accepted methodology for studying them. Changes in the size and geographical location of the Chinese diaspora are shown in a historical perspective, with an emphasis on 1949 (the creation of the PRC), 1978 (the beginning of the policy of reform and opening-up in the PRC) and 2000-2021 (suppositive present stage). The author analyzes international, Chinese (PRC and Taiwan), American and Russian estimates of the size of the Chinese diaspora and determines the range of the number of huaqiao-huaren at the present stage at 50-80 million people. She identifies 189 countries and regions of residence of overseas Chinese (earlier, a figure of 150-160 countries and regions appeared in national and foreign literature), and creates two maps of the geographical location of the Chinese diaspora by countries and regions of the world. One of them shows the actual number of overseas Chinese, the other shows the share of huaqiao-huaren in the population of countries and regions of the world. The paper also touches upon the topic of overseas Chinese communities. It studies the statistical data of the PRC and Taiwan regarding the size and types of activities of these communities. It also gives a brief overview of the economic situation of the Chinese diaspora in host countries. The author concludes that the Chinese diaspora has a high degree of self-organization and developed economic ties with China.

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8

Viana, Venus. "THE POLICING OF A SOUTH CHINESE COUNTY, 1929–1949." International Journal of Asian Studies 12, no. 1 (January 2015): 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591414000217.

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In 1927, when the Nationalist Party under Chiang Kai-shek established a republic, they also established a list of urgent duties. One was to reform the government structure from top to bottom so as to show the rest of the world its capability to govern the country in a modern way. While big cities were the showplaces for modernization and state-building, down at the county level, Chiang Kai-shek proclaimed Zhongshan in Guangdong the “model county.” To maintain this honor and its benefits, the local authorities made special efforts to restructure the government; reforming and retraining the police force was one important aspect of this attempt. While it is commonly held today that in the 1930s and 1940s county governments in the Pearl River Delta had disintegrated and were dominated by “local bosses,” this article uses previously inaccessible local records to examine Zhongshan County government and reform to answer one particular question: whether Zhongshan was successful in forming a modern police force. It examines a number of problems related to inefficiency and ineffectiveness in government administration, but at the same time also discusses why many civilians were welcoming, rather than suspicious, of the police. The answers to these issues suggest that the overall structure and management of the Zhongshan government (and even social integration) was to some extent consolidated in this period.

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9

Crowe, David M. "The “Tibet question”: Tibetan, Chinese and Western perspectives." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 6 (November 2013): 1100–1135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.801946.

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The historical conflict between Tibet and China goes back almost a thousand years. Both sides use history to argue their point about the core issues in this dispute – Tibet's claim of independence and autonomy, and China's of suzerainty. This article looks at the historical roots of this conflict, particularly since 1949, when China began its gradual takeover of Tibet. Chinese policies toward Tibet, which have been driven by a desire to communize and sinicize Tibet, has been met by stiff resistance from the Tibetans, who see Han Chinese dominance as a force that will, over time, destroy Tibet's unique religion, language, culture, and history. This resistance has drawn the attention of the West, who see Chinese policies in Tibet as a symbol of the failings of Beijing's rulers to embrace a strong commitment to human rights at the same time that China is becoming a global economic power. The 14th Dalai Lama, a key figure in this conflict, and his government-in-exile have served as bridges to Western efforts to try to force Beijing to embrace more open, humane policies toward Tibetans throughout China. His retirement as political head of the exile government in 2011, coupled with China's growing economic and strategic power globally, raises serious questions about the willingness of the USA, and other democratic powers to risk their relationships with Beijing to continue to promote true human rights and autonomy throughout the Tibetan Plateau.

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10

Afonaseva, A. V. "On the Policy of Attracting the Intellectual Resources of the Chinese Diaspora to the PRC." Orientalistica 5, no. 4 (December 20, 2022): 867–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2022-5-4-867-881.

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The article analyzes the Chinese experience in attracting talented people from abroad. The author focuses on the question of how the foreign specialists' programs enabled the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to attract back mainly Chinese emigrants (华侨 huaqiao) as well as ethnic Chinese who held foreign passports (华人 huaren) rather than foreign nationals. The article offers historical background for the work of the PRC leaders who dealt with foreign Chinese specialists between 1949–1977. It also deals with the regulatory framework of the policy of attracting talented foreigners during the years of reform and opening up (from 1978 until the present). The author concludes: the legal framework, which underlied the policy of attracting talented people from abroad, in the first instance was oriented on huaqiao and huaren as opposed to foreign specialists of similar qualifications. Programs of attracting Chinese graduates of foreign universities to the PRC are also focused on huaqiao.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Chinese reunification question (1949-)"

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Chen, Han-shin. "The making of Taiwan's mainland policy milieu, state, and decision-making /." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33051230.html.

