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Journal articles on the topic 'Chinese anarchists'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Dirlik, Arif. "The Path Not Taken: The Anarchist Alternative in Chinese Socialism, 1921–1927." International Review of Social History 34, no. 1 (April 1989): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000009020.

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SUMMARYUntil the late 1920s, anarchism was still a significant presence in Chinese radical thinking and activity, and till the middle of the decade, gave serious competition to the Communists. The essay discusses the nature of the anarchist movement in China, anarchist criticism of Bolshevik Marxism, and anarchist revolutionary strategy and activity during 1921–1927. It argues that while anarchists were quite innovative with regard to revolutionary strategy, their repudiation of organized power deprived them of the ability to coordinate revolutionary activity on a national scale, and what success they achieved remained local and short-lived. Indeed, the Communists were able to make better use of anarchist tactics than were the anarchists themselves. Anarchist critique of power rested on a denial of a center to society (and history). While this undercut the anarchists' ability to organize the revolutionary movement, it is also revealing of a basic problem of socialist revolution: the problem of democracy. In ignoring the anarchist critique of power, the successful revolutionaries deprived themselves of a critical perspective on the problem of socialist revolution, and were left at the mercy of the new structures of power that they brought into existence. Hence the importance of recalling anarchism.

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2

GE, Yinli. "The Earliest Chinese Translation of Kropotkin’s Mutual Aid." Cultura 16, no. 2 (January 1, 2019): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/cul022019.0006.

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In 1908, the first and second chapters of Kropotkin’s Mutual Aid were first translated into Chinese by Li Shizeng, greatly influencing Chinese anarchists. Li Shizeng followed Kropotkin’s scientific argument of anarchism and strengthened the viewpoint for praising “public” and suppressing “private”. When translating Kropotkin’s thoughts, Li Shizeng focused on political revolution, glossing over the criticism of the capitalist economy, and barely referenced Kropotkin’s original anarchist communist ideology.

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3

Yong, C. F. "Origins and Development of the Malayan Communist Movement, 1919–1930." Modern Asian Studies 25, no. 4 (October 1991): 625–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010787.

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Communism as an ideology was first introduced to Malaya by Chinese anarchists, and not by Kuomintang Left, Indonesian communists or Chinese communists as claimed in existing scholarship.1 A handful of Chinese anarchists arrived in British Malaya during the First World War to take up positions as Chinese vernacular school teachers or journalists. These Chinese intellectuals harboured not only anarchism but also communism, commonly known then as anarcho-communism.

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4

Gaudino, Emanuela. "Traditional Thought and Utopian Egalitarianism in the Tianyi bao: The Rise of an Anarchist Ideal among Chinese Communities in Tokyo." MING QING YANJIU 17, no. 01 (February 14, 2012): 121–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24684791-01701006.

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This essay discusses the experience of anarchism among young Chinese intellectuals based in Japan between 1907-1908. The rise of an anarchist ideal among Chinese intellectuals was firstly related to their acquaintance with Japanese radicals. In 1907 division among the Tongmenghui leadership and the conversion of Japanese intellectuals to anarchism made Chinese students and intellectuals based in Tokyo more susceptible to radical political doctrines. Anarchism emerged as a new trend out of this political turmoil. Liu Shipei, He Zhen and Zhang Ji were the central figures of the Tokyo Group and the main supporters of the anarchist propaganda in Japan. Through the acquaintance with the Kinyōkai 金矅会 (Friday Group), the radical socialist faction led by Kōtoku Shūsui, they were able to bring together the Chinese overseas communities in Japan, who were dissatisfied with the principle of Tongmenghui and its leadership. The close relations with Kōtoku and Japanese socialists, the affiliation with the Tongmenghui and the quarrels within the same Alliance concerning Sun’s leadership, the establishment of societies among Chinese students in Japan and the publication of a journal, all consent to define the contours of anarchist activities in Japan between the years 1907-1908. My goal in the following pages is to highlight the Japanese route of Chinese anarchism outlining anarchist thinking and propaganda as delineated in the pages of their official organ, the Tianyi bao (Journal of Natural Justice). Overall, I will try to answer these three questions. First, how did Chinese traditional thought become a means to sustain utopian egalitarianism? Second, how did Kōtoku Shūsui and Japanese anarchists influence the rise of an anarchist ideal among Chinese intellectuals based in Japan? And third, how did the Tianyi bao promote a racial, social and political revolution in order to create an ideal society?

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5

Wenshan, Huang, and I.-Yi Hsieh. "Huang Wenshan and His Cosmopolitan Culturology." positions: asia critique 27, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 825–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-7727020.

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This translation introduces the life trajectory of Huang Wenshan—a first-generation Chinese anthropologist who received education from Columbia University in the 1920s—and his reflections on the anarchist wing within Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomingtang. Drawing on Huang’s semibiographical writing, published in 1983, about this anarchist network, the translated text centers on the event of the death of Wu Zhihui—another famed anarchist intellectual—which had evoked much discussion and correspondence among intellectuals in the circle. The text particularly shows Huang and his fellow anarchists’ struggle to redeem a sense of cosmopolitanism while their lives are engulfed by the turmoil of international and civil wars. Against the backdrop of war, the translation further contextualizes Huang’s historical shift from anarchist politics to his focus on developing a unique theory of “culturology” since the outbreak of the Mukden Incident in 1931. This theory considers “culture” as central to constructing a new kind of cosmopolitanism, with which a commensurability can be achieved for all nations. Given the invaluable personal letters exchanged among the anarchists, annotated by Huang, this translated text provides insights into the “culture turn” among many Chinese anarchists in the wake of the Sino-Japanese Wars.

