Relevant bibliographies by topics / Chinese Communist Party (CCP)

Academic literature on the topic 'Chinese Communist Party (CCP)'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 20 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Chinese Communist Party (CCP)"

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Garver, John W. "The Chinese Communist Party and the Collapse of Soviet Communism." China Quarterly 133 (March 1993): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000018178.

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The collapse first of Communist rule of the USSR and then of the USSR itself was without question one of the pivotal events of the era. Since China's 20th-century history has been so deeply influenced by Soviet developments, it is important to examine the impact of these events on China. This article asks, first, whether the top leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), had a deliberate policy towards the decline of Soviet Communism, and if so, what was the nature of that policy? Did the CCP attempt to assist their comrades in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) as the latter battled for survival during 1990 and 1991?
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L P GORE, Lance. "Revamping the Chinese Communist Party." East Asian Policy 07, no. 01 (January 2015): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930515000021.

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The 2014 Party reform aimed to modernise the CCP. The Politburo passed the “Action Plan for Deepening Party-building Institutional Reforms”, outlining 26 concrete reforms in four key areas to be completed by 2017. Notable departures include the re-emphasis on ideological unity, the rollback on intra-party democracy, the renewed emphasis on intra-party legislation and the control on the growth of the Party's size. However there are inherent dilemmas in building a Leninist party in a globalised market economy.
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Li, Danhui, and Yafeng Xia. "Jockeying for Leadership: Mao and the Sino-Soviet Split, October 1961–July 1964." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 1 (January 2014): 24–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00430.

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In October 1961 the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) adopted a policy of tacit struggle against the program of the 22nd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). The CPSU's resumption of de-Stalinization alarmed the Chinese leader, Mao Zedong, but he did not yet want to discard a limited rapprochement with Moscow. However, when high-level Sino-Soviet talks in July 1963 collapsed, the relationship between the CPSU and the CCP became irretrievable. Through the subsequent great polemics, the CCP intended to project itself as the spokesman of true Marxism-Leninism and the natural leader of world Communism. After the CCP attacked the top leaders of the CPSU by name, hostility between the two parties intensified. The breakdown of the CCP-CPSU organizational relationship was only a matter of time. Relying on a large array of Chinese-language sources, including records of Chinese leaders' speeches and comments at secret party meetings, this article reassesses the most critical period in the Sino-Soviet split from October 1961 to July 1964.
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Smith, Ewan. "On the Informal Rules of the Chinese Communist Party." China Quarterly 248, S1 (October 12, 2021): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741021000898.

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AbstractThe Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is a closely constituted party. Recent studies of the CCP describe and evaluate its formal rules, but to understand the Party as an institution we also need to understand its informal rules. The literature on “party norms”, “institutionalization” and the “unwritten constitution” often fails to distinguish rules from other political phenomena. It confuses informal rules with political practices, constitutional conventions, behavioural equilibria and doctrinal discourse. It is prone to overlook important rules, and to see rules where there are none. Hence, it potentially overstates how institutionalized the CCP is, and therefore how resilient it is. The article provides a clearer account of informal rules and suggests a different explanation for the resilience of the CCP.
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Kit-ching, Chan Lau. "The Perception of Chinese Communism in Hong Kong 1921–1934." China Quarterly 164 (December 2000): 1044–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000019299.

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This article attempts to present the impression made by Chinese communism in Hong Kong during the germinal period of the Chinese Communist Movement from 1921, when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was founded, to 1934, when the communist presence in Hong Kong and Guangdong had virtually disappeared and communist activities were not to be revived until shortly before the outbreak of China's war with Japan. The early perception of communism and its importance have to be understood in the context of the dual society of the colony, with the British as the ruler and the Chinese as the ruled in almost totally separate communities.
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Meyer, David A., Megha Ram, and Laura Wilke. "CIRCULATION OF THE ELITE IN THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY." Journal of East Asian Studies 16, no. 1 (March 2016): 147–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2015.6.

