Academic literature on the topic 'Chinari'

In 1927 Nikolai Zabolotskii first began making public appearances with the young Leningrad poets Daniil Kharms and Aleksandr Vvedenskii. Kharms and Vvedenskii had been allied in an informal group called the Chinari, a name Kharms intended to signify “enfants terribles.“ In the autumn of 1927, however, they decided to join with Zabolotskii in the OBERIU (Ob“edinenie real'nogo iskusstva). The nucleus of this group was composed of Zabolotskii, Kharms, Vvedenskii, Konstantin Vaginov, Igor’ Bakhterev, and Boris Levin, although at various times others participated in the OBERIU performances. It was not necessarily easy to become allied with the group: Kharms and Zabolotskii would test the creative potential of candidates by having them answer questions like “Where is your nose?” and “What is your favorite dish?“The OBERIU held readings in dormitories and military sections and at the Union of Poets and the Institute of the History of the Arts.

This paper investigates the spatiotemporal variability in hydrometeorological time-series to evaluate the current and future scenarios of water resources availability from upper Indus basin (UIB). Mann–Kendall and Sen’s slope estimator tests were used to analyze the variability in the temperature, precipitation, and streamflow time-series data at 27 meteorological stations and 34 hydrological stations for the period of 1963 to 2014. The time-series data of entire study period were divided into two equal subseries of 26 years each (1963–1988 and 1989–2014) to assess the overlapping aspect of climate change acceleration over UIB. The results showed a warming pattern at low altitude stations, while a cooling tendency was detected at high-altitude stations. An increase in streamflow was detected during winter and spring seasons at all hydrological stations, whereas the streamflow in summer and autumn seasons exhibited decreasing trends. The annual precipitation showed a significant decreasing trend at ten stations, while a significant increasing trend was observed at Kohat station during second subseries of the study period. The most significant winter drying trends were observed at Gupis, Chitral, Garidopatta, and Naran stations of magnitude of 47%, 13%, 25%, and 18%, respectively, during the second subseries. The annual runoff exhibited significant deceasing trends over Jhelum subbasin at Azad Pattan, Chinari, Domel Kohala, Muzaffarabad, and Palote, while within Indus basin at Chahan, Gurriala, Khairabad, Karora, and Kalam in the second time-series. It is believed that the results of this study will be helpful for the decision-makers to develop strategies for planning and development of future water resources projects.

China’s Silk Road concept known as Belt and Road Initiative (B&R) by Xi Jinping aims at strengthening China’s economic power. One part of the initiative is the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Using a qualitative descriptive method, we attempt to explain how China and Pakistan integrate themselves in several aspects such as economic, military and politics. The CPEC establishment falls under the intention of both countries to gain more advantage in several aspects. The main objective of this journal is to explain non-economic and also economic interests behind China and Pakistan relations especially China’s strategic and geopolitical interests. This journal also analyzes Chinese counter-measures against Indian influence in the Indian Ocean. The conclusion of this research shows that China gain more benefits from CPEC especially after the deployment of China’s Navy into the Gwadar Sea Port.

The article is an introduction into the presence of Polish literature in China from the perspective of one of its most active researchers and translators. The author describes his fascination with Bolesław Prus’s work that resulted in the Chinese translation of Lalka (The Doll) and his work on two-volume Historia literatury polskiej (The history of Polish literature) aimed at Chinese readers.

