Relevant bibliographies by topics / Chinese Communist Party School

Academic literature on the topic 'Chinese Communist Party School'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Chinese Communist Party School"

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Shambaugh, David. "Training China's Political Elite: The Party School System." China Quarterly 196 (December 2008): 827–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741008001148.

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AbstractOne of the most important, but under-researched and least well understood, instruments of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is the extensive national network of Party schools (approximately 2,700). They serve as the key institution of mid-career training and indoctrination for all Party cadres, many government cadres, some military officers and selected businessmen. In addition to its training and indoctrination functions, the Party school system (particularly the Central Party School in Beijing) is also an important generator of policy initiatives. Not all Party schools are stalwart institutions, with some being involved in corruption scandals, but on the whole they have come to play an increasingly important role in the CCP's rebuilding efforts in recent years.
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WANG, CHEN-CHENG. "Intellectuals and the One-party State in Nationalist China: The Case of the Central Politics School (1927–1947)." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 6 (January 31, 2014): 1769–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000893.

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AbstractThis paper aims to provide a new perspective on the relationship between Nationalist Party (GMD) cadres and Chinese intellectuals. By studying the Central Politics School, a major GMD political training institute for professional party cadres, I hope to reassess the nature of the GMD one-party state and remind researchers of the difficult choices it faced between backing party-liners needed for the political struggle and accommodating depoliticized intellectuals needed for public administration. This paper will argue that GMD political impotence in competition with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was due less to an inadequate recruitment of capable experts than to the over-specialization of its well-trained cadres on technical tasks. In fact, the cadres from the Central Politics School generally resembled those considered to be ‘intellectuals’ at educational level and in ideology. This compels us to reconsider how to define ‘intellectuals’ and whether they were as uniformly alienated from the one-party state as most of the scholarly literature suggests.
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Kubat, Aleksandra. "Morality as Legitimacy under Xi Jinping: The Political Functionality of Traditional Culture for the Chinese Communist Party." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 47, no. 3 (December 2018): 47–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261804700303.

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Taking as an example Xi Jinping's use of the phrase “excellent traditional culture” ([Formula: see text], youxiu chuantong wenhua), this article looks at the construction of a centrally sanctioned narrative of traditional Chinese culture in resources produced within the Party school system. The specific focus of analysis is on how these resources theorise the functionality of traditional culture for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as a political organisation, and what culture-based solutions they put forward to tackle the problems with Party theory and ideology, the state governance model, and cadre performance. It is argued that by referencing traditional culture, and, in particular, by drawing on traditional moral virtues, the CCP realigns itself with societal expectations without making concessions over the ideological foundations of the party state.
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Kuo–tai, Hu. "The Struggle Between The Kuomintang And The Chinese Communist Party On Campus During The War Of Resistance, 1937–45." China Quarterly 118 (June 1989): 300–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000017823.

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Between 1937 and 1945 higher education was one of the main arenas of struggle between the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Both sides regarded it as an important area to be controlled. The Bureau of Investigation's 1951 report suggested that KMT support from youth in schools was “the key to success or failure.” The Chinese Communist Party also regarded the work of winning over intellectuals as vital for the Party's future. In 1939 Mao Zedong said that “without the participation of intellectuals victory in the revolution is impossible.” Thus, the two parties competed both overtly and covertly in colleges and universities to win the support of both staff and students.
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Zhang, Lisa Lindkvist, and Prem Poddar. "Espionage, Intrigue, and Politics: Kalimpong Chung Hwa School as International Playhouse." China and Asia 3, no. 1 (September 29, 2021): 35–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2589465x-030103.