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6

Galvan-Alvarez, Enrique. "Meditative Revolutions? A Preliminary Approach to US Buddhist Anarchist Literature." Atlantis. Journal of the Spanish Association for Anglo-American Studies 42, no. 2 (December 23, 2020): 160–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.28914/atlantis-2020-42.2.08.

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This article discusses the various shapes, inner structures and roles given to transformative and liberative practices in the work of US Buddhist anarchist authors (1960-2010). Unlike their Chinese and Japanese predecessors, who focused more on discursive parallelisms between Buddhism and anarchism or on historical instances of antiauthoritarianism within the Buddhist tradition(s), US Buddhist anarchists seem to favour practice and experience. This emphasis, characteristic of the way Buddhism has been introduced to the West,sometimes masks the way meditative techniques were used in traditional Buddhist contexts as oppressive technologies of the self. Whereas the emphasis on the inherently revolutionary nature of Buddhist practice represents a radical departure from the way those practices have been conceptualised throughout Buddhist history, it also involves the danger of considering Buddhist practice as an ahistorical sine qua non for social transformation. This is due to the fact that most early Buddhist anarchist writers based their ideas on a highly idealised, Orientalist imagination of Zen Buddhism(s). However, recent contributions based on other traditions have offered a more nuanced, albeit still developing picture. By assessing a number of instances from different US Buddhist anarchist writers, the article traces the brief history of the idea that meditation is revolutionary praxis, while also deconstructing and complicating it through historical and textual analysis.

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7

Hsu, Rachel Hui-chi. "Spiritual Mother and Intellectual Sons: Emma Goldman and Young Chinese Anarchists." Twentieth-Century China 46, no. 3 (2021): 247–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcc.2021.0023.

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8

Zarrow, Peter. "He Zhen and Anarcho-Feminism in China." Journal of Asian Studies 47, no. 4 (November 1988): 796–813. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2057853.

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Anarchists publishing in small student journals in the years before the 1911 Revolution made a significant contribution to Chinese feminism. They linked feminism to their call for a complete social revolution; they understood the oppression of women in China to be linked to modern class divisions and economic exploitation as well as traditional culture. They discussed the relationships among feminism, individual rights, and political liberties. He Zhen in particular severed feminism from nationalism, proclaiming “women's liberation” not “for the sake of the nation” but out of moral necessity.

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9

Sehyun Cho. "Anti-fascism Struggle and International Solidarity of Korean-Chinese Anarchists in the 1930's." Journal of North-east Asian Cultures 1, no. 17 (December 2008): 327–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17949/jneac.1.17.200812.015.

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10

Müller-Saini, Gotelind, and Gregor Benton. "Esperanto and Chinese anarchism in the 1920s and 1930s." Language Problems and Language Planning 30, no. 2 (August 11, 2006): 173–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.30.2.06mul.

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Esperanto in China and among the Chinese diaspora was for long periods closely linked with anarchism. This article looks at the history of the Chinese Esperanto movement after the repatriation of anarchism to China in the 1910s. It examines Esperanto’s political connections in the Chinese setting and the arguments used by its supporters to promote the language. In exploring the role played by Esperanto in interwar Chinese culture and politics, it helps to throw light on the complex relationship between language and politics in China in the first half of the twentieth century.

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11

Rapp, John A., and Arif Dirlik. "Anarchism in the Chinese Revolution." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23, no. 2 (1992): 442. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205354.

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12

Perry, Elizabeth J., and Arif Dirlik. "Anarchism in the Chinese Revolution." American Historical Review 97, no. 4 (October 1992): 1265. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165636.

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13

Yeh, Wen-Hsing, and Peter Zarrow. "Anarchism and Chinese Political Culture." American Historical Review 97, no. 2 (April 1992): 600. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165849.

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14

Ferrell, Robert, and Peter Zarrow. "Anarchism and Chinese Political Culture." Philosophy East and West 45, no. 1 (January 1995): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1399516.

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15

Murthy, Viren, and Arif Dirlik. "Anarchism in the Chinese Revolution." Philosophy East and West 46, no. 1 (January 1996): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1399342.

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16

Chiu, S. M. "Anarchism in the Chinese Revolution." History: Reviews of New Books 21, no. 4 (June 1993): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1993.9948793.

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17

Feigon, Lee, and Edward S. Krebs. "Shifu, Soul of Chinese Anarchism." American Historical Review 105, no. 1 (February 2000): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2652469.

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18

Vareikis, Žilvinas. "The Beginnings of the Anarchist Concept of Freedom in the Teaching of the Greek Cynics and Chinese Philosophical Daoists." Dialogue and Universalism 31, no. 1 (2021): 255–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du202131116.

