Academic literature on the topic 'Chinese Institutional care Western Australia'

Abstract Advance Care Planning (ACP) is a process that supports individual’s understanding and sharing of personal values, life goals, and preferences regarding future medical care, so that they obtain care consistent with these during serious and chronic illness. While ACP is important for all, it is especially so for people who fall outside traditional, western, heteronormative contexts (e.g. who belong to ethnic, racial and/or sexual/gender minorities). This symposium draws from research conducted by the Diversity Access Team [part of a national project iCAN-ACP Improving Advance Care Planning for Frail Elderly Canadians]. The first paper presents results from focus groups conducted with loved ones of South Asian, Chinese and Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) older adults living in care homes; issues identified as barriers include starting ACP conversations too late (“my husband has severe dementia”), lack of consideration of cultural traditions and, in the case of LGBT older adults, their non-family support networks. The second paper draws from focus groups with care home staff, implicating their own training as a barrier to assisting residents/families with ACP as well as resident, family, institutional and cultural influences. A third paper reports on an educational intervention designed to increase staff understanding of ACP and comfort in assisting residents/families with ACP. The fourth paper reports feedback received on two ACP planning tools, reflecting the importance of minority group representation in visuals and text. Together, these papers underscore the importance of taking culture into consideration in framing and discussions of fostering ACP among minority populations.

Corporate governance models are becoming more prevalent in many universities, despite concerns over the effects of corporate practices on the identity of universities as a unique institutional field. In Westminster university systems, governance practices have become highly professionalized along corporate lines, not least to ensure a good fit with the necessary regulatory regimes for a marketized university system. Examples of Australian practices are provided to illustrate the governance dynamics, as both Western and Chinese corporate governance practices will affect the culture of Chinese universities, despite the continuance of deeply-inscribed State influence. Professionalization of governance in Australia has brought benefits but also generated some ‘blind spots’ to sustaining the longer-term features of successful universities. Stronger academic governance could provide a counterweight, yet the relationship between corporate governance and academic governance is not yet as well-defined as it needs to become.

Background: Understanding attitudes towards life and death issues in different cultures is critical in end-of-life care and the uptake of advance care planning (ACP) in different countries. However, existing research suffers from a lack of cross-cultural comparisons among countries. By conducting this comparative study, we hope to achieve a clear understanding of the linkages and differences among healthcare cultures in different Chinese societies, which may serve as a reference for promoting ACP by considering cultural differences. Methods: Our researchers recruited Chinese adults who could communicate in Mandarin and lived in metropolitan areas in Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, and Australia. Focus group interviews were conducted, and the interview contents were recorded and subjected to thematic analysis. Results: Between June and July 2017, 14 focus groups with 111 participants were conducted in four regions. With traditional Chinese attitudes towards death as a taboo, many participants felt it would be challenging to discuss ACP with elderly family members. Most participants also desire to avoid suffering for the self and family members. Although the four regions’ participants shared a similar Chinese cultural context, significant regional differences were found in the occasions at which participants would engage in end-of-life discussions and select settings for end-of-life care. By contrast, participants from Singapore and Australia exhibited more open attitudes. Most participants from Taiwan and Hong Kong showed a preference for end-of-life care at a hospital. Conclusions: The developmental experiences of ACP in Western countries, which place a strong emphasis on individual autonomy, cannot be directly applied to family-centric Asian ones. Healthcare professionals in Asian societies should make continuous efforts to communicate patient status to patients and their family members to ensure family involvement in decision-making processes.

ABSTRACTThe social care system of China has come under close scrutiny from policy makers due to the rapid ageing of China's population. Unfortunately, there is very little Chinese research evidence that might be used to plan future service developments. This article is a contribution to filling that gap and it provides essential new information on the expressed demand among older people in China for various community care services. The data are from the 2008 wave of the Chinese Longitudinal Healthy Longevity Survey. According to the characteristics of the dependent variables, we used Binary Logistic Regression Analysis to analyse the need for community care among older people in China. The results show considerable need for such care, but China is still a developing country and there are insufficient resources to fund a Western-style social care system (even if that was desirable). Thus, it is argued that the development of social care in China should emphasise community-based care, in partnership with families, with institutional care as a last resort. In addition, it is argued that China (and other countries) should introduce measures to prevent the demand for social care.