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Abstract This article examines the ways in which Kalimpong, living up to its moniker as a “nest of spies,” was a site where local and international intrigues played out, especially at the local Chinese Chung Hwa School. It examines the period between the 1940s and early 1960s, when Kalimpong, on account of its strategic location, was home to “foreign Kautilyas” of different intelligence services. The Chung Hwa School came to play a part in this game as it provided cover/camouflage for Chinese secret agents. The secret services run by the British colonial state—and later the Indian state—suspected it to be a platform for intelligence gathering. A close reading of the archives uncovers the circuit of suspicion and misgiving surrounding the school. This article analyses these narratives and the ways in which, through the enmeshment of espionage, the Indian Intelligence Bureau, the local Chinese, and “China” were constituted in Kalimpong’s (under)world. The school also emerges as tangled in transnational and international machinations epitomizing People’s Republic of China–Republic of India relations and Guomindang–Chinese Communist Party rivalry.
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Shuhua, Zhang, Guo Jing, and Gaoyan Qiuyu. "Development of a National School of Political Science in China." World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 11 (2020): 84–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-11-84-95.

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Under the conditions of China’s steadily growing role in world politics, the task of moving from assimilation and criticism of Western theoretical discourse to creation and development of national political science schools is becoming more and more urgent. The article gives a brief review of the Chinese political science history, outlines the main achievements and tasks of the current stage in the process of formation of political science with Chinese characteristics. The article disputes the thesis of the universal nature of Western political science, critically evaluates some Western political theories: democracy, constitutional government, civil society; an attempt is made to show their shortcomings and limitations of their application. The main focus of the article is on clarifying the Chinese theory of democracy, which enriches and develops Marxist democratic theory, based on a generalization of the history of China’s democratic practice and an analysis of modern democratic politics led by the CCP. Another important area of interest of the Chinese political science school – the empirical studies of the political development of China – is also covered. The features of the Chinese parliamentary system, the system of political parties where the Communist Party plays the leading role, are described. An attempt is made to depict the relationship between the party leadership and the legislative branch in China. It justifies the need for the formation of government bodies from top to bottom on the basis of the Chinese consultative democracy principles, which to a certain extent oppose the “elective democracy” concept. Particular attention is paid to rural self-government bodies and difficulties in their formation, which have recently caused a hightened interest among Chinese researchers. The final part of the article outlines the most important tasks of Chinese political science for the near future.
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ZHAO, Yanrong. "The Way to Understand the Nature and Extent of Judicial Independence in China." Asian Journal of Law and Society 6, no. 01 (September 20, 2018): 131–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2018.27.

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AbstractIn order to portray the true extent of judicial independence in China’s judicial practices, this article first clarifies the contested meanings of “judicial independence” within Chinese judicial circles and provides a detailed literature review of the main school of thoughts on the extent of judicial independence in China. In contrast to the existing literature—most of which sees judicial independence in China as stagnant—this thesis suggests employing the strategic interaction approach to study the development of impartial adjudication in China and argues that the extent of adjudicative independence is evolving with the amount of judicial discretion afforded by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to judges.
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Schoenhals, Michael. "Yang Xianzhen's Critique of the Great Leap Forward." Modern Asian Studies 26, no. 3 (July 1992): 591–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009926.

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Kang Sheng—a veteran counter-intelligence official and close political ally of Mao Zedong's—is said to have remarked in the winter of 1959 that among the critics of the Great Leap Forward (GLF) there was ‘One soldier’ and ‘One civilian’ whose criticisms were ‘in close harmony’. The soldier was Peng Dehuai, China's Minister of Defence, who had clashed with Mao at the Lushan Conference that summer, and whose criticism of the GLF had subsequently been denounced by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Central Committee as an ‘attempt at splitting the Party´ and ‘a ferocious assault on the Party Center and Comrade Mao Zedong's leadership’. The civilian was Yang Xianzhen, the President of the Central Party School, who had aroused Kang's wrath by condemning the GLF as hopelessly Utopian, and by claiming that it already had brought on starvation and might yet bring about the collapse of the CCP.
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Ahn, Ji-Young. "An Analysis of Market Failure aspects in Chinese High School's ｢Ideological and Political｣ Textbooks." Korean Association For Learner-Centered Curriculum And Instruction 22, no. 18 (September 30, 2022): 171–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22251/jlcci.2022.22.18.171.