Zarys prawa Qing Artykuł jest próbą zarysu prawa chińskiego za czasów Qing, ostatniej dynastii rządzącej Chinami. Przedstawia on moralne i filozoficzne podstawy, na których został zbudowany tradycyjny chiński system prawny długo przed dojściem do władzy cesarzy Machu. Autor artykułu stwierdza również, że to kultura, a nie natura określa prawo i moralność, a idea etyki uniwersalnej jest utopią. Istnieją pewne różnice między prawem zachodnim a jego chińskim odpowiednikiem. Niektóre przepisy Kodeksu Qing mogą być dla nas dzisiaj zaskakujące, chociaż łatwo je zrozumieć, jeśli bliżej im się przyjrzeć. Z chińskiego punktu widzenia prawo zachodnioeuropejskie można nazwać „nowoczesnym”, bo zostało przyjęte we współczesnych Chinach od początku XX wieku. W artykule pada propozycja odpowiedzi na pytanie, dlaczego Chiny zostały zmuszone do porzucenia swojej tradycji prawnej i przyjęcia w jego miejsce zachodniego prawa kontynentalnego.

This paper aims to analyze Japan’s foreign policy related to the dispute in the South China Sea (SCS). Even though Japan has no sovereignty claims, it has considerable interests in the SCS region. Japan, which is poor in natural resources, depends on energy imports, most of which are shipped through SCS. As an advanced industrial state, Japan must continue to meet domestic energy demand. However, the SCS area has a potential conflict due to Chinese assertive behavior as the main factor that could threaten Japanese interests. The author use qualitative method with relevant literature studies and official government documentation to conduct a descriptive analysis of the research findings. The results of the study indicate that Japan is implementing a balanced strategy to deal with the potential threat of China. Balancing against threats is conducted in internal ways, e.g. internal reinforcement, and external ways, e.g. forming and strengthening cooperation with other countries outside the United States (US). Since Japan's limitations in military aspect hindered their internal reinforcement, this study emphasizes Japan's external balance strategy. The increasingly dubious US commitment in the Asia Pacific has made Japan strengthen defense cooperation with Southeast Asian countries such as Indonesia, the Philippines and Vietnam. The three countries have interest in SCS and provide access that conforms to Japanese interests.

The purpose of this article is to compare and contrast China's approaches to regional industrial development in the Maoist and post-Mao periods. By focusing on patterns of investment and regional shares of gross value of industrial output (GVIO), this article will argue that China's regional industrialization strategy has changed to one of uneven regional growth in the post-Mao period from the Maoist emphasis on eradicating regional industrial disparities through interior–orientated investments. In short, the post-Mao Chinese leadership has not only relaxed its Incantation of the Golden Hoop, or strait-jacket on the coastal region but has come to rely on the coastal region to provide the “engine of growth” for China's economic development.For the sake of simplicity, I will call the development strategy of the 1953–78 period the “Maoist development strategy.” Though it varied in degrees in different sub-periods, the Maoist strategy dominated China's industrialization efforts until it gradually faded out in the late 1970s. It relied on heavily redistributive measures in an attempt to equalize regional economic development, emphasized- Extensive rather than intensive modes of economic growth, and allowed no foreign direct investment in China.In contrast, the post-Mao Chinese leadership has gradually, but decidedly, reversed the Maoist model and come to adopt a new development strategy. This new strategy, which, for lack of a better term, I shall call the “uneven development strategy,” represents another attempt to bring China out of economic backwardness. Focusing on economic results, the new strategy emphasizes regional comparative advantage, accepts regional disparities as inevitable, encourages foreign investment and international interaction, and seeks to foster technological innovation.

Abstract. Modelling of glacier and ice sheet micro-topography is meaningful for the understanding of interactions between local ice mass and climate. Here, we used an Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV) platform composed of a DJI Phantom 4 and a D-RTK mobile station to model the surface micro-topography around Zhongshan Station of China, East Antarctica. Two UAV survey types (vertical and oblique aerial photogrammetry) were performed during the China's 35th Antarctic expedition (CHINARE) in 2018–2019. Six surveys were obtained by the SfM-MVS technology. Then, we extracted the features of glacier surface micro-topography (blue ice, crevasses, ice doline and melt-water). It’s noteworthy that traces of melt-water and a large ice doline appeared on the surface of Dalk Glacier in December 2018. Finally, we concluded that surface micro-topographic features, observable in the UAV-derived models but unavailable on satellite images, may reveal hints for interactions between surface and beneath processes in regional polar glacier.