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This paper links the beginnings of anarchism to the works of some ancient Greek Cynic philosophers. Its reflections are also visible in the Chinese Daoist civilizational paradigm, so comparatively relevant ideas developed by the Greek Cynics are analysed in relation to the Chinese Daoists ideas. Basing on the surviving works by the representatives of the above-mentioned schools or only fragments of these works, the author of the paper draws attention to the aspects of social behaviour and social activities of the thinkers of the civilizational paradigms in question. These aspects are discussed in the light of the idea of anarchism, which helps to reveal distinctive contents of values. These contents are fundamentally different from the models of anarchism of the New Ages that are oriented towards the transformation of social structure or its individual systems. The radical idea of social revolution was not important to the Greek Cynics and the Chinese Daoists, although, in the course of time, there have been attempts to link these ideas with revolutionary attitudes. However, due to the ideological divide and the divide in values, the author of the paper sees no basis for a more detailed comparative analysis of the ideas of anarchism of the New Ages and ancient anarchism.

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19

Müller-Saini, Gotelind, and Gregor Benton. "Esperanto and Chinese anarchism 1907–1920." Language Problems and Language Planning 30, no. 1 (February 20, 2006): 45–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.30.1.05mul.

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The history of Esperanto in China was for long periods closely linked with anarchism. This article surveys the connection in the years up to 1920, and sets out to show which groups used which arguments to agitate for Esperanto, in order to throw light on the complexity of the relationship between language and politics in China, especially in the first half of the twentieth century.

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20

Lee, Woong, and Lin-jie Niu. "Anarchist Lee Dal’s Criticism on Modern Chinese Literature." Journal of Modern Chinese Literature 93 (April 30, 2020): 47–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.46487/jmcl.2020.04.93.47.

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21

Pickowicz, Paul G. "Review Article : The Chinese Anarchist Critique of Marxism-Leninism." Modern China 16, no. 4 (October 1990): 450–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009770049001600404.

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22

Г. И., Хипхенов,. "WHITE CHEREMKHOVO (JULY 1918)." SCIENTIFIC REVIEW OF SAYANO-ALTAI, no. 4(36) (December 26, 2022): 86–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.52782/kril.2022.4.36.011.

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История Гражданской войны в России, за исключением отдельных эпизодов, исследована на ограниченном, выборочном (порой умышленно) объеме источников. В результате получается искаженное представление с огромными географическими, временными и персональными дырами - лакунами. Мы имеем не белые пятна в истории, а скорее весь наш объем познаний является лишь отдельными просветленными областями на темном полотне неизвестного и неизученного. Поэтому на современном этапе исследования особенно актуально изучение «вглубь» - детальная реконструкция событий и их участников. На Черемховских каменноугольных копях трудилось до 10 000 рабочих, в том числе значительная доля китайцев. С началом революции в 1917 г. Черемхово предсказуемо стал пролетарским центром, «сибирским Кронштадтом». Однако в истории Черемхово были не только рабочий класс, анархисты и красногвардейцы, но и офицеры, и белые добровольцы. Данная статья призвана предметно рассмотреть их военную роль и особенности начальной служебной деятельности. В конце мая 1918 г. на огромном протяжении от Пензы до Иркутска вдоль линии железной дороги произошло выступление Чехословацкого корпуса. В ходе последующих летних сражений по всей Сибири установилась власть Временного сибирского правительства. Причем Черемхово белые 4 июля 1918 г. заняли без сопротивления. обычно начальный период после смены любой власти остается малоизученным, поскольку документооборот либо еще не образовался, либо впоследствии не сохранился. Черемхово же повезло тем, что сохранились уникальные документы. The history of the Civil War in Russia, with the exception of individual episodes, has been studied on a limited, selective (sometimes intentionally) volume of sources. The result is a distorted representation with huge geographical, temporal and personal holes - lacunae. We do not have blank spots in history, but rather our entire body of knowledge is only separate enlightened areas on the dark canvas of the unknown and unexplored. Therefore, at the present stage of research, it is especially important to study "in depth" - the detailed reconstruction of events and their participants. Up to 10,000 workers, including a significant proportion of Chinese, worked at the Cheremkhovo Coal Mines. With the beginning of the Revolution in 1917, Cheremkhovo predictably became a proletarian center, so called "Siberian Kronstadt". However, in the history of Cheremkhovo there were not only the working class, anarchists and Red Guards, but also officers, and white volunteers. This article is intended to consider in detail their military role and the features of the initial official activity. At the end of May 1918, performance of the Czechoslovak Corps took place on a huge stretch from Penza to Irkutsk along the railway line. During the subsequent summer battles, the power of the Provisional Siberian Government was established throughout Siberia. Moreover, on July 4, 1918, the Whites occupied Cheremkhovo without resistance. Usually, the initial period after the change of any government remains poorly studied, since the document flow has either not yet been formed, or has not been preserved subsequently. Cheremkhovo was lucky that unique documents were preserved.

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23

XU, Tianna. "Liu Shipei’s Concept of Class." Cultura 17, no. 2 (January 1, 2020): 63–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/cul022020.0005.

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Abstract: This paper aims to discuss the concept of class in the works of Liu Shipei, a Chinese revolutionary intellectual. When discussing the ethnic revolution of Manchuria, Liu first included class in the description of Chinese system, ethics and Chinese society. After he crossed to Japan and accepted the anarchist revolutionary ideas of hardliners, he used class as a broad synonym for hierarchical society and various inequalities. After understanding and recognizing the Marxist class struggle thought, Liu turned his attention to China. Liu started from the issue of Chinese people’s livelihood to find the subject and object of China’s anarchic class revolution. Class became the concept carrier of his narration of class revolution, and its semantic domain was further expanded. Through the analysis, we can see that Liu’s understanding and use of the concept of class is closely related to his revolutionary ideas, and changes accordingly.