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2

Cheng, Xiaojing. "Chinese metaphors in poliltical discourse how the government of the People's Republic of China criticizes the independence of Taiwan /." Muncie, Ind. : Ball State University, 2009. http://cardinalscholar.bsu.edu/771.

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3

Whitten, Robert Todd. "Uniting the Empire long divided China's attempts to alter US policy on Taiwan in the 1990's /." access full-text online access from Digital dissertation consortium, 1997. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/ezdb/umi-r.pl?1385461.pdf.

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Cheng, Xiaojing. "Chinese metaphors in political discourse : how the government of the People's Republic of China criticizes the independence of Taiwan." CardinalScholar 1.0, 2009. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1467028.

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This dissertation discusses various underlying conceptual metaphors used to describe the issue of Taiwan’s independence in the PRC media in light of Conceptual Metaphor Theory. The conceptual metaphors underlying linguistic expressions that are used to depict the independence issue in Chinese for a total number of nineteen concepts are examined. It is also argued that the conceptual bases for some chengyu, fixed expressions in Chinese, can be explained within Conceptual Metaphor Theory, but others cannot since some of the conceptual mappings constructed are context specific. The secondary metaphors found in some chengyu are based on the original association of one domain with another in the allusion or historical story. In short, this study provides empirical evidence for Conceptual Metaphor Theory in that the use of metaphor is extremely prevalent in at least one genre of Chinese political writing. It also examines Chinese chengyu from a cognitive point of view.
Department of English

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5

Curran, Donald J. "Bridging the Strait : implications for Japan and the United States following a peaceful reunification of China and Taiwan /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5F_Curran.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Miller, Alice L. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 22, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-64). Also available in print.

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6

Wang, Yu Ting. "The evolution of US thinking on Taiwan issue and China's reunification." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554619.

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7

Lin, Chin-sheng, and n/a. "The One-China controversy, 1996-2002 : the impact of Taiwan�s democratisation on the cross-strait policies of Taipei, Beijing and Washington." University of Otago. Department of Political Studies, 2005. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070220.142540.

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The one-China issue before the 1990s was not particularly complex as both sides of the Taiwan Strait claimed that there was only one China in the world and Taiwan was part of China. Nevertheless, after Taiwan accelerated democratisation in the early 1990s, and especially after 1996 when it entered a stage of democratic consolidation, the one-China issue has become a bitter controversy. Taiwan was transformed from an authoritarian regime to a democracy through the revision of the constitution and the reform of elections for the Legislative Yüan and the presidency between 1991 and 1996. Democratisation not only legitimised the government�s rule on Taiwan, but also brought about Taiwanese nationalism, which forced the government to defend the sovereignty to which its democratic and economic achievements now entitled it. As the PRC has always claimed sovereignty over Taiwan, the one-China controversy has thus focused on Taiwan�s international status since the 1990s. In order to prevent Taiwan from declaring independence, the PRC adopted a carrot and stick strategy, but failed. Its "peaceful reunification" policy and the "one country, two systems" formula could not attract the Taiwanese, and its military threats were blocked by the US, which has strongly demanded a peaceful resolution for cross-Strait disputes since 1979. As the US also needs the PRC�s cooperation in many international areas, it did not support Taiwan�s formal independence. Under such circumstances, maintaining the status quo of the Taiwan Strait becomes the best choice for the three sides. The one-China controversy is not expected to be resolved in the near future. Democracy has been promoted as a universal value since the Cold War. As Taiwan has not ruled out the possibility of future democratic unification with the Mainland, the best way to resolve the one-China controversy might be the successful democratisation of the PRC, which the international community would welcome.

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8

Fu, I.-chieh. "U.S. arms sales to Taiwan : a critical issue in Sino-American relations." Thesis, Kansas State University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/9837.

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9

Ho, Veng On. "A unificacao nacional da China e o processo de transicao de Macau." Thesis, University of Macau, 1996. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1636858.

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占美珍. "開放中國居民赴台旅遊的政策研究." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554111.

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Books on the topic "Chinese reunification question (1949-)"

1

Lasater, Martin L. U.S. policy toward China's reunification. Washington, D.C., U.S.A: Heritage Foundation, 1988.

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2

Feigenbaum, Evan A. Change in Taiwan and potential adversity in the Strait. Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 1995.

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Mengin, Françoise. Trajectoires chinoises: Taiwan, Hong Kong et Pékin. Paris: Karthala, 1998.

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4

Gu, Yutian. Zhong yuan shan chuan zhong xing yun: "San min zhu yi tong yi Zhongguo" di bi yao he qi ju ti bu zou. [Taipei?: s.n.], 1985.