Limited international research exists on reasons for transnational child care, or developmental consequences of separations and reunions on young Chinese children. This descriptive study portrays a sample of children from Chinese migrant families residing in western Sydney, New South Wales, Australia, whose parents temporarily relinquished their care to grandparents in China. Data were collected via retrospective health record audits. The majority of parents were first-time parents and the majority of children were first-borns sent back to China during infancy. The average duration of transnational parent–child separation was 20 months. Results showed that male child subjects who experienced multiple transnational separations and reunions were more vulnerable to problems associated with disrupted attachment. This study links parental decision for transnational child care and feelings of disempowerment in their parenting role with patriarchal family values and expectations, and their own adverse early experiences. This study may assist child and family health (CFH) professionals identify, understand and help Chinese parents who may be considering transnational child care to avoid or ameliorate adverse consequences, or alternatively, to support parents following reunion to establish or re-establish attachment relationships with their child, and parent well to optimise their child’s development. Study findings increase the evidence base on reasons for transnational child care, and the complex range of developmental and psychological problems children and parents in this study faced following reunion.

IntroductionPreconception carrier screening (PCS) identifies couples at risk of having children with recessive genetic conditions. New technologies have enabled affordable sequencing for multiple disorders simultaneously, including identifying carrier status for many recessive diseases. The aim of the study was to identify the most effective way of delivering PCS in Western Australia (WA) through the public health system.Methods and analysisThis is a multicentre cohort pilot study of 250 couples who have used PCS, conducted at three sites: (1) Genetic Services of Western Australia, (2) a private genetic counselling practice in Perth and (3) participating general practice group practices in the Busselton region of WA. The primary outcome of the pilot study was to evaluate the feasibility of implementing the comprehensive PCS programme in the WA healthcare system. Secondary outcome measures included evaluation of the psychosocial impact of couples, such as reproductive autonomy; identification of areas within the health system that had difficulties in implementing the programme and evaluation of tools developed during the study.Ethics and disseminationApproval was provided by the Women and Newborn Health Service Human Research Ethics Committee (HREC) at King Edward Memorial Hospital for Women (RGS0000000946) and the University of Western Australia (UWA) HREC (RA/4/20/4258). Participants may choose to withdraw at any time. Withdrawal will in no way affect participating couples' medical care. Study couples will be redirected to another participating health professional for consultation or counselling in the event of a health professional withdrawing. All evaluation data will be deidentified and stored in a password-protected database in UWA. In addition, all hard copy data collected will be kept in a locked cabinet within a secure building. All electronic data will be stored in a password-protected, backed-up location in the UWA Institutional Research Data Store. All evaluative results will be published as separate manuscripts, and selected results will be presented at conferences.

Ms Dhu, an Aboriginal woman belonging to the Yamatji nation, died in police custody in South Hedland, Western Australia, in 2014 within 48 hours of being incarcerated for failing to pay fines. The coroner’s report found that both the police force and medical institution failed to discharge the duty of care owed to Ms Dhu, as their behaviour fell below what was expected of someone in their position. However, the coronial inquiry was unable to account for the ways in which state power and possessive sovereignty is invested in the deaths of Indigenous peoples. This article connects Ms Dhu’s life and death to forms of gendered, institutional and structural racism endemic to the Australian settler state. We then turn to examine the possibilities of justice for Ms Dhu through aesthetic attempts to memorialize her in public spaces of the city of Perth, which carry a promise of justice through their ability to challenge the settler-colonial logic that made possible Ms Dhu’s invisible suffering and the lack of accountability for her death.

ObjectiveIn 2001, Chinese guidelines for the care of acute myocardial infarction (AMI) included a new recommendation against the routine use of magnesium. We studied temporal trends and institutional variation in the use of intravenous magnesium sulfate in nationally representative samples of individuals hospitalised with AMI in China between 2001 and 2015.MethodsIn an observational study (China PEACE—Retrospective Study) of AMI care, we used a two-stage, random sampling strategy to create a nationally representative sample of 28 208 patients with AMI at 162 Chinese hospitals in 2001, 2006, 2011 and 2015. The main outcome is use of intravenous magnesium sulfate over time.ResultsWe identified 24 418 patients admitted for AMI, without hypokalaemia, in the four study years. Over time, there was a significant initial decrease in intravenous magnesium sulfate use, from 32.1% in 2001 to 17.1% in 2015 (p<0.001 for trend). The decline was greater in the Eastern (from 33.3% to 16.5%) and Western (from 34.8% to 17.2%) regions, as compared with the Central region (from 25.9% to 18.1%), with little difference between rural and urban areas. The proportion of hospitals using intravenous magnesium sulfate did not change over time (from 81.3% to 77.9%). The median ORs, representing hospital-level variation, were 6.03 in 2001, 3.86 in 2006, 4.26 in 2011 and 4.72 in 2015. Intravenous magnesium sulfate use was associated with cardiac arrest at admission and receipt of reperfusion therapy, but no hospital-specific characteristics.ConclusionsDespite recommendations against its use, intravenous magnesium sulfate is used in about one in six patients with AMI in China. Our findings highlight the need for more efficient mechanisms to stop using ineffective therapies to improve patients’ outcomes and reduce medical waste.Trial registration numberClinicalTrials.gov (NCT01624883)