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24

Tsu, Jing. "New Area Studies and Languages on the Move." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 126, no. 3 (May 2011): 693–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2011.126.3.693.

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In 1909 Wu Zhihui, a proponent of esperanto and well-known anarchist of Twentieth-Century China, predicted the future of global languages. Though the nationalization of the Chinese language was still pending, Wu expressed concern not for its imminent standardization but for its eventual global viability. The outlook was not rosy: Not only is the Chinese language not phoneticized, it is also not easy to typeset or index. This is a tremendous obstacle to the dissemination of civilized modernization and the governance of all things…. Looking up Chinese characters takes great effort indeed. Regardless of the index system and classification scheme, it is very difficult to memorize them. Moreover, there are too many characters…. Western writing has one great advantage, which became clear as the greatest disadvantage of the Chinese language only with the advancement of machine technology. A typewriter can be used with Western scripts but not with the Chinese language…. Sooner or later the Chinese script has to be abolished.(51, 36, 37, 52; my trans.)

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25

ZHENG, Xuejun. "Scientism, Nationalism, and Christianity: The Spread and Influence of Kotoku Shusui’s On the Obliteration of Christ in China." Cultura 16, no. 2 (January 1, 2019): 135–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/cul022019.0009.

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Owing to Zhu Zhixin’s introduction and Liu Wendian’s translation, Japanese anarchist Kotoku Shusui’s On the Obliteration of Christ came to have a great impact on China’s Anti-Christian Movement following the May Fourth Movement. What these three texts oppose is not only Christian authority, but also political power. In a continuous line, these writings lay the basic framework for Chinese anti-Christian speech in the 1920s, as the combination of scientism and nationalism began to shape people’s perception of Christianity.

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26

Dessein, Bart. "The Heritage of Taixu." Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (September 22, 2020): 251–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2020.8.3.251-277.

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Much scholarly attention has been devoted to the way the Chinese intellectual world tried to formulate an answer to the challenge posed by European modernity, as well as to the way European political thinking (nationalism, socialism, communism, anarchism) impacted traditional Chinese political thinking. In contrast, very little attention has been devoted to the way these same political philosophies also influenced the Chinese Buddhist answer to European modernity. This article discusses the ways in which the ‘reform of Buddhism’ proposed by the famous Venerable Taixu (1889–1947) was shaped by both the political and military events that determined the history of China in the first half of the twentieth century, and by his genuine determination to modernize Buddhism.

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27

Byung-ryul Roh and Byungdon Chun. "The early part of Anarchism and Chinse Original Thought." Journal of Eastern Philosophy ll, no. 72 (November 2012): 271–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.17299/tsep..72.201211.271.

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28

Lee, Wonjune. "Wang Guangqi’s Anarchism and the Chinese Communal Experiments of the May Fourth Period." Journal of Chinese Studies 100 (May 30, 2022): 755–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.36493/jcs.100.24.

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29

Tawandorloh, Ku Ares, Ardareena Chema, and Kamaludin Kamaludin. "SECULARISM AND ISLAMOPHOBIA: HISTORICAL RECONSTRUCTION OF THE FALL OF CHINA'S IDEOLOGY AND ECONOMY." Religio Education 1, no. 1 (December 14, 2021): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/re.v1i1.41431.

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Islamophobia is an issue raised by Islamic antagonist groups to portray Islam as a radical, anarchist and primitive religion. Secularism is a thought product with the concept of separating religion and the world, which is being forced to become an ideology that is accepted internationally. China, as an influential economic country in the world, provides penetration with its economic strength so that ideas that are contrary to Islamic principles dominate global ideologies. No matter how great an ideology is, it turns out to have a fragility, this is what the Chinese State has forgotten. Success in the economic field has in fact caused problems in various sectors. This article presents the historical facts of how the fall of China's power was due to over-imposing an ideology that contradicts the holy Islamic shari'ah. The research method used in this research is descriptive analysis method. The research data were collected from various sources, then analyzed using the literature review technique. The results showed that the influence of cultural values, selfishness, high nationalism culture accompanied by the political heat of the country, became a barrier for Chinese people to accept the values of the spirit of faith contained in Islamic teachings.

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30

Borokh, Olga N. "Ancient Chinese economic thought and the French academic context of the 1930s: Li Zhaoyi’s doctoral thesis." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 4 (2021): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080015545-6.

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The article examines the contribution of the Chinese researcher of the first half of the 20th century Li Zhaoyi to the study of the impact of ancient Chinese thought on the economic doctrine of the French physiocrats. An interpretation of the schools of Taoism, Confucianism and Legalism as carriers of the idea of natural law, which became fundamental for physiocrats, is highlighted as a key feature of Li Zhaoyi’s academic concept. The interpretation of the Chinese teachings on morality, ritual, the way-Tao, and the law-Fa as different understandings of natural law was aimed at demonstrating the Chinese influence on the European thought of the Enlightenment. A distinctive feature of Li Zhaoyi’s research was the use of European concepts, primarily anarchism and individualism, to discuss the specifics of ancient Chinese thought through comparisons with the ideas of J.J. Rousseau, P.A. Kropotkin, M.A. Bakunin, M. Stirner. The increasing attention to the legacy of Li Zhaoyi in modern China is due to the growing interest in the problem of the recognition of Chinese concepts by the global academic community. Li Zhaoyi’s name was mentioned by well-known economist J.A. Schumpeter. The influence on the French physiocrats was a rare case of China’s contribution to the development of world economic science that is expected to provide inspiration for future intercultural interactions. It is concluded that the official policy of introducing “philosophy and social sciences with Chinese characteristics” to the outside world will help to maintain interest in the history of China’s influence on European thought.