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Objectives This study aims to analyze the trend of market failure by period in the Chinese high school ｢Ideological and Political｣ textbook published from 1983 to 2019 to explore how market failure in China by period is reflected in the textbook. Methods 12 textbooks were collected and analyzed in 1983, 1989, 1998, 2004, 2011, 2016, and 2019 published in line with the revision cycle of the ｢Ideological and Political｣ curriculum in Chinese high schools. The collected data were analyzed based on China's economic development stage and the definition of market failure, and both text and illustration were included. Results As a result of the analysis, the pattern of market failure in the Chinese high school ｢Ideological and Political｣ textbooks appears differently depending on the period. Market failure in the textbooks during the Chinese market economy exploration stage (1978-1991) was monopolization, corruption, inflation, and widening the income gap. Market failure in textbooks during the Initial construction stage of the market economy (1992-2001) is administrative monopoly, Counterfeit Products, mammonism, unfair competition. Market failure in the textbooks during the stage of full-scale and in-depth reform (2002-2012) is corruption, economic instability, administrative monopoly, counterfeit products, distributionism, unfair competition, illegal fundraising and investment, socioeconomic inequality, and environmental issues. Market failure in textbooks in comprehensive deepening of reform (2013~present) is administrative monopoly, unfair competition, monopoly, Socio-economic inequality, environmental issues, urbanization, economic instability and supply-side structural reform. Conclusions In Chinese high school ｢Ideological and Political｣ textbooks, market failure is the basis for the party and the government's involvement in the economic field. Administrative monopoly, which appears only in China, a country in the transition period of the economic system in Chinese textbooks, is also a problem in the market. Since the market has inherent problems such as unfair competition, monopoly, damage to social equity, and widening income gap, it is argued that control and control of the national economy of the country are needed before the market failure of the market. The logic of the Communist Party of China has been consistently reflected since China adopted a socialist market economy system, and in particular, the 2019 textbook shows a strong tendency for state-led economic growth led by the party.
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Averill, Stephen C. "Party, Society, and Local Elite in the Jiangxi Communist Movement." Journal of Asian Studies 46, no. 2 (May 1987): 279–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2056015.

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AbstractIn August 1927 the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in Jiangxi seemed moribund, yet by the end of 1930 the movement was larger and more active than ever before. How did this occur? Past studies have especially emphasized Mao Zedong's famous rural guerrilla strategy, but this was only part of the story. Equally significant was the little-studied success of members of the Jiangxi hill-country elite who were also in the CCP in using established schools and educational societies, time-honored traditions of local strongman behavior, and existing bandit–secret society gangs to build many localized base areas. Such techniques were congenial to CCP leaders and essential to the movement's survival in the early days when its prestige and material resources were at a very low ebb, and when radical reforms would almost certainly have failed. Nevertheless, this strategy also fostered parochial attitudes and organizational weaknesses that clashed with the later efforts of Mao and his allies to carry out mass mobilization and fundamental land reform. Only after a prolonged and violent crisis within the base areas did the “Maoist” policies vital for the revolution's long-term growth begin to overcome the policies of elite coalition building that had been necessary for the movement to obtain its initial foothold in the Jiangxi hill country.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Chinese Communist Party School"

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Zhang, Yang. "Taming factions in the Chinese Communist party." Diss., University of Iowa, 2016. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2170.

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How does the Chinese Communist Party tame factions from breaking it apart? Relying on thousands of biographies, the dissertation attempts to uncover the complex network of Chinese political elites and investigate how institutions constrain the expansion of factions. First, it finds that the rule of avoidance has been effectively implemented. Native provincial officials are often assigned with secondary party positions, especially so in deeply indebted provinces that are heavily reliant on the central government for fiscal transfer. Second, the centralization of the disciplinary inspection system helps maintain the momentum of the anticorruption campaign since the 2012 leadership succession. Compared to native officials, the officials who were transferred from a different province or a central government agency are likely to investigate much more corrupt party cadres in their jurisdictions. Third, when it comes to promotions of provincial party secretaries, many performance-based criteria appear to be less important than factional ties. Good economic performance such as fast GDP growth does not increase a provincial party secretary’s odds to join the Politburo. However, the effects of factional ties are mixed. For example, family ties to a top party leader greatly increase the likelihood of promotion, but college ties disadvantage the candidates. Finally, the dissertation shows that network centrality in the Central Committee is a strong predictor of the outcomes of the Politburo turnover. The network centrality is positively associated with party seniority, but due to the age limits, it cannot grow without a ceiling.
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Sanson, Esther Mary. "The Chinese Communist Party and China's Rural Problems." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Languages and Cultures, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1903.