BackgroundIn 2009, China launched ambitious healthcare reform plans to provide affordable and equitable basic healthcare for all patients, including the substantial number of patients who had a stroke. However, little is known about the pattern of evidence-based stroke care and outcomes across hospitals, regions and time during the last decade.AimsThe Patient-centered Retrospective Observation of Guideline-Recommended Execution for Stroke Sufferers in China (China PROGRESS) Study aims to use findings from a representative sample of Chinese hospitals over the last decade to improve future stroke care for patients hospitalised with ischaemic stroke (IS) or transient ischaemic attack (TIA).DesignThe China PROGRESS Study will use a two-stage cluster sampling method to identify over 32000 patient records from 208 hospitals across the Eastern, Central and Western geographical regions in China. To assess the temporal trends in patient characteristics, treatment and outcomes, study investigators will select records from 2005, 2010 and 2015. A double data reading/entry system will be developed to conduct this assessment. A central coordinating centre will monitor case ascertainment, data abstraction and data management. Analyses will examine patient characteristics, testing patterns, in-hospital treatment and outcomes, and variations across regions and across time.ConclusionsThe China PROGRESS Study is the first nationally representative study that aims to better understand care quality and outcomes for patients with IS or TIA before and after the national healthcare reform in China. This initiative will translate findings into clinical practices that improve care quality for patients who had a stroke and policy recommendations that allow these changes to be implemented widely.Ethics approvalThis study has also been approved by the central institutional review board (IRB) at Beijing Tiantan Hospital.

Abstract Despite a clear need, ‘closing the gap’ in health disparities for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities (hereafter, respectfully referred to as Aboriginal) continues to be challenging for western health care systems. Globally, community health workers (CHWs) have proven effective in empowering communities and improving culturally appropriate health services. The global literature on CHWs reflects a lack of differentiation between the types of roles these workers carry out. This in turn impedes evidence syntheses informing how different roles contribute to improving health outcomes. Indigenous CHW roles in Australia are largely operationalized by Aboriginal Health Workers (AHWs)—a role situated primarily within the clinical health system. In this commentary, we consider whether the focus on creating professional AHW roles, although important, has taken attention away from the benefits of other types of CHW roles particularly in community-based health promotion. We draw on the global literature to illustrate the need for an Aboriginal CHW role in health promotion; one that is distinct from, but complementary to, that of AHWs in clinical settings. We provide examples of barriers encountered in developing such a role based on our experiences of employing Aboriginal health promoters to deliver evidence-based programmes in rural and remote communities. We aim to draw attention to the systemic and institutional barriers that persist in denying innovative employment and engagement opportunities for Aboriginal people in health.

In this qualitative study I investigated the institutional experiences of former female child migrants who were placed in the care of the Sisters of Mercy in St Joseph’s Catholic Orphanage, Subiaco, Western Australia. My study was guided by the theoretical orientations of Symbolic Interaction and Constructivism. Data were gathered through a series of individual and group interviews with the Female Child Migrants, who are now in their seventies and had spent at least three years in the orphanage between the years 1947 and 1955. Documents were also obtained from the archives of the Catholic Church, the Sisters of Mercy and the National Archives. Documents, photos and artefacts were also accessed from private collections. Significant issues to arise from the study were those of identity, opportunity and social control. These issues were broadly examined in relation to the primary and reference groups in the children’s lives with a particular focus on the role the Sisters of Mercy had in the children’s welfare. A limitation of the research is that some records pertaining to the orphanage during this period have been lost or destroyed and the passing of sixty years since the Female Child Migrants lived at the orphanage has meant that some events and practices may have been forgotten, overlooked or reframed by respondents. One of the most important findings was that the Orphanage’s institutional practices with its underpinning of religious teachings, ensured a lack of suitable social experiences and interactions. This shaped the way the participants viewed the world; which in turn impacted upon their life choices. The findings suggest that access to a wide variety of social situations is a necessary feature in a child’s socialisation and the accumulation of necessary social skills. The impact of socialisation on educational outcomes of the children in institutions such as orphanages was evident in the data. This investigation goes some way to filling the gap in the knowledge of the experiences of female child migrants who were sent here under the British Child Migration Scheme and it shines a light on a very small part of Western Australia’s social history.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.