Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Chinari'

This research assesses China's likely future behaviour in relation to the South China Sea disputes, critically evaluating two prominent, related topics of discussion among the International Relations scholars since the late 1980s. One of these topics is theoretical: to what extent is the flourishing `liberal peace' argument in International Relations theory valid when applied to China's international behaviour, and towards the South China Sea disputes in particular'? The advocates of the 'liberal peace' argument have spent much energy attempting to prove the positive correlation between peace and such factors as democracy and economic interdependence using statistical models. In addition, one faction of the liberal school emphasises the effectiveness of institutions which supposedly impose constraints on a state through international rules and agreements. However, liberals' arguments fail to engage with some critical points. First of all, whether a state goes to war is not a matter of probability but a political decision. Secondly, the costs of sacrificing economic ties and violating internationally-agreed obligations surely affect a decision to go to war. However, if a state perceives that its vital national interests are at risk, such costs will have little influence on decision-making. In addition, liberals' argument ignores the importance of the political framework in which economic interdependence functions. Furthermore, liberals do not pay attention to the facts that institutions are usually established by the initiative of a hegemon and its supporters, and that the rules and norms of institutions generally reflect the distribution of power among their members. This dissertation illustrates the way in which realist thinking (involving consideration of survival, balance of power and relative gain) still forms the foundation for states' behaviour. The other topic relevant in this dissertation is empirical and concerns which of the conflicting opinions about China's future geopolitical orientation is more accurate: that China will become an assertive regional hegemon as her economy develops and her military is modernised, or that she will not obtain even regional hegemonic status for some decades to come due to her lack of economic and military power. The first view generally draws the conclusion that China should somehow be contained, while the second view concludes that other states need to engage China so that the latter can be tied into the international community. A major problem with arguments of this type is that China's likely behaviour tends to be predicted on the basis of research on specific issues. In particular, military factors, such as China's increasing defence budget, its vigorous purchase of advanced weapons particularly from Russia, and the PLA's weight in the government's decision-making, have been overemphasised. Although stronger military capabilities may provide a government with wider foreign policy options, states - including China - usually do not use force just because their military capabilities become stronger. Understanding the nature of states and the factors that drive states' behaviour is necessary in order to avoid extreme conclusions. This dissertation tries to integrate the existing empirical studies and theoretical assumptions in International Relations theory. The reason for focusing on the South China Sea is that this case is important in the sense that the disputes there are not just territorial conflicts involving China and other claimants. The South China Sea disputes involve many factors such as fisheries, energy, and extra-regional powers' strategic and economic interests, besides the overlapping territorial sovereign claims. In addition, economic interdependence between China and regional states has deepened since the 1990s, and the region has international institutions such as APEC and the ARF where economic and security issues, respectively, are I Introduction discussed. The last two factors make this case particularly suitable for the application of IR theory. This dissertation will demonstrate that geopolitical considerations are dominant not only in China's decision-making but also in the ASEAN states' attitudes towards China and the disputes themselves.

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate how China's gender imbalance could affect East Asian security with respect to China-Japan relations and China-Taiwan relations. The research result is ambiguous in that China's excess males may or may not force the Chinese government to adopt a more aggressive foreign policy stance with Japan and Taiwan. On the one hand, the Chinese government has been relatively calm in its dealings with Japan and Taiwan despite the rise of Chinese nationalism. The Chinese government actively contains anti-social behaviors associated with excess males without seriously affecting bilateral relations with Japan or Taiwan. On the other hand, appealing to nationalistic fervor in order to strengthen regime legitimacy could force the Chinese government to be more belligerent. Inaction by the Chinese government in response to Japanese or Taiwanese provocation could compel many in China to engage in mass uprising against the state, thus threatening the regime's power. This thesis also provides possible options to mitigate the social and political tensions presented by these excess males and to prevent potential regional instability. Options such as war, public works projects, foreign marriage tax, population control, testosterone reduction, state-sponsored matchmaking service, and UN peacekeeping are explored.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2002.
Thesis advisor(s): H. Lyman Miller, Randall J. Hess. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-75). Also available online.

Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais
A presente tese concentra-se num plano industrial da China, “Made in China 2025” (MIC2025). O plano tem uma função instrumental dupla, ou seja, atualizar o sistema industrial por inovação tecnológica e contribuir para alcançar o sonho da China de um grande rejuvenescimento. Assim, a dissertação é analisar se a China pode reformar a ordem mundial por inovação tecnológica. Atualmente, a China entrou num peroído crtíico de transição da economia de renda média para a de renda alta. Considerando que a China está a enfrentar problemas ambientais cada vez mais graves e problemas sociais a nvíel da disparidade, a China corre o risco de não se conseguir transformar, sendo apanhada na middle-income trap (MIT). Por outro lado, como no rápido crescimento económico, a China gradualmente mudou o seu perfil “low-key” iniciado no peroído Deng Xiaoping para uma postura mais proativa na poltíica global, uma diplomacia de pasí principal, que é entendida como diplomacia dos grandes poderes. A diplomacia serve para ajudar a China a realizar o sonho de modernização e construir uma comunidade com um futuro compartilhado para a humanidade. Sob uma poltíica externa proativa, a ascensão da China provavelmente cairá na Thucydides Trap (TT), ou seja, encontrará concorrência com a hegemonia existente, os EUA, o que irá trazer o mundo à instabilidade. Combinando as funções do MIC2025 e os riscos da China cair em duas armadilhas, propusemos duas hipóteses: o MIC2025 pode ajudar a China a escapar da MIT e manter um desenvolvimento sustentável; e a China, com a força aumentada pelo plano industrial, escapará da TT e contribuirá para melhorar a ordem mundial multilateral. Considerando vários fatores que afetarão a eficácia das funções do MIC2025, elaborámos adicionalmente três proposições para as respectivas hipóteses. Especificamente, para a primeira hipótese, as proposições são: o MIC2025 tem a função instrumental de promover o desenvolvimento por inovação tecnológica; A China possui condições pré -existentes para executar o MIC2025; O domníio das economias avançadas em inovação deixará espaço limitado para a China executar o plano. Para a segunda hipótese, as proposições são: o MIC2025 tem a função instrumental de aumentar a força da China; As propostas da China para o mundo não levarão a China à TT, mas contribuirão para melhorar a ordem mundial multilateral; A China tem condições limitadas para reformar a ordem mundial, que é estabelecida e mantida pelos EUA e seus aliados. Com várias hipóteses e proposições, projetámos a pesquisa de uma perspectiva pragmática, o que nos pode permitir fazer escolhas livremente e tirar proveito de diferentes abordagens para alcançar o objetivo. Sob esta perspectiva, usámos métodos mistos sequenciais explicativos, que envolvem uma recolha de dados quantitativos primeiro e depois explicam os resultados quantitativos com os dados qualitativos. Na parte quantitativa, primeiramente construmí os relações entre as teorias de inovação tecnológica, desenvolvimento e poder, que mais tarde serão usadas como orientação para recolher e analisar os dados quantitativos. Em seguida, recolhemos os dados quantitativos com a organização das hipóteses e as suas proposições usando variáveis. As variáveis foram escolhidas com base no motivo pragmático, o que nos pode fornecer uma estrutura precisa para direcionar o processo de recolha de dados. Selecionámos quatro tipos de variáveis para construir a estrutura, ou seja, variáveis independentes, dependentes, mediadoras e moderadoras. As variáveis independentes são variáveis preditoras que podem causar os resultados, que são variáveis dependentes. As duas variáveis constituem uma estrutura de causa e efeito. Na estrutura, as mediadoras afetarão as dependentes em conjunto com as independentes; enquanto que as moderadoras, com a natureza de variáveis independentes, afetarão a direção e a força da relação entre as independentes e dependentes. Com base nas caractersíticas das variáveis e nas hipóteses, elaborámos duas ligações causais. Especificamente, na Ligação 1, a primeira proposição da função instrumental do MIC2025 em desenvolvimento serve como a variável independente (VI), que causará ou influenciará o resultado de escapar da MIT, que é considerada a variável dependente (VD). Além disso, a segunda proposição das condições preexistentes da China para executar o MIC2025 é a variável mediadora (VM1), afetando positivamente a ligação de causalidade; a terceira proposição de domníio da inovação das economias avançadas é a variável moderadora (VM2), influenciando negativamente a direção da ligação. Na Ligação 2, a primeira proposição da função instrumental do plano no poder como VI gerará o efeito de VD de ajudar a China a escapar da TT. Além disso, a segunda proposição das propostas da China para o mundo, servindo como VM1, exercerá um efeito positivo sobre a ligação. Por outro lado, a terceira proposição da ordem mundial liberal como VM2 terá um impacto adverso. Com relação às abordagens de pesquisa, para a Ligação 1, foram utilizadas principalmente as abordagens de análise de conteúdo de materiais em primeira mão e análise secundária de estatsíticas oficiais. Na abordagem da análise de conteúdo, os documentos e textos foram recolhidos de livros editados pelo governo chinês, o site do governo chinês e os sites da imprensa principal chinesa (People’s Daily, Xinhua, China Daily), enquanto na abordagem da análise secundária das estatsíticas oficiais, as estatsíticas foram recolhidas no site dos departamentos do governo chinês e da imprensa principal chinesa. Para a Ligação 2, apesar das duas abordagens usadas na primeira, também usámos os estudos comparativos entre a atual China e o Japão na década de 1980 para analisar a posição da China na ordem mundial. Após a recolha dos dados, examinamos as relações teóricas que estabelecemos e obtivemos resultados quantitativos. Na primeira ligação, descobrimos que o MIC2025 oferece uma trajetória orientada à inovação para o futuro desenvolvimento da China. A China construiu uma base tecnológica especfíica por meio de poltíicas contníuas de ciência e tecnologia, inovação indgíena, investmento interno e investimento externo, que podem ajudar a China a executar o MIC2025. No entanto, a China ainda se mantém distante da fronteira tecnológica, dominada pelas economias ocidentais. Além disso, a proteção de propriedade intelectual (PI) da China ainda é fraca; As empresas privadas da China, que são mais eficientes em comparação com as estatais, foram reprimidas. Por fim, o risco de queda na MIT aumentou, não apenas devido aos problemas existentes em proteção ambiental e disparidade social, mas também ao surgimento do desemprego tecnológico e à intensificação da lacuna de desenvolvimento causada pelo MIC2025. Nesse sentido, é difcíil para a China escapar da MIT e manter o desenvolvimento sustentável. Na segunda ligação, descobrimos que o MIC2025 serve como um passo estratégico para realizar o sonho da China de grande rejuvenescimento. Com o crescente poder económico, militar e cientfíico, a China propôs as suas soluções para a Ásia e o desenvolvimento mundial. Para a Ásia, trata-se do novo conceito de segurança asiática da China, que enfatiza a participação de todos os pasíes asiáticos na manutenção da segurança. No entanto, isso dificilmente pode ser alcançado, pois nesta região, os EUA mantiveram preeminência militar e desenvolveram aliados estratégicos com vários pasíes asiáticos. Para o mundo, a noção da China de uma comunidade de um futuro compartilhado para a humanidade é representada economicamente pela Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Embora as rotas da BRI se espalhem amplamente, a China considera principalmente os pasíes e regiões vizinhos com os quais pretende cooperar. Assim, a BRI demonstra as caractersíticas do regionalismo e do bilateralismo. Em relação à posição da China na ordem mundial, comparamos o Japão e a China com os aspectos da sua posição na ordem e a sua relação com os EUA. Descobrimos que, na ordem mundial, a posição da China não representa ameaças à posição de liderança da América. Além disso, os dois pasíes desenvolveram relações económicas interconectadas. Os dois elementos podem ajudar a China a escapar dos conflitos com os EUA. No entanto, a China tende a mudar seu status quo e tornase desafiadora da ordem. Nesse sentido, a China e os EUA podem cair na TT sobre questões de segurança na Ásia. Com os resultados quantitativos, escolhemos dois entrevistados (um funcionário da Embaixada da China em Portugal e uma repórter da China Daily) familiarizados com as questões tecnológicas da China e interessados na ascensão da China usando entrevistas semiestruturadas. Para os dados qualitativos, usámos análise crtíica do discurso. Descobrimos que os entrevistados mantêm uma atitude realista de que a China atualizará o sistema industrial e obterá mais poder económico; enquanto para o futuro da ascensão da China, os entrevistados têm uma perspectiva liberal de que a China pode realizar uma ascensão pacfíica devido à interdependência económica no mundo. Em suma, os dois pensam que a China pode escapar da MIT e da TT. Por fim, conclumí os que o MIC2025 é crucial para a China alcançar os pasíes desenvolvidos. A China não pode utilizar o plano para alcançar o desenvolvimento sustentável sem considerar a proteção ambiental, a justiça social, a proteção de PI e a motivação dos empreendedores. Por outro lado, no processo de alcançar o mesmo, a China pode escapar intencionalmente da TT e concentrar-se no desenvolvimento económico. No entanto, na Ásia, tendo em com consideração a segurança nacional, a China não pode evitar conflitos com os EUA para defender seus interesses nacionais.
The present thesis concentrates on China’s industrial plan, “Made in China 2025” (MIC2025). The plan has a dual instrumental function, namely, upgrading China’s industrial system and contributing to achieving China’s dream of great rejuvenation. China has developed from a low-income economy into a middle-income one owing to its pragmatic reforms since the end of the 1970s. However, due to the environmental problems and social disparity caused by the traditional development model, China has the risk of failing during its transformation into a high-income country and dropping in the middle-income trap (MIT). On the other hand, along with economic growth, China has shifted its low-key foreign policy to a proactive one and launched proposals for Asian security and world order. In this sense, China may encounter competition with the existing hegemony, the U.S., and drop into the Thucydides Trap (TT). With the hypotheses of falling into two traps, this research has used the mixed methods of quantitative and qualitative approaches. In the quantitative approach, we have established two links by connecting the dual function of MIC2025 with two traps by using independent, dependent, mediating, and moderating variables for the hypotheses. In the first link, we have found that, although China has established a specific technological base, China still stands far away from the technological frontier. Thus, it is not easy for China to escape the MIT. In the second link, we have found that China’s position in the world order does not threaten America’s dominant position. However, China’s proposals for Asian security and the world may bring itself into a competition with the U.S. and fall into the TT. In the qualitative approach, we have done two semi-structured interviews, according to which China can escape the traps. However, the possibility of falling into two traps cannot be overlooked.
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This thesis seeks to detail and advance path-based explanations for the changing character and conduct of Chinese state sector governance at both evolving national and current leading firm level. The ruling Chinese party-state has expressed concern about how governance failings lower operational efficiency in the state sector over three decades while continuing to devise and implement different reforms in the process. However, empirical research often suggests that its gradualist or incremental approach to reform can also result in a mosaic of different transplanted governance institutions which are not necessarily fully or immediately compatible with China’s own unique context. This thesis specifically examines the transformative dynamics of China’s state sector governance system through the prism of path based theory in order to provide a more holistic and in-depth understanding of how that context and leading Chinese actors’ own conduct both exert salient influences over governance practices. It uses a mixed-method strategy at both national and firm levels to derive a deeper and more holistic understanding than any one single method alone might do. Overall it finds governance reform to be characterized by a relatively unsynchronised and challengeable process of policy making and implementation which allows for some degree of flexibility and openness. Its more detailed findings also question path dependency type explanations' emphasis upon continued institutional stability and reproduction. These findings further suggest that the actual reform is not necessarily the collective and consensual quest for ever high levels of efficiency which certain financial economists typically assume. It can also depend upon the outcome of other competing pressures between increased marketization and competition on one hand, and different demands for maintaining extant governance structures and vested interests on the other. The former are no less legitimate and, in principle, urgent concerns for both policy makers and other leading stakeholders than the latter. Embedded characteristics cannot just be reduced to efficiency-technocratic considerations for inducing different competitive performance when these neglect how redistributive an economic governance system can be, and also the essentially mediated efficacy of certain transplanted mechanisms. Much of the convergence-divergence debate regarding national economic governance systems has nevertheless been conceived in efficiency and competition terms alone. However, this thesis suggests that the promulgation and transplantation of SSG reform policies needs to take the specific country context into greater consideration if it is to be both more meaningful and effective.