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AbstractThe history of leadership change in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) exemplifies Pareto's notion ofcirculationof the elite. To analyze it we have compiled a partially ranked dataset of members and alternates of the Politburo Standing Committee, Politburo, and Central Committee for the 1st through 18th National Party Congresses. Quantitative studies of leadership change in the CCP have typically focused on the fraction of new members in each political body from one Party Congress to the next, but the existence of partially ranked data calls for a more subtle quantification of leadership change. Thus, we define a new family of metrics which consider change within each political body, the magnitude of such change, and the importance of each change to CCP structure and policy. We use two of these metrics to compute the distances between each pair of successive, partially-ranked leadership lists in our dataset. Our results capture important political developments from the irregular leadership change of the early years to the subsequent transformation of the CCP into a more institutionalized polity. This metric-based analysis also supplements our understanding of anomalous leadership transitions, intra-Party dynamics, and systemic change in the CCP.
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Han, Xiaorong. "Revolution knows no boundaries? Chinese revolutionaries in North Vietnam during the early years of the First Indochina War." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 52, no. 2 (June 2021): 246–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463421000412.

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This article analyses the roles and activities of three groups of Chinese communist revolutionaries in the early phase of the First Indochina War. The author argues that although the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) did not begin to provide substantial aid to North Vietnam until 1950, the involvement of Chinese communists, including members of both the CCP and the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP), in the First Indochina War started at the very moment the war broke out in 1946. Although the early participants were not as prominent as the Chinese political and military advisers who arrived after 1949, their activities deserve to be examined, not only because they were the forerunners of later actors, but also because they had already made concrete contributions to the Vietnamese revolution before the founding of the People's Republic of China and the arrival of large-scale Chinese military and economic aid. Moreover, interactions between early Chinese participants and the Vietnamese revolutionaries established a pattern that would characterise Sino–Vietnamese relations in the subsequent decades.
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GORE, Lance L. P. "Rebuilding the Leninist Party Rule: Chinese Communist Party under Xi Jinping's Stewardship." East Asian Policy 08, no. 01 (January 2016): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930516000015.

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In 2015, Xi Jinping tried to restore many Leninist features to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). He took measures to rebuild the ideological faith, entrench Party organisations with state administration and run the CCP as a meritocracy. “Party groups” (dangzu) are extended to non-governmental, non-profit and other societal organisations. He insisted that party members must observe both formal disciplines and informal norms of the Party, and show loyalty to the leadership.
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Chambers, Collin L. "Having Faith in the Party Again: The Two-Line Party Struggle in the Chinese Communist Party." Human Geography 11, no. 1 (March 2018): 44–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861801100104.

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At the present time, the Communist Party is not looked upon as an agent for revolutionary change. It is seen as an archaic artifact that needs to be left in the dustbin of 20th century history. Some in the “New Left” argue for a “post-party politics” – because contemporary party politics are so “closely bound up with structures of power, the possibility that political parties will transform themselves and formulate a new politics is extremely low” (Wang 2016, 169). In sum, we should not have faith in the Party in radically changing social formations. However, this view abstracts from the political and social dynamics of communist parties. Communist parties provide the “affective infrastructure” for activists (Dean 2016) and create the flexible, disciplined organizational form necessary for maneuvering through the complexities of a revolutionary moment. An investigation of the historical and contemporary “line struggles” within the Chinese Communist Party gives insight into how communist parties can foster change in a social formation. This paper seeks to install hope that the Party, particularly the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), can once again create revolutionary change.
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Kampen, Thomas. "Wang Jiaxiang, Mao Zedong and the ‘Triumph of Mao Zedong-Thought’ (1935–1945)." Modern Asian Studies 23, no. 4 (October 1989): 705–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010179.