Urban greening helps cooling and humidifying the air; shading provided by buildings also affects outdoor thermal environment. Therefore, they both influence the thermal perceptions of people in outdoor spaces. The sky view factor (SVF) is a commonly used parameter in the research on urban climate, indicates the relationship between the visible area of the sky and the area covered by urban structures. The current paper first gives a brief introduction of the SVF and fisheye imagery. It then describes a method conducted to estimate SVF for urban environment analysis by using fisheye lenses and applying the ENVI platform as well. Finally, micro-climate characteristics over three typical urban underlying surfaces, including sunlit asphalt roads, shaded roads by building and by chinars were analyzed based on on-site observations. For a high-density city such as Nanjing, the present study reveals that the higher building shaded, chinar canopy density, and the lower sky transmittance, humidification and cooling of the air is more significant under the same climate condition and the same road. For benefiting urban environmental planning and assessment in high-density cities, more cases simulation with different combinations of factors are needed, which can provide a set of better greening guides and the optimal shading level.

This research assesses China's likely future behaviour in relation to the South China Sea disputes, critically evaluating two prominent, related topics of discussion among the International Relations scholars since the late 1980s. One of these topics is theoretical: to what extent is the flourishing `liberal peace' argument in International Relations theory valid when applied to China's international behaviour, and towards the South China Sea disputes in particular'? The advocates of the 'liberal peace' argument have spent much energy attempting to prove the positive correlation between peace and such factors as democracy and economic interdependence using statistical models. In addition, one faction of the liberal school emphasises the effectiveness of institutions which supposedly impose constraints on a state through international rules and agreements. However, liberals' arguments fail to engage with some critical points. First of all, whether a state goes to war is not a matter of probability but a political decision. Secondly, the costs of sacrificing economic ties and violating internationally-agreed obligations surely affect a decision to go to war. However, if a state perceives that its vital national interests are at risk, such costs will have little influence on decision-making. In addition, liberals' argument ignores the importance of the political framework in which economic interdependence functions. Furthermore, liberals do not pay attention to the facts that institutions are usually established by the initiative of a hegemon and its supporters, and that the rules and norms of institutions generally reflect the distribution of power among their members. This dissertation illustrates the way in which realist thinking (involving consideration of survival, balance of power and relative gain) still forms the foundation for states' behaviour. The other topic relevant in this dissertation is empirical and concerns which of the conflicting opinions about China's future geopolitical orientation is more accurate: that China will become an assertive regional hegemon as her economy develops and her military is modernised, or that she will not obtain even regional hegemonic status for some decades to come due to her lack of economic and military power. The first view generally draws the conclusion that China should somehow be contained, while the second view concludes that other states need to engage China so that the latter can be tied into the international community. A major problem with arguments of this type is that China's likely behaviour tends to be predicted on the basis of research on specific issues. In particular, military factors, such as China's increasing defence budget, its vigorous purchase of advanced weapons particularly from Russia, and the PLA's weight in the government's decision-making, have been overemphasised. Although stronger military capabilities may provide a government with wider foreign policy options, states - including China - usually do not use force just because their military capabilities become stronger. Understanding the nature of states and the factors that drive states' behaviour is necessary in order to avoid extreme conclusions. This dissertation tries to integrate the existing empirical studies and theoretical assumptions in International Relations theory. The reason for focusing on the South China Sea is that this case is important in the sense that the disputes there are not just territorial conflicts involving China and other claimants. The South China Sea disputes involve many factors such as fisheries, energy, and extra-regional powers' strategic and economic interests, besides the overlapping territorial sovereign claims. In addition, economic interdependence between China and regional states has deepened since the 1990s, and the region has international institutions such as APEC and the ARF where economic and security issues, respectively, are I Introduction discussed. The last two factors make this case particularly suitable for the application of IR theory. This dissertation will demonstrate that geopolitical considerations are dominant not only in China's decision-making but also in the ASEAN states' attitudes towards China and the disputes themselves.