The main assumption of this thesis is existence of traditional and modern values in the Chinese society. The author of this paper believes that this characteristic differentiates that market from other luxury markets and drives the way luxury is consumed. The study tries also proving that the perception of luxury and conspicuous consumption can be changed in time in the process of bigger internationalization of the country. The research focus is put primarily on psychology of luxury consumer in China and what stands behind their motivation of purchasing high-end products.
Program: Master in Fashion Management with specialisation in Fashion Marketing and Retailing

China’s worldwide cultural promotion has attracted considerable attention in the past decade. Art exhibitions sent out by the Chinese government, as an important part of such initiatives, have been ever more visible in Western museums. How and why the Chinese government uses such exhibitions, however, has rarely been explored. This study examines how such exhibitions have contributed to China’s cultural diplomacy, through shaping the image of China in the British media. It demonstrates how China’s loan exhibitions contribute to an advanced and civilised, democratic and humanist (with Chinese characteristics), innovative and creative, multi-ethnic and multi-cultural, open, collaborative and peaceful image of China, and how such image is consistent with China’s cultural diplomacy in the new century. This study examines the factors which have an impact on the media interpretation of such exhibitions, namely the image of China in the media. It explores the involvement of the Chinese government and the influence of museum professionals on both sides (China and the UK) in producing and delivering these exhibitions, and the relationships between them. It demonstrates that the Chinese government plays a vital role in delivering loan exhibitions, but the role is more bureaucratic and facilitating, rather than didactic or propagandistic. The Chinese government is aware of the value of loan exhibitions for cultural diplomacy, but still allows the museums involved enough freedom in shaping the exhibitions. This study also considers the operation of China’s current system of managing loan exhibitions, and their implications for China’s cultural diplomacy and Chinese museums. It concludes that the Chinese government should reform the current system to encourage Chinese museums on all levels to actively engage in international collaboration, without intervening in their professional independence.