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While Mao Zedong might still be China's most famous communist, only scholars of the history of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have heard of Wang Jiaxiang and even they have never studied his career in detail. But recent Chinese publications show that there were very few CCP leaders who had such a tremendous impact on the Chinese communist movement in general and Mao Zedong's career in particular. This article will show that Wang not only supported Mao during the power struggles of the 1930s and helped convince Stalin that Mao should be acknowledged as the CCP's leader, but that Wang also played a decisive role in establishing Mao Zedong-Thought as the Party's guiding ideology. The release of numerous Party documents in the last five years also throws some light upon the relations and conflicts between Mao Zedong and other CCP leaders such as Wang Ming, Zhou Enlai, Zhang Guotao and Liu Shaoqi in the decade between the Long March and the Seventh Party Congress of 1945.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Chinese Communist Party (CCP)"

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Zhou, Shanding. "Changes of the Chinese Communist Party’s Ideology and Reform Since 1978." Thesis, Griffith University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366150.

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The Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s ideology has undergone remarkable changes in the past three decades which have facilitated China’s reform and opening up as well as its modernization. The thesis has expounded upon the argumentation by enumerating five dimensions of CCP’s ideological changes and development since 1978. First, the Party had restructured its ideological orthodoxy, advocating of ‘seeking truth from facts.’ Some of central Marxist tenets, such as ‘class struggle’, have been revised, and in effect demoted, and the ‘productive forces’ have been emphasized as the motive forces of history, so that the Party shifted its prime attention to economic development and socialist construction. The Party theorists proposed treating Marxism as a ‘developing science’ and a branch of the social sciences, but not an all-encompassing ‘science of sciences.’ These efforts have been so transformative that they have brought revolutionary changes in Chinese thinking of, and approach to Marxism. The Party has also changed the role that ideology plays in the Chinese policy process while remolding its doctrine.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
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Hearn, Kay, and n/a. "Sniffer Packets & Firewalls." University of Canberra. n/a, 2008. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20081217.153550.

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Falun Gong protesters, the bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade, the spy plane incident and a series of mine accidents are just some of the events over the past decade that involved the Internet. In each incident the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was caught off guard by the circumvention of informational flows as a consequence of the Internet. This is in some ways indicative of the impact the medium is having on the ability of the CCP to manage political discourse within the confines of the country. This thesis examines the way that political discourse in contemporary China is managed in response to the development of the Internet, using the concepts of time and space as conceived by Harold A. Innis. This historical study considers the strategies used in the management of time and space in the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) across a broad range of ways in which the medium is used by particular groups, such as online gamers, bloggers, hackers, and activists. I have also looked at the way information flows are managed during a crisis or disaster using critical textual analysis of Internet sources, and specific examples. These sources are both official and unofficial including Chinese government sites, journalistic sources both Chinese and Western and Chinese legal databases that appear on the World Wide Web (WWW). The study finds that there is an emerging shift from propaganda based media manipulation and suppression to a style of stage managed spin. The CCP have used three strategies to contain and maintain their hold over central power, including the rule of law, investment in the development of content and technological means. The development of the Internet in China is marked by a dialect of desire for the technology for economic purposes and the perceived need to control the technology for political purposes. The Internet has also enabled the central government in Beijing to reassert its position as a central authority over local and provincial governments. This study contributes to the existing knowledge about Chinese media policy and the Internet, and will shed light on the ways in which the tehcnology influences the production and consumption of media and the impact that the development of this medium has upon media policy in China. Furthermore, this study will contribute to a greater understanding of CCP's ability to manage information and the impact that this medium will have on the operations of Chinese politics within the space of the Internet, as well as the impact of the technology on politics, and China's interaction with the international community.
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Smith, Douglas. "Public Spaces, Parks and Democratic Transition: A Case Study of Republican China." Thesis, Griffith University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366151.