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate how China's gender imbalance could affect East Asian security with respect to China-Japan relations and China-Taiwan relations. The research result is ambiguous in that China's excess males may or may not force the Chinese government to adopt a more aggressive foreign policy stance with Japan and Taiwan. On the one hand, the Chinese government has been relatively calm in its dealings with Japan and Taiwan despite the rise of Chinese nationalism. The Chinese government actively contains anti-social behaviors associated with excess males without seriously affecting bilateral relations with Japan or Taiwan. On the other hand, appealing to nationalistic fervor in order to strengthen regime legitimacy could force the Chinese government to be more belligerent. Inaction by the Chinese government in response to Japanese or Taiwanese provocation could compel many in China to engage in mass uprising against the state, thus threatening the regime's power. This thesis also provides possible options to mitigate the social and political tensions presented by these excess males and to prevent potential regional instability. Options such as war, public works projects, foreign marriage tax, population control, testosterone reduction, state-sponsored matchmaking service, and UN peacekeeping are explored.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2002.
Thesis advisor(s): H. Lyman Miller, Randall J. Hess. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-75). Also available online.

Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais
A presente tese concentra-se num plano industrial da China, “Made in China 2025” (MIC2025). O plano tem uma função instrumental dupla, ou seja, atualizar o sistema industrial por inovação tecnológica e contribuir para alcançar o sonho da China de um grande rejuvenescimento. Assim, a dissertação é analisar se a China pode reformar a ordem mundial por inovação tecnológica. Atualmente, a China entrou num peroído crtíico de transição da economia de renda média para a de renda alta. Considerando que a China está a enfrentar problemas ambientais cada vez mais graves e problemas sociais a nvíel da disparidade, a China corre o risco de não se conseguir transformar, sendo apanhada na middle-income trap (MIT). Por outro lado, como no rápido crescimento económico, a China gradualmente mudou o seu perfil “low-key” iniciado no peroído Deng Xiaoping para uma postura mais proativa na poltíica global, uma diplomacia de pasí principal, que é entendida como diplomacia dos grandes poderes. A diplomacia serve para ajudar a China a realizar o sonho de modernização e construir uma comunidade com um futuro compartilhado para a humanidade. Sob uma poltíica externa proativa, a ascensão da China provavelmente cairá na Thucydides Trap (TT), ou seja, encontrará concorrência com a hegemonia existente, os EUA, o que irá trazer o mundo à instabilidade. Combinando as funções do MIC2025 e os riscos da China cair em duas armadilhas, propusemos duas hipóteses: o MIC2025 pode ajudar a China a escapar da MIT e manter um desenvolvimento sustentável; e a China, com a força aumentada pelo plano industrial, escapará da TT e contribuirá para melhorar a ordem mundial multilateral. Considerando vários fatores que afetarão a eficácia das funções do MIC2025, elaborámos adicionalmente três proposições para as respectivas hipóteses. Especificamente, para a primeira hipótese, as proposições são: o MIC2025 tem a função instrumental de promover o desenvolvimento por inovação tecnológica; A China possui condições pré -existentes para executar o MIC2025; O domníio das economias avançadas em inovação deixará espaço limitado para a China executar o plano. Para a segunda hipótese, as proposições são: o MIC2025 tem a função instrumental de aumentar a força da China; As propostas da China para o mundo não levarão a China à TT, mas contribuirão para melhorar a ordem mundial multilateral; A China tem condições limitadas para reformar a ordem mundial, que é estabelecida e mantida pelos EUA e seus aliados. Com várias hipóteses e proposições, projetámos a pesquisa de uma perspectiva pragmática, o que nos pode permitir fazer escolhas livremente e tirar proveito de diferentes abordagens para alcançar o objetivo. Sob esta perspectiva, usámos métodos mistos sequenciais explicativos, que envolvem uma recolha de dados quantitativos primeiro e depois explicam os resultados quantitativos com os dados qualitativos. Na parte quantitativa, primeiramente construmí os relações entre as teorias de inovação tecnológica, desenvolvimento e poder, que mais tarde serão usadas como orientação para