In the emerging knowledge economy, scientific pursuit in the form of international collaboration has escalated. Studies consistently report that such collaboration, which has been intensifying in the last several decades, is common among not only advanced economies but also in emerging scientific nations such as China, India, and Brazil. The emergence of a "new invisible college" of international knowledge exchange has aroused interest from social scientists and captured the attention of policymakers. Indeed, recognizing its importance as a means of monitoring and exploiting other countries' R&D investment, more and more countries champion and participate in international joint research. International collaboration between the United States (US) and China is particularly interesting. The US has been and will continue to be the leader in scientific development for the foreseeable future. However, as a rising scientific power, China is changing the global landscape of ideas and innovation along with other emerging countries. The growing significance of the US-China relationship and worldwide interest in China's development suggest that the characteristics of the scientific collaboration of these two countries and its associated knowledge dissemination across national borders are timely topics to study. Surprisingly, few studies have examined research collaboration between a scientific superpower and an emerging scientific power, particularly in the context of emerging state-of-the-art technology. This dissertation seeks to address this research gap by examining patterns of collaboration in the US-China scientific community and its impact on China's rapid knowledge accumulation in nanotechnology, if any, through Chinese knowledge moderators (CKMs)--Chinese scholars who bridge two otherwise distant scientific communities through intensive collaboration with both sides. The research focuses on the following three aspects: firstly, built upon the notions of the boundary spanner and the structural hole, the study develops the concept of Chinese knowledge moderators and uses it as an instrument to examine the relationship between international collaboration and knowledge spillover across national boundaries. Secondly, it operationalizes and tests the impact of US-China collaboration using multiple methods. In addition to citation-based indicators, based on the turnover of nanotechnology keywords, the study investigates the impact of collaborating with US scholars on CKMs' research trajectory and the international knowledge spillover facilitated by CKMs. Thirdly, utilizing a longitudinal publication dataset of 77 CKMs and their CV data, this study is able to quantify the dynamic impact of US collaboration on the quality of CKMs' research over time. The combination of bibliometric analyses, empirical testing, and case studies allows for the development of a comprehensive blueprint of US-China scientific collaboration in the field of nanotechnology. This research yields several significant findings. First, the evolution of US-China collaboration in nanotechnology has gone beyond quantitative growth, as qualitative and structural changes have begun to take place. Secondly, CKMs play a critical role in fostering China's nanotechnology development, manifested in both knowledge creation and knowledge diffusion. The present study also reveals that US-China collaboration has a diminishing effect over time on the research quality of CKMs at level of individual papers, but as pertaining to entire journals. Thirdly, the case studies on the evolution of research streams suggest that US-China collaboration influences the research trajectory of CKMs, who, as the conduits of knowledge, further disseminate it within the national boundaries of China. The research also has policy implications for both sides. Chinese policy makers need to strengthen the mechanisms that encourage CKMs collaborating with the US, and, in order to amplify international knowledge spillover, these mechanisms should further encourage more interactions between CKMs and their Chinese domestic colleagues. From the US American perspective, given China's scientific emergence in nanotechnology, the US should direct its efforts to ensuring its ample access to exploiting the heavy R&D investment of this emerging scientific powerhouse by collaborating with top Chinese scientists.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, March 1996.
"March 1996." Thesis advisor(s): Solomon M. Karmel and Edward A. Olsen. Bibliography: p. 131-135. Also available online.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: China and Africa's increased interaction over the past decade has received attention from the media, academics, economists and politicians alike. The rise of China as a potential world economic power has sparked both concern and suspicion. Concern over China's impact in African states has been voiced by Western and African leaders. The Chinese economy has experienced robust growth since embarking on ambitious reforms to open up its economy to outside investment and trade, as well as policies geared towards encouraging Chinese enterprises to go abroad. China's rise in importance in the international arena has led to increased scrutiny of its foreign policies and internal policies. In order to gain a balanced view of China's engagement in African states it is necessary to examine the various components of their involvement. This thesis has chosen to focus on CADFund as its main unit of analysis, and has illustrated that the Fund fulfils both a political and economic role in China's relations with Africa. This study will explore the political and economic motivations behind China's interest in Africa. Conclusions are drawn from the structural organisation, investment approaches and projects of CADFund. The way in which CADFund fits into China‟s Africa policy will be determined by looking at the Fund's activities and how they fit into the principles set out in China's Africa Policy. The main question posed by this study was regarding the role which CADFund plays in China’s Africa Policy. The mandate of the Fund is to provide funding and advisory and support services to Chinese enterprises wishing to invest in African states. With 60 completed projects to date, the Fund has arguably indeed helped to progress the Chinese government's goal of encouraging Chinese enterprises to invest in Africa. Recommendations for future research are encouraged in order to build on this specific field. For example, more extensive research could be pursued concerning CADFund linkages with the Chinese government. Together with this, questions regarding the perceived effectiveness of CADFund could also be addressed – specifically by investigating how projects are managed and monitored by CADFund. In these follow-up explorations, theoretical frameworks such as the “principle-agent theory” could also be incorporated as frameworks with which to view CADFund‟s relationship with the Chinese government.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: China en Afrika se verhoogde interaksie oor die afgelope dekade het baie aandag van die media, akademici, ekonome en politici ontvang. Die opkoms van China as 'n potensiële wêreld ekonomiese mag, het gelei tot beide agterdog en kommer. Kommer oor China se invloed binne Afrika state is geopper deur Westerse sowel as Afrika leiers. Die Chinese ekonomie het ongekende groei beleef sedert hul vertek op ambisieuse hervormings, om hul ekonomie meer vry en oop te maak vir buitelandse belegging en handel, sowel as beleid hervormings wat daarop gemik is om Chinese ondernemings oorsee te bevorder. China se opkoms as 'n belangrike moondheid op internasionale gebied, het gelei to nadere ondersoek van sy buitelandse beleide. Om 'n gebalanseerde beeld van China se betrokkenheid in Afrikastate te kry, is dit noodsaaklik om verskeie komponente van hul betrokkenheid te ondersoek. Hierdie tesis kies om te fokus op China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds (CADFund) as die vernaamste eenheid van analise en beskryf beide die fonds se politieke sowel as 'n ekonomiese rol in China se betrekkinge met Afrika. Hierdie studie sal die politieke en ekonomiese beweegredes agter China se belange in Afrika verken. Gevolgtrekkings word gemaak van strukturele organisasie, belegging benaderings en projekte van China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds. Die manier waarop China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds by China se Afrika-beleid inpas, sal vasgestel word deur te kyk na die fonds se aktiviteite en hoe hulle by die neergelegde beginsels van China se Afrika-beleid inpas. Die belangrikste vraag wat hierdie studie stel, is met betrekking tot die rol wat China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds in China se Afrika-beleid speel. Die mandaat van die fonds is om finasiering, raadgewende en ondersteunende dienste aan Chinese ondernemings te bied wat in Afrika-state wil belê. Met 60 voltooide projekte tot op datum, het die fonds inderdaad gehelp om by te dra tot die Chinese regering se doelwit om Chinese ondernemings aan te moedig om in Afrka te belê. Aanbevelinge vir toekomstige navorsing word aangemoedig om voort te bou op hierdie spesifieke gebied. Byvoorbeeld, meer uitgebreide navorsing oor China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds se bande met die Chinese Regering. Samehangend hiermee,vrae in verband met die vermeende doeltreffendheid van China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds kan ook ondersoek word - spesifiek deur te ondersoek hoe projekte bestuur en gekontroleer word deur China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds. In hierdie opvolg ondersoeke, kan teoretiese raamwerke soos die ”principle-agent theory” ook ingesluit word as raamwerke waarna China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds se verhoudinge met die Chinese Regering gekyk kan word.