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This thesis has two related objectives. First, it proposes a general critique of the way in which liberal theorists have understood the democratisation process—particularly in their search for its nascent forms in the late Qing Dynasty and early Republican China. In this sense, it is a work of political philosophy and aims to counter poorly formulated criticisms of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). This is not to condone everything the CCP does, but rather to highlight the frequent misperceptions of key concepts employed by their international interlocutors—especially freedom, democracy and government. The core of the argument rests on Dankwart Rustow’s three stage “matrix” which suggests that those factors that bring a democracy into being are not necessarily the same as those that sustain it. The argument, here, is that certain types of government have a role to play in the democratisation process. This problematises the generally-accepted view that the role of government (any government) is to remove itself from this process altogether. This is evidenced by the long standing liberal “truth” of the necessity of the public/private divide. Second, the thesis outlines a history of the first indigenous Chinese public park—Zhongyuan Gongyuan (Central Park). In this sense, the thesis is also a work of history. The park, itself, is significant because, unlike the west, there has not been a history of formalised public spaces in Chinese history—like the agora, forum or piazzas. The establishment of the park, therefore, highlights a considerable, albeit geographically localised, watershed in the objectives of Chinese government. Previous governments kept their gaze towards heaven; early Republican governments reversed the direction, and looked towards the people. The newly established municipal authorities clearly saw the health, morality and conduct of the masses as the raison d’être of the park; the aim was new citizens who would contribute to the political modernity and capitalism that would make China strong. To build a new China required a dramatic rethinking of what the citizen would look like, and the earlier intellectual reconfigurations—especially those of Liang Qichao’s xin min—found their material expression, at least partially, in the ways in which the patrons consumed these new public spaces like Zhongyuan Gongyuan. The story of the park, then, provides a case study that demonstrates that government, at least in Republican China, did play a role in the creation of some of the basic elements of democracy—for example, civil society, modern citizenship and the public sphere.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
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Dumm, Elena. "Show No Weakness: An Ideological Analysis of China Daily News Coverage of the 2019 Hong Kong Protests." Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1617884910805174.

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Chi, Chia-Lin. "Lee Teng-Hui’s political cross-straits policy and mainland china’s reaction." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/28534.

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By the end of the twentieth century, there were many secessionist groups, but, the move towards Taiwanese secessionism has arguably been the most significant of these. It triggered the 1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis, which resulted in a historical military confrontation between Mainland China and the US. As will be shown, from 1988 to 2000, Lee Teng-hui, as president of Taiwan, manipulated the political Cross-Straits relationship to promote what was ultimately a secessionist policy. This caused Mainland China to react strongly and triggered sharp tension between Taiwan and Mainland China. This thesis considers what motivated Lee Teng-hui to implement a secessionist Cross-Straits policy and why he supported unification while adopting a substantive secessionist policy. It looks at how he was able to instigate Taiwanese hostility towards Mainlanders, to transform the hostility into a sense of Taiwanese national identity and ultimately into Taiwanese secessionist ideology. A historical approach was used in exploring the origins of secessionism, and descriptive and analytical methods to review systematically and comprehensively political developments in the ROC and its civil war, and to study Lee Teng-hui’s life; the national identity of Taiwan and Mainland China; the implementation of Lee Teng-hui’s political Cross-Straits policy; and the reaction of Mainland China. The study showed that the main cause of Taiwanese secessionism was ethnic conflict between Taiwanese and Mainlanders. It originated from the 228 Incident of 1947, in which Mainlander-led troops slaughtered many Taiwanese. Soon after, the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan from Mainland China, and many Taiwanese (including Mainlanders) were killed during the State of Emergency in the 1950s and 1960s. Since the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan in its original central government form, the Mainlander élite occupied key positions in the government during the 1950s and 1960s. It resulted in unfair power-sharing for Taiwanese, and caused the Taiwanese élite to believe that they had to establish their own government (nation). Lee Teng-hui had participated in the CCP and had been under political surveillance by the Mainlander-led government for over twenty years. He weathered these political difficulties, but by reasonable inference, there was a close relationship between the political oppression by the Mainlander-led government and his secessionist political Cross-Straits policy. Because Taiwanese residents were indoctrinated by Chiang Ching-kuo and his father, Chiang Kai-shek’s administration for about 40 years, Chinese ideology was dominant and Lee Teng-hui initially paid lip-service to Cross-Strait unification whilst working towards secessionism as reflected in the Chingdao-Lake Incident (1994); the private dialogue between Lee Teng-hui and Shiba Ryotaro (1994); the address at Cornell University (1995); and his two-state theory (1999). However, due to strong pressure from Mainland China, he did not reach his secessionist goal during his presidential term (1988-2000). In conclusion, this thesis shows that Taiwan Island’s geopolitical importance is at the heart of the US’ support for Taiwan’s secession from the Mainland. Therefore, Lee’s secessionist Cross-Strait policy aside, US national interests lie in containing Mainland China and it has, therefore, always played an important role in the secessionist issue and always will. From the perspective of Mainland China, either in terms of nationalism or national security, Taiwan’s secession is a life-and-death issue. If Taiwanese authorities were to declare independence, the only option for Mainland China would be to launch a unification war. For the US, Taiwan is only a pawn that it uses to contain Mainland China. Therefore, in the Cross-Strait issue, the US has more options than Mainland China, namely, to use military intervention in the future to deter Chinese unification or to decide to share common peaceful international relations with Mainland China by accepting Cross-Strait unification.
Thesis (DPhil (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2004.
Political Sciences
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Zhang, Yang. "Taming factions in the Chinese Communist party." Diss., University of Iowa, 2016. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2170.