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Vast disparities exist between China’s rural and urban areas. Throughout the history of Communist Party rule, ever-widening rural-urban inequality, problems with migration to the cities, and the threat of rural unrest have afflicted the countryside. Efforts by previous administrations have largely failed to solve the nation’s rural problems. China’s current leaders are determined to tackle these issues by means of a change in the direction in policy: the new focus is on sustainable development and social justice rather than rapid economic growth. At the same time, the central government hopes to strengthen the Communist Party’s power base and reduce potential threats to its ongoing reign. While the new policy direction is expected to improve the standard of living of China’s rural people and reduce social conflict in the short term, it may be insufficient to bring peace and satisfaction among the people in the long term.
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Merrill, Ian Scott. "Exercising Control: Chinese Communist Party Policy Toward Religion." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/321896.

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Chun, Philip. "The Paths to Power in the Chinese Communist Party." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/867.

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China’s current crop of leaders has inherited a country full of promise. After the disastrous socialist transformation under Mao, Deng Xiaoping and his successors have implemented large scale, successful economic and social reforms and in less than two generations brought China to the forefront of the global economy. As a result they have gartered most of the praise, glory, and often, economic windfall, associated with China’s success. The goal of this thesis is to examine the complex, non-linear fashion in which China’s top leadership is chosen, and explore the best possible paths to ascend the ranks of the Chinese Communist Party. An investigation of China’s current governing leaders’ paths to power will be included to illuminate how various factors including merit, patronage, institutional role, and luck play a part in the ultimate makeup of China’s top leadership. Key findings show that family pedigree, faction loyalty, and exceptional performance in important roles, especially in provincial governments are the most influential variables when predicting Chinese leadership.
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Zhang, Chi. "How does the Chinese Communist Party legitimise its approach to terrorism?" Thesis, University of Leeds, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/22740/.

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This thesis explores how China's narratives of legitimacy and history condition the ways in which the state frames and approaches "real" and perceived terrorism challenges. Rooted in the Chinese political context and historical continuities, China's counter-terrorism agenda prioritises the concept of national unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. This agenda is justified through the narratives of the Century of Humiliation, and is underpinned by the friend/enemy division that was inherited from the Mao era. Anxious about the impact of democratisation on regime stability, Chinese political elites and scholars are highly sensitive to the sympathy of the international community towards dissident groups that have a separatist agenda. To ensure political conformity, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has established a regime of "truth" by controlling the framing and discourse of counter-terrorism. To maintain its legitimacy and mobilise the public, the CCP has complemented the highly centralised counter-terrorism system with a revival of the Mass Line strategy which was central to Mao's governance but faded from view for much of the post-Mao era. The desire to maintain control has resulted in various problems in counter-terrorism policy and practice, which raise questions about - or even threaten to undermine - the government's ability to demonstrate the legitimacy and efficacy of its counter-terrorism strategy. In exploring the peculiar characteristics of China's counter-terrorism approach, this thesis makes original contributions in five respects: 1) it draws on a wide range of Chinese-language sources that have been under-explored in the study of China's perception of its security threats. Introducing these sources, this thesis brings forwards domestic "insider" debates to a wider non-Chinese-speaking audience interested in the concept of security, unity, separatism, and terrorism in China. 2) It provides an in-depth analysis of China's usage and manoeuvring of the frames, narratives, and labels in the construction of its counter-terrorism discourse, which offers an interesting insight into how the Chinese state and security apparatus works. 3) It analyses the evolution of the friend/enemy distinction in the Chinese political discourse and how it is embedded in the counter-terrorism discourse. 4) It contributes to terrorism research by examining the under-studied case of China, which is often neglected in mainstream "Western" terrorism research. 5) Finally, the thesis contributes to China studies by investigating how China responds to "real" and perceived terrorist threats.
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Young, Susan Amanda. "The price of modernisation : Chinese Communist Party policy towards intellectuals since 1978 /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1985. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ary76.pdf.