The dispute between at least six riparian nations over jurisdictional rights to large tracts of the South China Sea continues to reign as one of the most likely flashpoints in the Asia-Pacific theater. The intentions of the chief protagonist in the conflict, China, will in large measure determine whether this dilemma will be resolved peacefully or violently. Relying on three case studies that focus on China's takeover of the Paracel Islands in 1974, its occupation of six reefs in 1988, and subsequent reef-hopping incidents in 1992 and 1995, this study highlights the conditions under which China expanded its presence in the South China Sea. Based on emerging trends, this thesis asserts that resource competition will most likely spark future violence in the South China Sea, and that domestic pressures within China commit Beijing to a course of hard-shell revanchism. At the same time, regional sensitivities to Chinese 'hegemony' and the correlation of military forces that weakly favor China suggest China will strive to avoid or contain a conflict over the near term. By profiling the character and turning of past Chinese 'aggression' in the South China Sea, this thesis also exposes the stratagems by which Chinese armed forces have pursued national objectives in the region

Many scholars observed that the "China threat" narrative greatly influenced the contours of Chinese foreign policy beginning in the mid-1990s. While scholars initially devoted significant attention to this change, there is little systematic analysis of the actual policy shift, particularly over the past decade. This thesis explores current manifestations of China's "Goodwill Agenda," examining three strains of Chinese foreign policy in the 21st century: culture, institutions and aid. The paper also evaluates the success of this so-called campaign, using global surveys to determine if the new orientation correlates with changed global opinions about China. Despite extensive efforts, my findings indicate that the Goodwill Agenda has not been successful at improving China's reputation abroad.

As one result of the higher expected lifespan and lower fertility rate, an aging society has become an inevitable trend in many countries worldwide. According to the prediction of the newest census outcomes, China will confront an aging society around2022. An aging society requires the development and improvement of the domestic elderly care system to match the increasing caring need for all the aging people in China. This research aims to explore the critical success factors for a typical community-based aging care project – the Continuing Care Retirement Community (CCRC) in China from the perspectives of private developers. Based on the theory of the decision-making environment and the theory of planned behavior (TPB), qualitative method (semi-structured interviews) and quantitative method (questionnaire survey) are applied to collect and analyze the potential Critical Success Factors. Twenty-five critical success factors are identified and verified for China’s CCRC projects and categorized into three components. Furthermore, most private developers’ attitudes toward CCRC in China are positive and believe in a bright outlook. The findings might help private developers better understand the decision-making environment of developing and operating a CCRC in China. It may also inspire policymakers with more practical policies for the future development and operation of CCRC projects in China.
Som ett resultat av den högre förväntade livslängden och lägre fertiliteten har ett åldrande samhälle blivit en oundviklig trend i många länder världen över. Enligt förutsägelsen av de senaste folkräkningsresultaten kommer Kina att möta ett åldrande samhälle runt 2022. Ett åldrande samhälle kräver utveckling och förbättring av det inhemska äldreomsorgssystemet för att matcha det ökande omsorgsbehovet för alla åldrande människor i Kina. Denna forskning syftar till att utforska de kritiska framgångsfaktorerna för ett typiskt samhällsbaserat åldrandevårdsprojekt - Fortsatt vårdpensionsgemenskap (CCRC) i Kina ur privata utvecklares perspektiv. Baserat på teorin om beslutsmiljön och teorin om planerat beteende (TPB) tillämpas kvalitativ metod (semistrukturerade intervjuer) och kvantitativ metod (enkätundersökning) för att samla in och analysera potentiella kritiska framgångsfaktorer. Tjugofem kritiska framgångsfaktorer identifieras och verifieras för Kinas CCRC-projekt och kategoriseras i tre komponenter. Dessutom är de flesta privata utvecklares attityder till CCRC i Kina positiva och de tror på goda framtidsutsikter. Resultaten kan hjälpa privata utvecklare att bättre förstå den beslutsfattande miljön för att utveckla och driva ett CCRC i Kina. Det kan också inspirera beslutsfattare till mer praktisk politik för framtida utveckling och drift av CCRC i Kina.

The prominence of the South China Sea comes from its wealth of energy resources, fisheries, and maritime trade that traverses through its waters. These assets entice many southeast Asian countries to stake their claims over the features of the sea. In recent years, China’s rising power has allowed the country to increasingly assert its authority in the territory without much of an opposing force. Of the few actors that are capable of policing China’s actions, the United States is the most promising, yet has failed to meet international expectations. Through two case studies and theoretical analysis, this thesis examines the failures of American deterrence policy through a two-part approach. First, it investigates the incident of the 2012 Scarborough Shoal standoff between the Philippines and China, analyzing the consequences of American policy failure. It then examines Chinese island reclamation efforts, and how the failures from the first case study can explain the new Chinese strategy and rationale behind Chinese activities. Lastly, the paper explores the deterrence theory and its applications to gray zone conflicts, pointing out components of successful deterrence in these types of engagements and why American deterrence policy was ineffective.