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How does the Chinese Communist Party tame factions from breaking it apart? Relying on thousands of biographies, the dissertation attempts to uncover the complex network of Chinese political elites and investigate how institutions constrain the expansion of factions. First, it finds that the rule of avoidance has been effectively implemented. Native provincial officials are often assigned with secondary party positions, especially so in deeply indebted provinces that are heavily reliant on the central government for fiscal transfer. Second, the centralization of the disciplinary inspection system helps maintain the momentum of the anticorruption campaign since the 2012 leadership succession. Compared to native officials, the officials who were transferred from a different province or a central government agency are likely to investigate much more corrupt party cadres in their jurisdictions. Third, when it comes to promotions of provincial party secretaries, many performance-based criteria appear to be less important than factional ties. Good economic performance such as fast GDP growth does not increase a provincial party secretary’s odds to join the Politburo. However, the effects of factional ties are mixed. For example, family ties to a top party leader greatly increase the likelihood of promotion, but college ties disadvantage the candidates. Finally, the dissertation shows that network centrality in the Central Committee is a strong predictor of the outcomes of the Politburo turnover. The network centrality is positively associated with party seniority, but due to the age limits, it cannot grow without a ceiling.
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Sanson, Esther Mary. "The Chinese Communist Party and China's Rural Problems." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Languages and Cultures, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1903.

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Vast disparities exist between China’s rural and urban areas. Throughout the history of Communist Party rule, ever-widening rural-urban inequality, problems with migration to the cities, and the threat of rural unrest have afflicted the countryside. Efforts by previous administrations have largely failed to solve the nation’s rural problems. China’s current leaders are determined to tackle these issues by means of a change in the direction in policy: the new focus is on sustainable development and social justice rather than rapid economic growth. At the same time, the central government hopes to strengthen the Communist Party’s power base and reduce potential threats to its ongoing reign. While the new policy direction is expected to improve the standard of living of China’s rural people and reduce social conflict in the short term, it may be insufficient to bring peace and satisfaction among the people in the long term.
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Merrill, Ian Scott. "Exercising Control: Chinese Communist Party Policy Toward Religion." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/321896.

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Chun, Philip. "The Paths to Power in the Chinese Communist Party." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/867.