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31

Ritzinger, Justin R. "The Awakening of Faith in Anarchism: A Forgotten Chapter in the Chinese Buddhist Encounter with Modernity." Politics, Religion & Ideology 15, no. 2 (March 26, 2014): 224–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2014.898430.

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32

Chang, Hao. "Anarchism and Chinese Political Culture. By Peter Zarrow. New York: Columbia University Press, 1990. 343 pp. $35.00." Journal of Asian Studies 50, no. 3 (August 1991): 686–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2057602.

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33

benton, Gregor. "Anarchism and Chinese Political Culture. By Peter Zarrow. [New York: Columbia University Press, 1990. 338 pp. $45.00.]." China Quarterly 125 (March 1991): 170–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000030484.

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34

FRAMKE, MARIA. "‘We Must Send a Gift Worthy of India and the Congress!’ War and political humanitarianism in late colonial South Asia." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 6 (November 2017): 1969–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000950.

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AbstractThe interwar period has recently been described as a highly internationalist one in South Asia, as a series of distinct internationalisms—communist, anarchist, social scientific, socialist, literary, and aesthetic1—took shape. At the same time, it has been argued that the Second Sino-Japanese War of 1937 drew to a close various opportunities for international association (at least, temporarily). Taking into account both these contradistinctive developments, this article deals with another—and thus far largely overlooked—South Asian internationalism in the form of wartime Indian humanitarianism. In 1938, the Indian National Congress helped organize an Indian medical mission to China to bring relief to Chinese victims of the Second Sino-Japanese War. By focusing on this initiative, this article traces the ideas, the practices, and the motives of Indian political humanitarianism. It argues that such initiatives, as they became part of much wider global networks of humanitarianism in the late 1930s and early 1940s, created new openings for Indian nationalists to establish international alliances. This article also examines the way in which political humanitarianism enabled these same nationalists to perform as independent leaders on an international stage, and argues that humanitarianism served as a tool of anti-colonial emancipation.

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35

Yang, Muqiao. "Romanticism, Nationalism and Democracy: The Research About Political Thoughts of Zhou Taixuan." Journal of Research in Social Science and Humanities 1, no. 1 (November 2022): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.56397/jrssh.2022.11.04.

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Since Chen Duxiu, one of the leaders of New Culture Movement claimed that the only thing which can rescue China from suppression and poverty were Mr. Democracy and Mr. Science. (Chen, 1917) Liberal Chinese enlighteners have believed that democracy and science are two wheels in one car for a long time. But the current nationalism and totalitarian tendencies of science and engineering students and scholars are far higher than those of the humanities. This seems to reveal to us a more complicated relationship between the two concepts: democracy and science. As a result, the research about intellectuals with both background about politics and science will be necessary. And I will choose three scientists as the examples to get in touch with this problem: Ding Wenjiang, Zhou Taixuan and Gao Shiqi. Zhou Taixuan was a biologist with spiritual of romanticism. As an anarchist from 1919-1920, he turned to nationalism and statism since 1921 after he argued with his friends about religion and reading the work of social Darwinism. However, though he still tried to combine democracy with statism. By reading his works and analyzing the internal path of his thoughts, will get a deeper understanding about the problem with democracy and science.

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Lins, Ulrich. "Esperanto as language and idea in China and Japan." Language Problems and Language Planning 32, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.32.1.05lin.

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For the past hundred years Esperanto has found adepts in China and Japan. Outside Europe and the Americas, nowhere has Esperanto spread as much as it has in East Asia. The Chinese and Japanese were drawn to it through their desire to learn from the west; they hoped to use Esperanto as a bridge between east and west or they found in it a link to anarchism and communism. Often the Esperantists used their language for campaign purposes, for example in the battle against the Japanese invasion of China beginning in the 1930s (“For the liberation of China through Esperanto”) or for the popularization of pacifism in postwar Japan. As in the west, many Esperantists in China and Japan based their connection with Esperanto on the idea of the harmony of all humankind. The movement progressed thanks primarily to those who avoided too much missionary zeal and preferred to recruit on the basis of Esperanto as a neutral device. Given the lack of opportunity to use the language in practical ways, for more than half of the past hundred years the Esperantists of East Asia tended to emphasize Esperanto as an idea; but the economic prosperity of Japan and the opening of China, by allowing greater contact with the outside world, have given Esperanto the opportunity to demonstrate more strongly its usefulness as an easily learned means of communication, also for direct contact between Chinese and Japanese.

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Katsouraki, Eve. "Violating Failures: Rosa Luxemburg'sSpartacusManifesto and Dada Berlin Anti-manifestation." Somatechnics 3, no. 1 (March 2013): 50–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/soma.2013.0078.