The diploma thesis aims to discourse how China´s competitiveness has developed in the 21st century, with a special focus on human capital as one of the key factors of production that greatly fosters competitive advantage. The first chapter builds up a theoretical framework for the research part of the thesis. It reviews the concepts of competitiveness, Michael Porter´s diamond, and the theory of human capital. The second chapter examines trends and challenges of China´s competitive advantage according to Michael Porter´s diamond model. The third chapter evaluates the development of China´s human capital, its cultivation, current state, and surveys the generation Y´s attitudes to human capital.

In China, to go to college one must first pass the entrance exam commonly known as the gaokao . The test is grueling, but also seen as the key in China to becoming elite and successful in China's competitive job market, no matter what walk of life a person comes from. This paper examines the images society has created around the gaokao's status in China, and seeks to understands the dualities between these images and the realities that exist in China today- realities sometimes far different than what the gaokao promises.

The language situation of today's world is drastically different from that which existed in the past. English has become the global language -it is used more and is more widespread than any other language has ever been. At the same time we are faced with large-scale language endangerment which could result in the extinction of half or more of the world's languages. While not the only reason for language endangerment, the status of English as the global language has important consequences for all other languages and therefore deserves to be studied carefully. However, exactly what English means for other languages and cultures is far from simple and there is no general agreement on this issue. English has been seen as a destructive language, a pluralistic language and as an irrelevant language. This thesis explores the issue of global English as it applies to China. English language learning and teaching has been, and by all indications will continue to be, an important part of China's reform and modernisation. China is also an ethnically and linguistically diverse country with 55 minority nationalities and over 80 languages. What does the spread of English mean for China's language situation? Drawing on data gained through fieldwork and published sources, I argue that English in China is multifaceted, that is it has destructive, pluralistic and irrelevant elements. English is now used more and has higher status in China than at any time in the past and this has raised some concerns. However, English is not displacing Chinese language or culture. English is actually taking on Chinese features in both form and function. The Chinese language, far from being threatened, is currently expanding both in China and the world at large. Much effort has gone into promoting putonghua and there is great interest in learning Chinese in many parts of the world. China's minority languages, like those elsewhere, are under varying degrees of threat. However, English is not the main reason for this situation. At the present time at least it has relatively little presence in minority areas. Despite the fact that it is not destroying China's languages and cultures, English remains a significant issue for China and must be dealt with thoughtfully and carefully, especially among the minority nationalities. I argue that it is possible for China to acquire English without losing its linguistic diversity. Whether this can be achieved is a question of the resources and political will required to do so rather than any inherent difficulty with speaking two or more languages. To this end, the Context Approach is put forward as a possible way to improve English language teaching and learning among the minorities. In light of the results of this study, I suggest new directions for research, both on language issues in China and in general. I also argue for a new approach to our study of English as a global language and language endangerment. We need to appreciate the complexities of English on a local level as well as a global level and focus our attention more on how English can be taught to speakers of endangered languages in such a way that does not lead to language loss.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed Sept. 4, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 256-271).

More than six decades after its occurrence, China's ‘peasant revolution' of 1949 remains an enigma. According to classical Marxism, peasants are passive ‘objects of history' who must be transformed into industrial workers before they can become agents of revolutionary change. This line of argument is reinforced by much extant Sinology and historical sociology, both of which have treated Maoism either as a disguised continuation of peasant exploitation, or as a failed emulation of Stalinism. Contra these interpretations, this thesis argues that China's peasant revolution was a real historical phenomenon which involved a previously unthinkable form of peasant political agency. To substantiate this argument, the thesis deploys Leon Trotsky's theory of Uneven and Combined Development (U&CD) which posits social development as a non-linear process constituted via multi-societal interaction. This reveals that the origins and specificities of the Chinese Revolution can best be understood with reference to a 'combined development' emerging from China's long-run and short-run interactions with variegated social forms. The first chapter of the thesis shows how China's ‘peasant revolution' remains an insurmountable paradox for the relevant literature, expressed in a shared problem of anachronism. Chapter 2 introduces Uneven and Combined Development as a theory of inter-societal causation that might overcome the problem by virtue of its non-linear conception of social development. Chapter 3 demonstrates how this inter-societal perspective is central to understanding the longue dureé ‘peculiarities' of China's development: the interaction of nomadic and sedentary societies made the Chinese peasants directly subject to a centralizing empire, configuring their political agency quite differently (and with quite different potentials) from that of their European feudal counterparts. Chapter 4 analyzes the specific intersection of the Chinese social formation with the universalizing dynamics of Western capitalism, an intersection which generated the context of China's modern combined development. Chapter 5 then provides a conjunctural analysis of how the revolutionary agency of the peasant came to the fore in China's revolution in terms of a pattern of combined development that substituted the peasantry for the weak bourgeoisie and nascent proletariat as the leading agency of a socialist modernization that fused anti-imperialist struggle and campaigns for rural restoration and national liberation into a single process aimed at overcoming China's backwardness. Finally, Chapter 6 shows how this argument resolves the Sinological debate on whether modern Chinese history is ‘China-made' or ‘West-made'; for it reveals how the interaction of China's premodern social forms with Western modernity co-determined the peculiarites of China's modern transformation. It also provides a critique of extant Marxist historical sociology, arguing that it is built upon a mode-of-production analysis that tends towards falsely unilinear, ‘internalist' explanations.

The great strategic distrust between the two world largest economic and military powers is one of the most debated topics in contemporary international relations. This thesis question if the current hegemon view its new competitor as an offensive or defensive realist state and which policies should consequently be taken. China’s policy of peaceful coexistence and the U.S attempt of global integration may not be fully compatible and the thesis illuminates the contradicting notions of China Confucius values and how they are visible in its foreign policy rhetoric. The thesis conclude by stating that the China’s ambitions in not seen as following the guidelines of a defensive realist state in the eye of the United States and that China’s so called unique characteristics and values are mere rhetoric that does not seem to shape its current foreign policy. The U.S response is so far a passive containment by increasing cooperation with other actors in the region as a balancing act while simultaneously cautiously engage and try to influence China to adopt policies fitting a global player and work for peaceful solutions to international problems. Thus China is not seen as either a friend or a foe but is currently viewed as being in a grey area of competitor and cooperator.