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Zeng, Jinghan. "The Chinese Communist Party's capacity to rule : legitimacy, ideology, and party cohesion." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/64241/.

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This thesis studies the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s capacity to rule in contemporary China by examining (a) its quest for popular legitimacy and (b) its search for party cohesion. In explaining the CCP’s ruling basis, a plethora of political science and economics literature has pointed to China’s economic growth. Conventional wisdom considers ideology to be obsolete and the political reform to be too limited to take any substantive effect in China. This thesis argues that ideological adaptation and the institutionalization of power succession play crucial roles in maintaining the CCP’s popular legitimacy and party cohesion. China’s economic success is certainly important, however, it also creates a fundamental dilemma of the CCP’s rule. If a communist party is not to deliver communism and class victory, why is it there at all? There is a potential contradiction between generating economic success by utilizing quasi capitalist economic policies on the one hand, and the fact that this is a communist party that supposedly justifies its rule by being the vehicle to deliver a communist society on the other. This thesis shows how the CCP has been constantly revising its ideological basis for justifying – if not legitimizing – its rule. By studying the CCP’s ideological discourses, the mechanism of ideological promotion, and their effectiveness, this thesis makes a valuable contribution to the relevant literature. In addition to ideology, the institutionalization of power succession is also crucial to the CCP’s rule. During Mao Zedong’s rule, an un-institutionalized power system had caused endless fierce power struggles within the party, which indirectly led to economic stagnation and social unrest. Thirty years of institutionalization has made leadership transitions in China more stable, transparent, predictable, and smoother now than ever before. By offering a large amount of first- and second-hand data on China’s leadership transition, this thesis shows how the institutionalization of power succession helps to maintain regime stability and legitimacy.
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Zwisler, Evan. "Tibetan Buddhism and the Chinese Communist Party: Moving Forward in the 21st Century." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/454.

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I examine the state of Tibetan Buddhism that exists in China in the 21st century and what are the best methods to increase religious freedom and political autonomy. I look at what cause China and Tibet to reach this point, and why do the respective nations do what they do. Man people fundamentally misunderstand the reasons why the Chinese Communist Party oppresses Tibetan Buddhism; they aren't concerned with eradicating religion, they want to simply maintain longterm political legitimacy in Tibet.
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Brasnett, Jonathan. "Tibetan Buddhism and Chinese Communist Party authority : the fundamental problem of Dalai Lama leadership." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/57774.

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Tibet has been under the administrative control of the People’s Republic of China since 1950. The Seventeen-Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet, signed in 1951, promised autonomy to Tibetans, as well as the freedom to practice their religion, Tibetan Buddhism. In practice, however, the PRC has not allowed this autonomy or freedom of religion to Tibetans within its borders. The identity of the Tibetan people is largely based on their strong religiosity, manifested in their reverence of their leadership institutions: the Dalai Lama and to a lesser extent, the Panchen Lama. As the PRC government has sought to suppress religion and control religious practices, it has exerted a stricter level of control over the religions perceived as ‘foreign,’ of which Tibetan Buddhism is one. This strict control of ‘foreign’ religions (specifically their leadership institutions) has manifested in the defamation and coercive manipulation of the Dalai and Panchen Lama institutions, in order for the Chinese Communist Party to maintain its control over Tibet. This thesis asks why the CCP perceives the control of these leadership institutions as necessary for achieving its broader policy goals. Through an in-depth review and analysis of relevant literature, this thesis will argue that the strong religiosity of Tibetans and the corresponding politico-religious power wielded by the Dalai and Panchen Lama leadership institutions are perceived as threats by the CCP. The power of Tibetan Buddhism and its leadership institution, as well as the identity they instill in Tibetans, threatens not only the CCP’s control over the resource-rich region, but also its legitimacy as the unique governing power over a secular, unified China. To the Chinese government in Beijing, allowing the Dalai and Panchen Lamas the freedom to return to Tibet, whether in body or just through the worship of Tibetan Buddhists, would be tantamount to losing its control over the entire region.
Arts, Faculty of
Asian Research, Institute of
Graduate
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Bozinovski, Robert. "The Communist Party of Australia and proletarian internationalism,1928-1945." Thesis, Full-text, 2008. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/1961/.