recolher e analisar os dados quantitativos. Em seguida, recolhemos os dados quantitativos com a organização das hipóteses e as suas proposições usando variáveis. As variáveis foram escolhidas com base no motivo pragmático, o que nos pode fornecer uma estrutura precisa para direcionar o processo de recolha de dados. Selecionámos quatro tipos de variáveis para construir a estrutura, ou seja, variáveis independentes, dependentes, mediadoras e moderadoras. As variáveis independentes são variáveis preditoras que podem causar os resultados, que são variáveis dependentes. As duas variáveis constituem uma estrutura de causa e efeito. Na estrutura, as mediadoras afetarão as dependentes em conjunto com as independentes; enquanto que as moderadoras, com a natureza de variáveis independentes, afetarão a direção e a força da relação entre as independentes e dependentes. Com base nas caractersíticas das variáveis e nas hipóteses, elaborámos duas ligações causais. Especificamente, na Ligação 1, a primeira proposição da função instrumental do MIC2025 em desenvolvimento serve como a variável independente (VI), que causará ou influenciará o resultado de escapar da MIT, que é considerada a variável dependente (VD). Além disso, a segunda proposição das condições preexistentes da China para executar o MIC2025 é a variável mediadora (VM1), afetando positivamente a ligação de causalidade; a terceira proposição de domníio da inovação das economias avançadas é a variável moderadora (VM2), influenciando negativamente a direção da ligação. Na Ligação 2, a primeira proposição da função instrumental do plano no poder como VI gerará o efeito de VD de ajudar a China a escapar da TT. Além disso, a segunda proposição das propostas da China para o mundo, servindo como VM1, exercerá um efeito positivo sobre a ligação. Por outro lado, a terceira proposição da ordem mundial liberal como VM2 terá um impacto adverso. Com relação às abordagens de pesquisa, para a Ligação 1, foram utilizadas principalmente as abordagens de análise de conteúdo de materiais em primeira mão e análise secundária de estatsíticas oficiais. Na abordagem da análise de conteúdo, os documentos e textos foram recolhidos de livros editados pelo governo chinês, o site do governo chinês e os sites da imprensa principal chinesa (People’s Daily, Xinhua, China Daily), enquanto na abordagem da análise secundária das estatsíticas oficiais, as estatsíticas foram recolhidas no site dos departamentos do governo chinês e da imprensa principal chinesa. Para a Ligação 2, apesar das duas abordagens usadas na primeira, também usámos os estudos comparativos entre a atual China e o Japão na década de 1980 para analisar a posição da China na ordem mundial. Após a recolha dos dados, examinamos as relações teóricas que estabelecemos e obtivemos resultados quantitativos. Na primeira ligação, descobrimos que o MIC2025 oferece uma trajetória orientada à inovação para o futuro desenvolvimento da China. A China construiu uma base tecnológica especfíica por meio de poltíicas contníuas de ciência e tecnologia, inovação indgíena, investmento interno e investimento externo, que podem ajudar a China a executar o MIC2025. No entanto, a China ainda se mantém distante da fronteira tecnológica, dominada pelas economias ocidentais. Além disso, a proteção de propriedade intelectual (PI) da China ainda é fraca; As empresas privadas da China, que são mais eficientes em comparação com as estatais, foram reprimidas. Por fim, o risco de queda na MIT aumentou, não apenas devido aos problemas existentes em proteção ambiental e disparidade social, mas também ao surgimento do desemprego tecnológico e à intensificação da lacuna de desenvolvimento causada pelo MIC2025. Nesse sentido, é difcíil para a China escapar da MIT e manter o desenvolvimento sustentável. Na segunda ligação, descobrimos que o MIC2025 serve como um passo estratégico para realizar o sonho da China de grande rejuvenescimento. Com o crescente poder económico, militar e cientfíico, a China propôs as suas soluções para a Ásia e o desenvolvimento mundial. Para a Ásia, trata-se do novo conceito de segurança asiática da China, que enfatiza a participação de todos os pasíes asiáticos na manutenção da segurança. No entanto, isso dificilmente pode ser alcançado, pois nesta região, os EUA mantiveram preeminência militar e desenvolveram aliados estratégicos com vários pasíes asiáticos. Para o mundo, a noção da China de uma comunidade de um futuro compartilhado para a humanidade é representada economicamente pela Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Embora as rotas da BRI se espalhem amplamente, a China considera principalmente os pasíes e regiões