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Some of the greatest Marxist historical accounts of revolutionary events are the accounts of great failures. One needs only mention the German Peasants' War, the Jacobins in the French Revolution, the Paris Commune, the October Revolution, the Chinese Cultural Revolution while numerous others lurk behind many of the battles of the proletariat throughout the twentieth century. In the most radical political engagement, such as the Cultural Revolution for Badiou, or the Nazi Revolution for Heidegger, failure also signals the end of the traditional mode of political engagement as such. But what is failure precisely? And what our confrontation with such failures really means for revolutionary politics and anarchist artistic movements of the early twentieth century such as Dada Berlin? The aim of this articleis thus toexamine failure's capacity to act as a mode of (political) resistance firmly rooted in revolutionary politics and radical anarchist cultural projects. As I argue, failure's radical properties are found in acts of ‘determinate negation'which exhibit a profound anti-conformist ideology that aims to shatter conventional standards of hegemonic value and seek to reshape and loosen the boundaries that determine lived experience in a socio-political and artistic level. To follow through this hypothesis, I explore the embodied activity of the ‘agonal’ embedded in the manifesto in relation to the failed revolution of SpartacusUprise in Berlin of 1919 and the aesthetic attitude of ‘anti-manifestation'exhibited by the deeply politicised, andintimately aliened to the Spartacus agitational project, cultural movement of Dada Berlin. In this context, failure, I argue, is appropriated into a function of doing of the ‘negative’ –anegative poiesis, whose violent tension,already embedded in the performativity of the genre of the manifesto that seeks to subject to the real the foundational force of a future to come,marks artistic praxis onto the political moment with such a creative vigour as if in violently seeking the arrival of the new world and its making.And by looking at Badiou's theories on the four modes of subjectivities, Zizek's reflections on the formation of Badiou's Event, in relation of Heidegger's ontological violence found in the essencing ability of language and of Luxemburg's political philosophy, failure reveals a truly ‘miraculous’ proposition that is other than acceptance of defeat but the call for fidelity, ‘the work of love,’ which resides at the heart of every such violating failure.

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Wang, K. W. "Book Reviews : Peter Zarrow, Anarchism and Chinese Political Culture (New York: New York University Press, 1990), xi, 338 pp. Cloth $ 39.00." Journal of Asian and African Studies 28, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1993): 133–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002190969302800119.

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Hernández, Emilio. "Review of the Concept of wu wei (无为): Its Relationship with Anarchism and Soft Power." Sinología hispánica 5, no. 2 (March 1, 2018): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/sin.v5i2.5409.

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<p align="LEFT"> </p><p><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Through the analysis of different classical texts of Chinese literature, this article aims to carry out a review of the Taoist concept of </span><em><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS,Trebuchet MS; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS,Trebuchet MS; font-size: xx-small;">wu wei </span></span></em><span style="font-size: xx-small;">and to make an approximation to the relationship between Taoism’s political conception and current anarchism. The article discusses, also from this review, the links between basic behavior and Taoist attitude and leadership and the concept of soft power that govern international relations today. Getting to understand and internalize the </span><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS,Trebuchet MS; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS,Trebuchet MS; font-size: xx-small;">definition and principles of leadership </span></span><em><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS,Trebuchet MS; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS,Trebuchet MS; font-size: xx-small;">wu wei</span></span></em><span style="font-size: xx-small;">, could help society to form leaders who face and</span> <span style="font-size: xx-small;">manage conflicts better: with more reflection and </span><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS,Trebuchet MS; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS,Trebuchet MS; font-size: xx-small;">patience and achieve, with a Taoist leadership management, of its strength and of its soft power, a more balanced and harmonious world.</span></span></p>

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40

Shin-Nakagawa, Yasuko. "Shifu, Soul of Chinese Anarchism. By Edward S. Krebs. Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 1998. xv, 291 pp. $65.00 (cloth); $24.95 (paper)." Journal of Asian Studies 58, no. 4 (November 1999): 1108–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2658513.

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Grieder, Jerome B. "Anarchism in the Chinese Revolution. By Arif Dirlik. Berkeley, Los Angeles, and Oxford: The University of California Press, 1991 x, 326 pp. $39.95." Journal of Asian Studies 52, no. 1 (February 1993): 141–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2059166.

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Chang, Ivy I.-chu. "Queer Politics, Sexual Anarchism, and Nationalism: The Chinese Male Mother and the Queer Family in He Is My Wife, He Is My Mother." TDR/The Drama Review 58, no. 1 (March 2014): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00329.

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Shuttling queerly across multiple temporalities, Chou Katherine Hui-ling's drama depicts a romance between You Ruilang, a self-castrated female impersonator, and Xu Jifang. The dramaturgy of gender transitivity intertwines sexual identity and nationalism, making palpable the homosexuality and homosociality that occurs between homophobia and homophilia.

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Grieder, Jerome B. "Anarchism in the Chinese Revolution. By Arif Dirlik. Berkeley, Los Angeles, and Oxford: The University of California Press, 1991 x, 326 pp. $39.95." Journal of Asian Studies 52, no. 01 (February 1993): 141–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911800135181.

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44

Benton, Gregor. "Shifu: Soul of Chinese Anarchism. By Edward S. Krebs. [Lanham, Boulder, New York and Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield, 1998. 352 pp. $24.95. ISBN 0-8476-9015-6.]." China Quarterly 160 (December 1999): 1085–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000001624.

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45

Aijun, He. "Red China, Red translation." Babel. Revue internationale de la traduction / International Journal of Translation 54, no. 2 (June 19, 2008): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/babel.54.2.04aij.