Since time immemorial, various governments in China have attempted to promulgate writing reforms and speech reforms in order to unite the nation, mostly for political gain. The aim of this paper is to discover and analyze some language issues in the People’s Republic of China, specifically attitudes and comments on spoken usage of Putonghua (also called Modern Standard Chinese), Shanghai dialect, Cantonese and English by researching China Daily’s online newspaper article archive. A few valid articles could be retrieved and they uncovered that Putonghua, Shanghai dialect and Cantonese are all considered prestigious in different regions of the country; furthermore, English is gaining support rapidly, especially in corporate China.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.
Since the end of the Cold War, China has displayed a reinvigorated interest in the African continent. There are differing viewpoints as to whether China’s increasing involvement in Africa is beneficial to the African continent, or whether there are negative consequences. This assignment attempts to answer this question by exploring the nature of China’s political, economic, and aid relationships with the African continent, by highlighting examples from four countries: South Africa, Zimbabwe, Uganda and Sudan. China’s interests in Africa are motivated primarily by economics and diplomacy. In other words, Africa is important to China as a vast source of resources to feed its growing manufacturing base, as well as a source of energy security. In addition, China sees Africa as an important destination for its affordable manufactured goods. China’s interests in Africa, however, are not only confined to economics, but extend to diplomacy as well. China is attempting to position itself as an important power in the international system and, in so doing, promote its own views and policies within international multilateral organisations. Africa plays an important role in this regard, particularly in institutions with ‘one-country, one vote’ arrangements. Thus, China attempts to court African governments in order to secure access to Africa’s vast resources, as well as to garner support for its policies in the international arena. After an in-depth examination of the evidence, it is concluded that China’s engagement with Africa is based on strategic political and economic considerations and fits within a Realist explanatory framework. It is therefore contended that China’s presence on the African continent presents both opportunities as well as threats, although African governments need to be pro-active in order to exploit the potential opportunities. Furthermore, it is concluded that the negative consequences of China’s involvement in Africa are not only attributable to China’s behaviour in Africa, but some of the blame should also be shifted to corrupt African governments and elites who operate within a framework of neo-patrimonial politics which exacerbates corruption and mal-governance on the continent. Such behaviour stalls efforts emanating from ‘responsible’ African leaders to promote good governance and democracy on the continent, for example through institutions such as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad) and the African Union (AU).

Why did China choose certain policy over others that would achieve similar impact? Because China has a significant presence in the modern international community, it is difficult yet critical to understand the policy implications of the Chinese government under its unique political and socioeconomic context. This thesis shows the impact of a specific “price floor” policy China chose to employ in its oil and gasoline market, and identifies the factors concerning the Chinese regime that it took into consideration in the decision making process, through analysing data and official statements released by the government. After different parties affected by this policy are recognized, this thesis investigate how those impacts relate back to the Chinese government’s long-term agenda of energy security and environmental protection.

A multi-mechanism framework under a multi-scale method proposed by Wei (1999) is appropriate to analyze the development conditions of Northeast China. In detail, the three mechanisms are decentralization, marketization and globalization, and the three scales are at the interregional, interprovincial and intra-provincial levels. Decentralization after 1978 in China has led to a weaker central state and stronger local governments, both of which have had important implications for regional development. Challenges from local governments have undermined the control of the central government over regional development. However, powerful local governments have helped Chinese governments to embed in local economies. This has been beneficial to develop and form diversified local economies in the Northeast region. But their over-embeddedness in the economic development target has led to an overlook of local government’s responsibilities in maintaining social justice and protecting and assisting the disadvantaged groups, increasing inter-provincial competition and subsequent local protectionism. Marketization reforms in China have generated a regional biased effect on older declining regions including Northeast China. Privatization or the restructure of State Owned Enterprises (SOEs) has led to losses of skilled labor and valuable intellectual properties, such as product brands and major manufacturing equipment in Northeast China. Moreover, the formation of an integrated domestic market in China after 1978 has created a more advantageous condition for southern provinces, not for northeastern provinces, because of the closer distance with domestic and overseas markets of southern provinces, and market protectionism conducted by some southern local governments through disguised subsidies to local enterprises or government procurement contracts only for local enterprises. Foreign investment and trade, two major forms of globalization, also have had influences on regional development in China. In detail, international trade has generated border effects, for example the newly formed economic centers alongside the border with leading western European countries in the central and east European transition countries, and also the prosperous economy in coastal China. Foreign investment’s effects on regional development have been influenced by several factors, including the particular selected locations of foreign investors, and also the attitudes or reactions from local players such as governments, labor unions and other actors.
Arts, Faculty of
Geography, Department of
Graduate

This thesis aims to better understand China’s structural change and productivity growth in recent decades. In the first chapter, I study the impact of infrastructure, i.e, highway construction, on China’s participation in Global Value Chains(GVCs). To guide my empirical exercise, I incorporate within-country geography into a quantitative trade model featuring sequential production. The model shows that a city’s proximity to domestic markets increases its participation in GVCs, while a city’s proximity to foreign markets may reduce its participation in GVCs. This paper empirically evaluates how China’s ambitious highway construction during the period between 2000 and 2006 determined its own participation in GVCs. In the second chapter, I study the impact of knowledge import on the produc-tivity growth of Chinese manufacturing firms. Consistent with the prediction of the model, knowledge import in skill-intensive industry has a stronger impact on manufacturing firms’ productivity growth.
La tesis se propone conocer mejor el cambio estructural de China y el crecimiento de su productividad en las últimas décadas. En el primer capítulo, se estudia el impacto de la infraestructura (por ejemplo la construccón de carreteras) en la participación de China en las Cadenas Globales de Valor (CGV). Para ello se propone un ejercicio empírico que incorpora las diferencias geográficas del país, en un modelo cuantitativo de comercio, caracterizado por su producción secuencial. Los resultados indican que la proximidad que tenga una ciudad con los mercados internos, aumentará su participación en las CGV, mientras que la cercanía con mercados los internacionales la reduciría. Este capítulo evalua empíıricamente cómo la ambiciosa construcción de carreteras en China durante el períıodo comprendido entre 2000 y 2006, determinó su propia participación en las CGV. En el segundo capítulo, se estudia el impacto de la importación de conocimiento sobre el crecimiento de la productividad de las empresas manufactureras chinas. En consonancia con las predicciones del modelo, se constata que la importación de conocimiento exhibido por la industria basada en el conocimiento, tiene un mayor impacto en el crecimiento de la productividad de las empresas manufactureras.