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China’s current crop of leaders has inherited a country full of promise. After the disastrous socialist transformation under Mao, Deng Xiaoping and his successors have implemented large scale, successful economic and social reforms and in less than two generations brought China to the forefront of the global economy. As a result they have gartered most of the praise, glory, and often, economic windfall, associated with China’s success. The goal of this thesis is to examine the complex, non-linear fashion in which China’s top leadership is chosen, and explore the best possible paths to ascend the ranks of the Chinese Communist Party. An investigation of China’s current governing leaders’ paths to power will be included to illuminate how various factors including merit, patronage, institutional role, and luck play a part in the ultimate makeup of China’s top leadership. Key findings show that family pedigree, faction loyalty, and exceptional performance in important roles, especially in provincial governments are the most influential variables when predicting Chinese leadership.
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Zhang, Chi. "How does the Chinese Communist Party legitimise its approach to terrorism?" Thesis, University of Leeds, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/22740/.

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This thesis explores how China's narratives of legitimacy and history condition the ways in which the state frames and approaches "real" and perceived terrorism challenges. Rooted in the Chinese political context and historical continuities, China's counter-terrorism agenda prioritises the concept of national unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. This agenda is justified through the narratives of the Century of Humiliation, and is underpinned by the friend/enemy division that was inherited from the Mao era. Anxious about the impact of democratisation on regime stability, Chinese political elites and scholars are highly sensitive to the sympathy of the international community towards dissident groups that have a separatist agenda. To ensure political conformity, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has established a regime of "truth" by controlling the framing and discourse of counter-terrorism. To maintain its legitimacy and mobilise the public, the CCP has complemented the highly centralised counter-terrorism system with a revival of the Mass Line strategy which was central to Mao's governance but faded from view for much of the post-Mao era. The desire to maintain control has resulted in various problems in counter-terrorism policy and practice, which raise questions about - or even threaten to undermine - the government's ability to demonstrate the legitimacy and efficacy of its counter-terrorism strategy. In exploring the peculiar characteristics of China's counter-terrorism approach, this thesis makes original contributions in five respects: 1) it draws on a wide range of Chinese-language sources that have been under-explored in the study of China's perception of its security threats. Introducing these sources, this thesis brings forwards domestic "insider" debates to a wider non-Chinese-speaking audience interested in the concept of security, unity, separatism, and terrorism in China. 2) It provides an in-depth analysis of China's usage and manoeuvring of the frames, narratives, and labels in the construction of its counter-terrorism discourse, which offers an interesting insight into how the Chinese state and security apparatus works. 3) It analyses the evolution of the friend/enemy distinction in the Chinese political discourse and how it is embedded in the counter-terrorism discourse. 4) It contributes to terrorism research by examining the under-studied case of China, which is often neglected in mainstream "Western" terrorism research. 5) Finally, the thesis contributes to China studies by investigating how China responds to "real" and perceived terrorist threats.
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Books on the topic "Chinese Communist Party (CCP)"

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Chinese Communist Party rectification. [Taipei: World Anti-Communist League, China Chapter, 1987.

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Erik, Brødsgaard Kjeld, and Zheng Yongnian, eds. The Chinese Communist Party in reform. New York, N.Y: Routledge, 2006.

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Werning, Rainer. CCP: Phönix aus der Asche oder im Abwind? Altenberge: WURF Verlag, 1993.

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The founding of the Chinese Communist Party. New York: Columbia University Press, 2013.

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Goehlert, Robert. The Chinese Communist Party: A selected bibliography. Monticello, Ill., USA: Vance Bibliographies, 1988.

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Uhalley, Stephen. A history of the Chinese Communist Party. Stanford, Calif: Hoover Institution Press, 1988.

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Historical dictionary of the Chinese Communist Party. Lanham, Md: Scarecrow Press, 2012.

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Committee, Communist Party of China Central. History of the Chinese Communist Party: A chronology of events,. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1991.

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Zheng, Yongnian. The Chinese Communist party as organizational emperor: Culture, reproduction and transformation. London: Routledge, 2010.