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This thesis gives a concise introduction to Professor Fang Huawen, the most productive literary translator in contemporary China, and concentrates on his important translation theory “Red Translation in Red China”. He is most productive based on the fact that he has published translated works of about 6 million words. China’s translation is “red” based on the fact that politics plays a dominant role in China’s translation activities. To drive home this notion which is the key point in Professor Fang’s theory, the author of the thesis traces the reasons from the following four aspects:. 1.Historical and social reasons. China’s weakness in the closing years of the Qing Dynasty and China’s failure of the war with Japan in 1895 dealt a heavy blow on the patriotic scholars of the country, so they regarded translation as the most important means of saving the nation from being enslaved; such “patriotic” translation developed into “red” translation as times changed. 2. Human reasons. Nearly all of the translators following the line of “red translation”, who had formed a large body in the teams of Chinese translators before and after 1949, were either communist leaders like Maodun and Liu Bocheng or ardent supporters of socialist cause. They guided the direction of translation in modern China by taking the lead in introducing “red” books into China. 3. Reasons of political systems. P. R. China is governed by the Party who sticks to “red” (proletarian) politics, which has decided the nature of translation in China. 4. Reasons of public wills. The scholars in old China were in continuous search of a way to save their motherland from slavery; Darwinism, Anarchism, Utopian socialism and many other “isms” had aroused their interests, but they chose socialism as the masses, who suffered in poverty, thought that only socialism could help them get rid of poverty and achieve national independence. The nature of socialist China permits only red translation.

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KITLV, Redactie. "Book reviews." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 166, no. 2-3 (2010): 331–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003622.

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Edward Aspinall, Islam and nation; Separatist rebellion in Aceh, Indonesia. (Gerry van Klinken) Greg Bankoff and Sandra Swart (with Peter Boomgaard, William Clarence-Smith, Bernice de Jong Boers and Dhiravat na Pombejra), Breeds of empire; The ‘invention’ of the horse in Southeast Asia and Southern Africa 1500–1950. (Susie Protschky) Peter Boomgaard, Dick Kooiman and Henk Schulte Nordholt (eds), Linking destinies; Trade, towns and kin in Asian history. (Hans Hägerdal) Carstens, Sharon A. Histories, cultures, identities; Studies in Malaysian Chinese worlds. (Kwee Hui Kian) T.P. Tunjanan; m.m.v. J. Veenman, Molukse jongeren en onderwijs: quick scan 2008. Germen Boelens, Een doel in mijn achterhoofd; Een verkennend onderzoek onder Molukse jongeren in het middelbaar beroepsonderwijs. E. Rinsampessy (ed.), Tussen adat en integratie; Vijf generaties Molukkers worstelen en dansen op de Nederlandse aarde. (Fridus Steijlen) Isaäc Groneman, The Javanese kris. (Dick van der Meij) Michael C. Howard, A world between the warps; Southeast Asia’s supplementary warp textiles. (Sandra Niessen) W.R. Hugenholtz, Het geheim van Paleis Kneuterdijk; De wekelijkse gesprekken van koning Willem II met zijn minister J.C. Baud over het koloniale beleid en de herziening van de grondwet 1841-1848. (Vincent Houben) J. Thomas Lindblad, Bridges to new business; The economic decolonization of Indonesia. (Shakila Yacob) Julian Millie, Splashed by the saint; Ritual reading and Islamic sanctity in West Java. (Suryadi) Graham Gerard Ong-Webb (ed.), Piracy, maritime terrorism and securing the Malacca Straits. (Karl Hack) Natasha Reichle, Violence and serenity; Late Buddhist sculpture from Indonesia. (Claudine Bautze-Picron, Arlo Griffiths) Garry Rodan, Kevin Hewison and Richard Robison (eds), The political economy of South-East Asia; Markets, power and contestation. (David Henley) James C. Scott, The art of not being governed; An anarchist history of upland Southeast Asia. (Guido Sprenger) Guido Sprenger, Die Männer, die den Geldbaum fällten; Konzepte von Austausch und Gesellschaft bei den Rmeet von Takheung, Laos. (Oliver Tappe) Review Essay Two books on East Timor. Carolyn Hughes, Dependent communities; Aid and politics in Cambodia and East Timor. David Mearns (ed.), Democratic governance in Timor-Leste; Reconciling the local and the national. (Helene van Klinken) Review Essay Two books on Islamic terror Zachary Abuza, Political Islam and violence in Indonesia. Noorhaidi Hasan, Laskar jihad; Islam, militancy, and the quest for identity in post-New Order Indonesia. (Gerry van Klinken) Korte Signaleringen Janneke van Dijk, Jaap de Jonge en Nico de Klerk, J.C. Lamster, een vroege filmer in Nederlands-Indië. Griselda Molemans en Armando Ello, Zwarte huid, oranje hart; Afrikaanse KNIL-nazaten in de diaspora. Reisgids Indonesië; Oorlogsplekken 1942-1949. Hilde Janssen, Schaamte en onschuld; Het verdrongen oorlogsverleden van troostmeisjes in Indonesië. Jan Banning, Comfort women/Troostmeisjes. (Harry Poeze)

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Sucitawathi P, I. G. A. AG Dewi. "The Hong Kong-China Government's Democratic Instability in terms of the Political Realism Perspective." JED (Jurnal Etika Demokrasi) 5, no. 2 (June 29, 2020): 155–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.26618/jed.v5i2.3223.