Today, China's securities markets are facing a number of regulatory problems. Many central regulatory problems arise from the fragmented regulatory system, which is not effectively structured to further the goals of securities legislation.
The purpose of this thesis is to review, and make recommendations in respect of, the securities regulatory system in China with particular attention to the regulatory role of the China Securities Regulatory Commission (CSRC).
After examining the characteristics of China's securities market development and identifying existing problems in the regulatory system, the thesis adopts a broad outlook through a comparative survey of securities regulators in selected jurisdictions in seeking appropriate resolutions to China's regulatory concerns.
Specific substantive reform proposals for improving the regulatory system and in particular the CSRC are subsequently presented. The overriding theme of the proposals is the need for a more effective CSRC, one that would be able to provide efficient and adequate regulation of China's securities markets.
The law in this thesis is stated as of July 1996.

China's economic growth over the past two decades has been a point of envy for developed and developing countries alike. China has been able to achieve this due to the policy focus of their government on trade liberalization and capturing foreign investment. This involvement by the government in aiding the national economy move up the technology ladder has been quite successful in stabilizing such rapid growth. However, recent government policies have instigated a new direction of the Chinese economy away from low-end manufacturing and more into high-end manufacturing and services, called the 'China plus one strategy'. This new direction initially showed no signs of problems for China's growth goals; however, the Financial Crisis was the final push causing a mass decline of low-end manufacturers in China. The resulting unemployment issue across urban and rural China has shown a significant weakness in the Chinese economy, namely that too many jobs are dependent on foreign consumer demand. Thus, China's future economic development will take on a new face of cultivating domestic consumption to support and stabilize jobs and strategic government initiatives like the 'China plus one strategy'.

The macroscopic picture of China today is highly contradictory: on the one hand there is an explicit scenario of modernisation initiated by the government and developing in unexpected depth and rapidity, and on the other hand an implicit but unrecognised scenario of democratisation nurtured by modernisation and actively involving different social forces. Due to the intensifying social problems – and perhaps even social crisis – that accompany the many transformations, such as the restructuring relationship between Party-state, society and individuals and the changing culture and value system, remarkable contentious activities have been launched by a wide range of social actors striving for their rights and interests. Underneath the dynamic character of contentions in China, this research will try to test the normative and ethical presumption that contentious politics promotes both robust civil society and representative government – the substance of democracy. I examine the contentious actions of the three significant social groups - the labourers, intellectuals and religious groups - and the Party-state responses to their politics, which are largely co-optation, toleration and control-repression. I also examine the important dynamic between centre and province with regard to their responses. My methods of documentation, interviewing and internet content analysis have been adopted in order to study these contentions and Party-state responses. The thesis concludes that the relationships between Party-state, society and individuals are restructured in contentions and interactions driven by modernisation. There are mounting democratic pressures and open demands from people with an increasing political consciousness, which challenge authority to different extents all over the country and will lead to China’s democratisation in both bottom-up and top-down directions.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.
Since 1995, the Philippines has had several disputes with the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) over territory in the South China Sea (SCS). Between 1995 and 2010, Manila adopted policies with the PRC centered on accommodation and improving diplomatic relations with Beijing. After the election of President Benigno Aquino in 2010, the Philippines became more aggressive in its policies towards the PRC, and it has made more efforts to counter Chinese aggression than to accommodate Beijing. The Aquino administration has made military modernization, especially in regards to its naval capabilities, a top priority. In addition, Manila has also attempted to strengthen its security relationship with the United States significantly. What are the reasons for this change in policy? Through the analysis of Philippine policy decisions between 1995 and 2010, and policy decisions after the election of President Aquino, this thesis attempts to answer the question: Why has Philippine policy towards Beijings aggression changed since 2010?

CIVINS
In recent years, the South China Sea has featured prominently in news headlines concerning territorial disputes and claims to maritime resources involving China, the Philippines and Vietnam. One of the most contentious disputes in the region is China’s so-called nine-dash line claiming historic rights deep into the South China Sea. This thesis argues that China’s historic rights claims in the South China Sea are not supported by public international law and accordingly China should seek a settlement with the Philippines and Vietnam. China should pursue a settlement because the Philippines and Vietnam can present persuasive legal arguments as to why China is not entitled to historic rights in the South China Sea. Also, the ongoing dispute over rights impedes the ability of China and other claimant states to effectively exploit the rich resources of the South China Sea while significantly raising inter-state tensions and threatening regional economies. Further, China’s insistence on maritime claims not in accordance with the provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea encourages other states to assert similar historic rights claims, which could ultimately threaten China’s national security. Finally, China’s alleged interference with other states’ maritime rights in the South China Sea represents an unnecessary litigation risk of having multiple cases brought before international tribunals resulting in damage to China’s international standing.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia, and the Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Weiner, Robert ; Looney, Robert. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 29, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-98). Also available in print.

China’s military modernization has allowed it to take a more assertive position on the territorial disputes it currently has with Japan and its Southeast Asian neighbors. The South China Sea (SCS) dispute is a clear example. Meanwhile, Japan is normalizing its military status to play a more proactive security role in the region. Japan’s normalization process has been greatly influenced by China’s growing military capabilities as it fears that China could pose a threat to its sea lanes of communications. Although Japan does not have territorial claims in the SCS, it regards the SCS as a strategically vital area. It is this particular concern that has brought Japan into the current territorial disputes in the SCS. This thesis analyzes how Japan has tried to forge partnerships with Southeast Asian countries in the form of foreign aid and the provision of military equipment and training that can potentially offset China’s assertiveness.

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China has been growing at a fastest pace than the rest of the world in the last two decades increasing the importance of its economy every day in the global field but sowing uncertainty and confusion among investors and the rest of the world due to the contradiction between its political and economic models. Economically, the People’s Republic of China has demonstrated to be more open to capitalism but its politics reveal a communist system in which there is no opportunity for a capitalist economy as it is originally conceived