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The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the Communist Party’s praxis.
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Books on the topic "Chinese Communist Party School"

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Chinese Communist Party rectification. [Taipei: World Anti-Communist League, China Chapter, 1987.

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Erik, Brødsgaard Kjeld, and Zheng Yongnian, eds. The Chinese Communist Party in reform. New York, N.Y: Routledge, 2006.

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The founding of the Chinese Communist Party. New York: Columbia University Press, 2013.

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Goehlert, Robert. The Chinese Communist Party: A selected bibliography. Monticello, Ill., USA: Vance Bibliographies, 1988.

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Uhalley, Stephen. A history of the Chinese Communist Party. Stanford, Calif: Hoover Institution Press, 1988.

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Historical dictionary of the Chinese Communist Party. Lanham, Md: Scarecrow Press, 2012.

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Committee, Communist Party of China Central. History of the Chinese Communist Party: A chronology of events,. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1991.

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Zheng, Yongnian. The Chinese Communist party as organizational emperor: Culture, reproduction and transformation. London: Routledge, 2010.

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Molding the medium: The Chinese Communist Party and the Liberation daily. Armonk, N.Y: M.E. Sharpe, 1990.

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Li, Hongbin. Economic returns to Communist Party membership: Evidence from urban Chinese twins. Bonn, Germany: IZA, 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Chinese Communist Party School"

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Zhou, Chunqi. "The Chinese Communist Party School's school principal training programme." In Chinese Communist Party School and its Suzhi Education, 100–125. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003322047-7.

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Zhou, Chunqi. "The impacts of CCPS on Chinese education policy implementation." In Chinese Communist Party School and its Suzhi Education, 126–36. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003322047-8.

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Zhou, Chunqi. "Qualitative interpretivism with interviewing different groups of stakeholders." In Chinese Communist Party School and its Suzhi Education, 47–59. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003322047-4.

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Zhou, Chunqi. "Introduction and key terms." In Chinese Communist Party School and its Suzhi Education, 1–8. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003322047-1.

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Zhou, Chunqi. "Modes of civil servants training." In Chinese Communist Party School and its Suzhi Education, 9–26. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003322047-2.

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Zhou, Chunqi. "The implementation of Suzhi education in a dual system in Chinese governance." In Chinese Communist Party School and its Suzhi Education, 79–99. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003322047-6.

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Zhou, Chunqi. "The Chinese Communist Party School (CCPS) and its powerful impact on public policy." In Chinese Communist Party School and its Suzhi Education, 60–78. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003322047-5.

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Zhou, Chunqi. "Public policy research and policy implementation in China." In Chinese Communist Party School and its Suzhi Education, 27–46. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003322047-3.

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Ho, Wai-Chung. "The Challenges of Implementing Diverse Political Directives in Contemporary China: Between Creativity and Confucianism." In The Politics of Diversity in Music Education, 103–17. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-65617-1_8.

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AbstractThe People’s Republic of China (PRC) was founded as a communist state in 1949 within the framework of the collective leadership model under the Communist Party of China (the single-party system in China). After experiencing sociopolitical and economic changes, the PRC has moved to the free market economy of globalisation in the global age. The evolution of Chinese politics and the economic system has resulted in more diversity and changes in school education, along with struggles to adjust to these changes. Along this line, this chapter will examine the complex relationship between the politics of diversity, Confucianism, and creativity education, particularly in response to the views of Chinese teachers from Beijing via in-depth, semi-structured individual interviews on the implementation of a creativity policy in school music education. Based on current education policies and the interview data collected for this study on the examination of the nature of creativity, this chapter will conclude with a discussion of how school music education may help initiate a dialogue on the politics and nature of creativity and cultural identity in response to the challenges of contemporary political and cultural values between creativity and Confucianism that prevail in the global age of China.
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Saich, Tony. "The Chinese Communist Party." In Governance and Politics of China, 108–41. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-26786-3_5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Chinese Communist Party School"