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Molding the medium: The Chinese Communist Party and the Liberation daily. Armonk, N.Y: M.E. Sharpe, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Chinese Communist Party (CCP)"

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Holbig, Heike. "Official Visions of Democracy in Xi Jinping’s China." In Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 267–77. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_18.

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AbstractThe concept of “democracy” has been used in Chinese political discourse since the early twentieth century. It was first appropriated as part of the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) vocabulary by Mao Zedong, and subsequent leadership generations have added new interpretations of the notion. Since 2012, when Xi Jinping took office as China’s new paramount leader, the concept of “democracy” has been further developed in official party discourse. Coined as a “socialist core value,” its popularization helps to bolster regime legitimacy at home. At the same time, the idea of a “Chinese-style democracy” might gain traction in other non-democratic regimes in Eurasia in the course of growing geopolitical rivalries.
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Pozzi, Laura. "China, the Maritime Silk Road, and the Memory of Colonialism in the Asia Region." In Regions of Memory, 139–60. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-93705-8_6.

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AbstractThis chapter analyzes how the city museums of Shanghai, Hong Kong, and Galle Fort deal with the memory and legacy of colonialism in the framework of the expanding economic and political power of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in Asia. In the PRC, the historical memory of the country’s colonial past has been shaped by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). In contrast to the transnational nature of the communist ideology, the CCP’s interpretation of history is strongly nationalist. China’s political expansion in the ex-British colony of Hong Kong and its economic ties to other Asian countries such as Sri Lanka open space for a discussion about its power to influence these countries’ understanding of their own history. How is the expansion of China, defined by many as a neo-colonial power, changing the way other countries in Asia understand the colonial past? Is China able to exports its own vision of colonialism and post-colonial order outside its own borders? This chapter answers these questions through an analysis of the permanent exhibitions of three city museums: The Shanghai History Museum; the Hong Kong Museum of History, and the Galle Fort Museum in Sri Lanka, part of the “One Belt, One Road” project.
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Clarke, Michael. "“No Cracks, no Blind Spots, no Gaps”: Technologically-Enabled “Preventative” Counterterrorism and Mass Repression in Xinjiang, China." In Advanced Sciences and Technologies for Security Applications, 121–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-90221-6_8.

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AbstractThe Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is now the site of the largest mass repression of an ethnic and/or religious minority in the world today. Researchers estimate that since 2016 over one million people (mostly ethnic Uyghurs) have been detained without trial in the XUAR in a system of “re-education” camps. Outside of the camps, the region’s Turkic Muslim population are subjected to a dense network of hi-tech surveillance systems, checkpoints, and interpersonal monitoring which severely limit all forms of personal freedom penetrating society to the granular level. This chapter argues that the erection of this “carceral state” has been propelled by a “preventative” counterterrorism that has incorporated key practices (e.g. greater reliance on new surveillance technologies) and discourses (e.g. Islamaphobia) of the “global war on terrorism” with the ideology of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in pursuit of the negation of the very possibility of “terrorism”. As such the contemporary situation in the XUAR represents not only the mass repression of an ethnic and religious minority by an authoritarian regime but also an example of the dystopian potentialities of ostensibly “neutral” technologies.
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Saich, Tony. "The Chinese Communist Party." In Governance and Politics of China, 108–41. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-26786-3_5.

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Saich, Tony. "The Chinese Communist Party." In Governance and Politics of China, 80–106. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-0099-9_4.

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Saich, Tony. "The Chinese Communist Party." In Governance and Politics of China, 91–120. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-13046-4_4.

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Saich, Tony. "The Chinese Communist Party." In Governance and Politics of China, 85–115. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-44530-8_4.

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Wu, Aitchen K. "Rise of the Chinese Communist Party." In China and the Soviet Union, 309–31. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003336341-23.

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Haslam, Jonathan. "The Chinese Communist Party and the Comintern." In The Soviet Union and the Threat from the East, 1933–41, 54–87. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-05679-8_3.