vizinhos com os quais pretende cooperar. Assim, a BRI demonstra as caractersíticas do regionalismo e do bilateralismo. Em relação à posição da China na ordem mundial, comparamos o Japão e a China com os aspectos da sua posição na ordem e a sua relação com os EUA. Descobrimos que, na ordem mundial, a posição da China não representa ameaças à posição de liderança da América. Além disso, os dois pasíes desenvolveram relações económicas interconectadas. Os dois elementos podem ajudar a China a escapar dos conflitos com os EUA. No entanto, a China tende a mudar seu status quo e tornase desafiadora da ordem. Nesse sentido, a China e os EUA podem cair na TT sobre questões de segurança na Ásia. Com os resultados quantitativos, escolhemos dois entrevistados (um funcionário da Embaixada da China em Portugal e uma repórter da China Daily) familiarizados com as questões tecnológicas da China e interessados na ascensão da China usando entrevistas semiestruturadas. Para os dados qualitativos, usámos análise crtíica do discurso. Descobrimos que os entrevistados mantêm uma atitude realista de que a China atualizará o sistema industrial e obterá mais poder económico; enquanto para o futuro da ascensão da China, os entrevistados têm uma perspectiva liberal de que a China pode realizar uma ascensão pacfíica devido à interdependência económica no mundo. Em suma, os dois pensam que a China pode escapar da MIT e da TT. Por fim, conclumí os que o MIC2025 é crucial para a China alcançar os pasíes desenvolvidos. A China não pode utilizar o plano para alcançar o desenvolvimento sustentável sem considerar a proteção ambiental, a justiça social, a proteção de PI e a motivação dos empreendedores. Por outro lado, no processo de alcançar o mesmo, a China pode escapar intencionalmente da TT e concentrar-se no desenvolvimento económico. No entanto, na Ásia, tendo em com consideração a segurança nacional, a China não pode evitar conflitos com os EUA para defender seus interesses nacionais.
The present thesis concentrates on China’s industrial plan, “Made in China 2025” (MIC2025). The plan has a dual instrumental function, namely, upgrading China’s industrial system and contributing to achieving China’s dream of great rejuvenation. China has developed from a low-income economy into a middle-income one owing to its pragmatic reforms since the end of the 1970s. However, due to the environmental problems and social disparity caused by the traditional development model, China has the risk of failing during its transformation into a high-income country and dropping in the middle-income trap (MIT). On the other hand, along with economic growth, China has shifted its low-key foreign policy to a proactive one and launched proposals for Asian security and world order. In this sense, China may encounter competition with the existing hegemony, the U.S., and drop into the Thucydides Trap (TT). With the hypotheses of falling into two traps, this research has used the mixed methods of quantitative and qualitative approaches. In the quantitative approach, we have established two links by connecting the dual function of MIC2025 with two traps by using independent, dependent, mediating, and moderating variables for the hypotheses. In the first link, we have found that, although China has established a specific technological base, China still stands far away from the technological frontier. Thus, it is not easy for China to escape the MIT. In the second link, we have found that China’s position in the world order does not threaten America’s dominant position. However, China’s proposals for Asian security and the world may bring itself into a competition with the U.S. and fall into the TT. In the qualitative approach, we have done two semi-structured interviews, according to which China can escape the traps. However, the possibility of falling into two traps cannot be overlooked.
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Is China’s status in the 21st century economic superpower that moves the world’s markets, impoverished developing country—or both? China’s economy has seen amazing growth in recent decades. In 2014, the IMF listed China as the world’s largest economy. ‘Is China's economy modern?’ defines the characteristics of a modern economy and relates them to China’s situation by looking at Chinese economic patterns during the last thousand years. If the characteristics are enthusiasm for growth, capital investment, and industrialization then the answer is ‘yes’. The greatest challenge for Chinese policy makers has been how to maintain the current growth rates without accelerating inflation. Environmental pollution is also a growing concern.