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Abstract. The political stability and governance of a country are greatly influenced by public support and the commitment of public officials to accommodate the people's voice. The chaos that occurred in mainland China from June 2019 until the end of 2020 became a reflection that the political system of government of 'One Country, Two Systems' was a formidable challenge for the Chinese government after the surrender of Hong Kong by the British on July 1, 1997, where China used the communism system and on the other hand, Hong Kong uses a system of liberalism. Hong Kong's strong understanding of freedom makes this region very sensitive on several issues, one of which is legal issues due to the killing of Hong Kong citizens in the country of Taiwan. This article aims to explain the dualism of leadership used by the Hong Kong-China government, which led to anarchism, political instability of the government, and causing the investment climate in Hong Kong-China to decline sharply. The research method used is a qualitative method, with secondary data types taken from journals, book literature, and official websites used to search for theories and data that are vaild. This research shows that political realism in the demonstration case in Hong Kong is proof that the state in this case the central government in Beijing still has the power to always interfere in Hong Kong's domestic affairs.Keywords: Democratic Instability, Political Realism, One Country Two SystemsAbstrak. Stabilitas politik dan pemerintahan sebuah negara sangat dipengaruhi dukungan masyarakat dan komitmen pejabat publik untuk mengakomodir suara rakyat. Kekacauan yang terjadi di daratan China sejak bulan Juni 2019 hingga akhir tahun 2020 menjadi cerminan bahwa sistem politik pemerintahan ‘Satu Negara, Dua Sistem’ merupakan tantangan berat bagi pemerintah China pasca diserahkannya Hongkong oleh Inggris pada 1 Juli 1997, dimana China menggunakan sistem komunisme, dan dipihak lain Hongkong menggunakan sistem liberalisme. Kuatnya pemahaman Hongkong terhadap kebebasan menyebabkan wilayah ini sangat sensitif dalam beberapa isu, salah satunya isu hukum akibat adanya peristiwa pembunuhan yang dilakukan warga Hongkong di negara Taiwan. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan dualisme kepemimpinan yang digunakan pemerintah Hongkong-China, yang berujung pada peristiwa anarkisme, instabilitas politik pemerintahan, hingga menyebabkan iklim investasi di Hongkong-China merosot tajam. Metode penelitian yang digunakan metode kualitatif, dengan jenis data sekunder diambil dari jurnal, literatur buku, dan website resmi yang digunakan untuk mencari teori dan data yang vaild. Penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa realisme politik dalam kasus demonstrasi di Hongkong menjadi bukti bahwa negara dalam hal ini pemerintah pusat di Beijing tetap memiliki kekuasaan untuk selalu ikut campur tangan terhadap urusan dalam negeri HongkongKata Kunci: Instabilitas Demokrasi, Realisme Politik, Satu Negara Dua Sistem

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"无政府主义思想与乡村改造的实践回顾——从消去的无政府主义提取当代价值." Rural China 11, no. 2 (July 7, 2014): 301–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22136746-12341256.

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Anarchism1 as action seems destined to be a blurred historical memory; anarchism (communist anarchism in particular) as a resource for thought and for theory, however, has historical significance and value not limited to a particular age. In this review of anarchist thought and practice, it is shown that certain ideas of anarchism, such as mutual aid, critique of capitalism, advocacy of social revolution, offer meaningful and realistic guidance for us. What is puzzling is that anarchism as thought and discourse has disappeared from China’s intellectual and academic circles, serving neither as an intellectual resource nor as a target of criticism. Nevertheless practice always precedes theory, and anarchism, though ignored by intellectual circles, has been rediscovered in and applied to rural reconstruction of the new era. This suggests that anarchism withered away only on the surface; it is still viable in the soil of reality. This article is in Chinese. 无政府主义2 作为整体行动，似乎已注定只作为一种历史记忆，而且是一种被尘封的记忆而留存；但是无政府主义（此处尤指共产无政府主义）作为一种思想与理论资源，其历史意义与价值却远非局限在某一时代。在对无政府主义思想与实践的回顾中，发现无政府主义的许多思想（互助论的阐发、对资本的批判、社会革命的主张），有极重大的现实指导意义。然而，令人疑惑的是无政府主义作为一种思想、一种话语却消失在中国思想界与学术界，它既不是可咨借鉴的思想、亦不再成为批判的对象。可实践总是先行于理论，被理论界所忽视的无政府主义，却在新时期的乡村建设之中被重新认识和运用。这表明无政府主义的隐退只是表象，实质上它在现实的土壤中依然有生命力。

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"Anarchism and Chinese political culture." Choice Reviews Online 28, no. 03 (November 1, 1990): 28–1688. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.28-1688.

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Pesaro, Nicoletta. "Ah Q Travels to Europe." 56 | 2020, no. 56 (June 30, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/annor/2385-3042/2020/56/018.

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This study focuses on the adaptations of the novella “The True Story of Ah Q” by the Chinese writer Lu Xun (1881-1936), produced by two important European playwrights, Christoph Hein (b. 1944) and Dario Fo (1926-2016), who ‘translated’ Lu Xun’s famous character respectively into a problematic nihilist (Die wahre Geschichte des Ah Q, 1983) and into a revolutionary Chinese Harlequin (La storia di Qu, 1989; 2011). These two plays appropriate the ‘hypotext’ into a new cultural geography, which is neither Chinese nor completely German or Italian, but rather a transcultural space based on the European intellectual tradition of the ‘anarchist’. In this case translation means a thorough transformation and change which allows Lu Xun’s work to ‘live on’ (Fortleben, as in Walter Benjamin’s theory).

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