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"Chinese Civilization Characteristics of the Communist Party of China." In 2020 International Conference on Social Sciences and Social Phenomena. Scholar Publishing Group, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.38007/proceedings.0001134.

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"Studies of the historical logic of the governing concept of Chinese Communist Party." In International Conference on Education, Management, Computer and Society. Scholar Publishing Group, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.38007/proceedings.0001799.

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Sun, Linchan. "Theoretical Origin and Realistic Enlightenment of the Ecological Construction Thought of Chinese Communist Party." In Proceedings of the 5th International Conference on Economics, Management, Law and Education (EMLE 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.191225.130.

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Li, Zhi. "Persistence in Hard Core and Adjustment of Protective Belt Text Analysis on Governance Programme of Chinese Communist Party." In 2013 International Conference on the Modern Development of Humanities and Social Science. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/mdhss-13.2013.68.

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Lakhan, Shaheen. "The Emergence of Modern Biotechnology in China." In InSITE 2006: Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/3038.

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Science and technology of Republican China (1912-1949) often replicated the West in all hierarchies. However, in 1949 when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) declared the nation the People's Republic of China, it had assumed Soviet pseudo-science, namely neo-Lamarckian and anti-Mendelian Lysenkoism, which led to intense propaganda campaigns that victimized intellectuals and natural scientists. Not until the 1956 Double Hundred Campaign had China engaging in meaningful exploration into modern genetics with advancements of Morgan. The CCP encouraged discussions on the impact of Lysenkoism which cultivated guidelines to move science forward. However, Mao ended the campaign by asserting the Anti-Rightist Movement (1957) that reinstated the persecution of intellectuals, for he believed they did not contribute to his socialist ethos of the working people. The Great Leap Forward (1958-1959), an idealist and unrealistic attempt to rapidly industrialize the nation, and the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), a grand attempt to rid China of the "technological elite," extended China's lost years to a staggering two decades. Post-Mao China rapidly revived its science and technology frontier with specialized sciences: agricultural biotechnology, major genomic ventures, modernizing Traditional Chinese Medicine, and stem-cell research. Major revisions to the country’s patent laws increased international interest in China’s resources. However, bioethical and technical standards still need to be implemented and locally and nationally monitored if China’s scientific advances are to be globally accepted and commercialized.
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Reports on the topic "Chinese Communist Party School"

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Meyer, David A., Megha Ram, and Laura Wilke. Circulation of the Elite in the Chinese Communist Party. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, September 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada623940.

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Francois, Patrick, Francesco Trebbi, and Kairong Xiao. Factions in Nondemocracies: Theory and Evidence from the Chinese Communist Party. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w22775.

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Kahn, Matthew, Weizeng Sun, Jianfeng Wu, and Siqi Zheng. The Revealed Preference of the Chinese Communist Party Leadership: Investing in Local Economic Development versus Rewarding Social Connections. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w24457.

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Tohti Bughda, Enver. Uyghurs in China: Personal Testimony of a Uyghur Surgeon. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2021.010.

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Dr Enver Tohti Bughda is a qualified medical surgeon and a passionate advocate for Uyghur rights. Having been ordered to remove organs from an executed prisoner, Enver has since taken up a major role in the campaign against forced organ harvesting and is determined to bring China’s darkest secret to light. In this personal testimony, Enver shares his experience working as a surgeon in Xinjiang and reflects more broadly on the situation of Uyghurs in China, explaining that unless Uyghurs earn the sympathy and support of China’s Han majority, unless it is understood that all Chinese people are the victims of the same authoritarian regime, ethnic animosity will continue to serve the political purposes of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
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