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5

Korea) Kwangbok 70-yŏn Pundan 70-yŏn Kinyŏm Haksul Hoeui (2015 : Seoul. P'yŏnghwa wa t'ongil ŭi Hanbandohyŏng kil ch'atki: Togil model kwa Yangan model ŭl nŏmŏ = A new way for peace and unification in Korean peninsula : Beyond German model and cross-strait model. Sŏul T'ŭkpyŏlsi: Sŏul Taehakkyo T'ongil P'yŏnghwa Yŏn'guwŏn HK P'yŏnghwa Inmunhak Yŏn'gudan, 2015.

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Publishers, New Star, ed. "One country, two systems" and the reunification of China. Beijing: New Star Publishers, 1990.

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7

Bao, Chunliang. Zi you de liang an guan xi: Taiwan zhi shi jie dui Zhongguo de zai si yu chao yue. Taibei Shi: Guo li Taiwan da xue zheng zhi xue xi Zhongguo da lu ji liang an guan xi jiao xue yu yan jiu zhong xin, 2013.

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8

Chen, Laixing, Michiko Kitaba, and Shōta Okano. Kōsakusuru Taiwan ninshiki: Miegakuresuru "kokka" to "hitobito". Tōkyō: Bensei Shuppan, 2016.

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9

Far Eastern Group. YZ Hsu Memorial Foundation. Cross strait integration and peaceful development: the sure road to a win-win situation for both sides of the Taiwan Strait: Liang an tong he yu he ping fa zhan yi tiao hu li shuang ying de wen jian dao lu. Taibei Shi: Far Eastern Group, 2011.

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Shao, Zonghai. 2013 nian duo yuan jiao du guan cha liang an guan xi zou xiang. Taibei Shi: Zhongguo wen hua da xue she hui ke xue yuan liang an yu Zhongguo da lu yan jiu zhong xin, 2013.

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Book chapters on the topic "Chinese reunification question (1949-)"

1

"Reunification by revolution? The Soviet and Chinese role in Vietnamese reunification plans, 1957–1961." In Soviet-Vietnam Relations and the Role of China 1949-64, 92–113. Routledge, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203963937-11.

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"Mao, the Chinese Communist Party and the Tibetan Question, 1949–50." In Conflicting Memories, 217–36. BRILL, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004433243_010.

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Eisenberg, Carolyn Woods. "“You’ve Only Got One Card”." In Fire and Rain, 303—C17P94. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197639061.003.0018.

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Abstract Diplomacy with Beijing assumed particular importance, given the Vietnam woes and furor surrounding the Pentagon Papers. As of July 1971, both President Richard Nixon and National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger were hoping that success in this venture would boost Nixon’s political standing at home and perhaps facilitate a diplomatic breakthrough with Hanoi. Both men were determined that the card be played well—and secretly. The first high-level negotiation with the Chinese government since 1949, they limited news of it to a handful of people and excluded the State Department. Kissinger was authorized to promise Chinese prime minister Zhou Enlai that the United States would take “no major steps affecting your interests” without prior discussion with the Chinese government. Zhou Enlai was gracious in response but turned quickly to the question of Taiwan. According to Kissinger, the settlement of the Taiwan question was linked to the resolution of the Vietnam War. Following two and a half days of intense conversation, the meetings ended on a hopeful note. The chapter also discusses the changing attitude of Nixon and Kissinger toward representation of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations and in the Security Council. The two are clearly moving away from their support of Chiang Kai-Shek.

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Gulyás, Csenge. "Taiwan’s Foreign Relations with Developing Countries." In OBIC book series, 121–47. Budapest Business School, University of Applied Sciences, Oriental Business and Innovation Center (OBIC), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.29180/9786156342393_5.

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Taiwan, officially called by its own government the Republic of China (ROC), was led by the only legitimate Chinese government acknowledged by most countries of the world even after the unification of mainland China by the Communists in 1949. Later, due to regional developments and the changing interests of the great powers, the international influence of the government of the island diminished, with a major turning point in 1971, when a UN resolution gave the People’s Republic of China1 (PRC) representation in the organization instead of Taiwan. Subsequently, a significant number of the countries in the world, for political and economic reasons, sided with Beijing, acknowledging the Communist leadership as the real government of China (Salát, 2017). Today, in addition to the Holy See, only 13 of the 193 UN member states maintain full diplomatic relations with Taiwan, the vast majority of which are in the developing world (by the end of 2021, Nicaragua was the last state to sever diplomatic relations with Taiwan). Diplomatic recognition is an important expression of a state’s sovereignty. Therefore, the countries maintaining full diplomatic relations with Taiwan are extremely important international allies of the island’s government. For this reason, their examination also points to the essence of Taiwan’s foreign policy aspirations. At the same time, in some respects, relations between Taiwan and its diplomatic allies are more of a question of prestige, as third world states have little ability to advance Taipei’s interests on the international stage. In addition, Taiwan has informal diplomatic missions in 57 countries around the world,2 which is of great importance; it is enough to mention the case of the United States, Taiwan’s most important patron.

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