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Zeng, Jinghan. "Existential Crisis of the Chinese Communist Party?" In The Chinese Communist Party’s Capacity to Rule, 29–54. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-53368-5_2.

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Conference papers on the topic "Chinese Communist Party (CCP)"

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Lakhan, Shaheen. "The Emergence of Modern Biotechnology in China." In InSITE 2006: Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/3038.

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Science and technology of Republican China (1912-1949) often replicated the West in all hierarchies. However, in 1949 when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) declared the nation the People's Republic of China, it had assumed Soviet pseudo-science, namely neo-Lamarckian and anti-Mendelian Lysenkoism, which led to intense propaganda campaigns that victimized intellectuals and natural scientists. Not until the 1956 Double Hundred Campaign had China engaging in meaningful exploration into modern genetics with advancements of Morgan. The CCP encouraged discussions on the impact of Lysenkoism which cultivated guidelines to move science forward. However, Mao ended the campaign by asserting the Anti-Rightist Movement (1957) that reinstated the persecution of intellectuals, for he believed they did not contribute to his socialist ethos of the working people. The Great Leap Forward (1958-1959), an idealist and unrealistic attempt to rapidly industrialize the nation, and the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), a grand attempt to rid China of the "technological elite," extended China's lost years to a staggering two decades. Post-Mao China rapidly revived its science and technology frontier with specialized sciences: agricultural biotechnology, major genomic ventures, modernizing Traditional Chinese Medicine, and stem-cell research. Major revisions to the country’s patent laws increased international interest in China’s resources. However, bioethical and technical standards still need to be implemented and locally and nationally monitored if China’s scientific advances are to be globally accepted and commercialized.
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"Chinese Civilization Characteristics of the Communist Party of China." In 2020 International Conference on Social Sciences and Social Phenomena. Scholar Publishing Group, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.38007/proceedings.0001134.

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"Studies of the historical logic of the governing concept of Chinese Communist Party." In International Conference on Education, Management, Computer and Society. Scholar Publishing Group, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.38007/proceedings.0001799.

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Sun, Linchan. "Theoretical Origin and Realistic Enlightenment of the Ecological Construction Thought of Chinese Communist Party." In Proceedings of the 5th International Conference on Economics, Management, Law and Education (EMLE 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.191225.130.

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Li, Zhi. "Persistence in Hard Core and Adjustment of Protective Belt Text Analysis on Governance Programme of Chinese Communist Party." In 2013 International Conference on the Modern Development of Humanities and Social Science. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/mdhss-13.2013.68.

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Reports on the topic "Chinese Communist Party (CCP)"

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Tohti Bughda, Enver. Uyghurs in China: Personal Testimony of a Uyghur Surgeon. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2021.010.

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Dr Enver Tohti Bughda is a qualified medical surgeon and a passionate advocate for Uyghur rights. Having been ordered to remove organs from an executed prisoner, Enver has since taken up a major role in the campaign against forced organ harvesting and is determined to bring China’s darkest secret to light. In this personal testimony, Enver shares his experience working as a surgeon in Xinjiang and reflects more broadly on the situation of Uyghurs in China, explaining that unless Uyghurs earn the sympathy and support of China’s Han majority, unless it is understood that all Chinese people are the victims of the same authoritarian regime, ethnic animosity will continue to serve the political purposes of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
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Meyer, David A., Megha Ram, and Laura Wilke. Circulation of the Elite in the Chinese Communist Party. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, September 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada623940.

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Francois, Patrick, Francesco Trebbi, and Kairong Xiao. Factions in Nondemocracies: Theory and Evidence from the Chinese Communist Party. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w22775.

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Kahn, Matthew, Weizeng Sun, Jianfeng Wu, and Siqi Zheng. The Revealed Preference of the Chinese Communist Party Leadership: Investing in Local Economic Development versus Rewarding Social Connections. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w24457.

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