This study discusses the predicament of China’s modernization by relating it to changing conceptions of revolution. It argues that the so-called “modernizing process” was a process set in motion by the unique aggressiveness inherent in Western modernity. It outlines the “predicament of modernization” in China—Japan’s success and China's failure, contrasted with Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore—and refers it to what the author calls the “fetishism of revolution” (with Mao Zedong as the prime example). The tension between revolution and modernization in China is seen to have led to a radical disjunction.

Despite the significant attention given in the scholarly literature to exploring the strength, scope and implications of counter-terrorism policy since 9/11, there has been no systematic analysis of China’s approach to terrorism and counter-terrorism. This is a major lacuna given China’s increasing power and influence in international affairs and the increasing incidence of terrorism in Xinjiang. This chapter provides an overview of how the book addresses this gap in the literature via four major areas of investigation: the scope and nature of terrorism in China and its connection with developments in other regions; the development of legislative measures to combat terrorism; the institutional evolution of China's counter-terrorism bureaucracy; and Beijing's counter-terrorism cooperation with international partners.

Chapter 3 focuses on theory and empirical strategy. The chapter defines status and situates it against oft-interchanged concepts like honor, prestige, and reputation, and identifies gaps in the status literature. The chapter then explains when China is most status sensitive—i.e. that status drivers can trump other concerns regarding intervention—when there are two components. First, when China’s peer groups are able to exact social costs or social benefits on China by way of social influence. China’s peer groups are most able to do so when they are cohesive with no significant defectors from the peer group, unified around a single policy position, and willing to exact social costs on China for not executing their policy prescription. With these conditions met, peer groups have narrowed and defined policy options for China, so China can clearly understand what the peer group expectations are. A second component is the presence of a status trigger. Status triggers heighten or accentuate China’s pre-existing status concerns by emphasizing China’s isolation from its peer groups, making China more susceptible to status pressures. Status triggers are either speech acts that draw a contemporary parallel to a low status time in China’s foreign policy or attacks on China’s high-profile status-rewarding events. The chapter specifies why the great powers and the Global South are China’s peer groups for intervention, and debunks the popular assumption that Russia stands as China’s peer in the context of intervention.

Science and technology of Republican China (1912-1949) often replicated the West in all hierarchies. However, in 1949 when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) declared the nation the People's Republic of China, it had assumed Soviet pseudo-science, namely neo-Lamarckian and anti-Mendelian Lysenkoism, which led to intense propaganda campaigns that victimized intellectuals and natural scientists. Not until the 1956 Double Hundred Campaign had China engaging in meaningful exploration into modern genetics with advancements of Morgan. The CCP encouraged discussions on the impact of Lysenkoism which cultivated guidelines to move science forward. However, Mao ended the campaign by asserting the Anti-Rightist Movement (1957) that reinstated the persecution of intellectuals, for he believed they did not contribute to his socialist ethos of the working people. The Great Leap Forward (1958-1959), an idealist and unrealistic attempt to rapidly industrialize the nation, and the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), a grand attempt to rid China of the "technological elite," extended China's lost years to a staggering two decades. Post-Mao China rapidly revived its science and technology frontier with specialized sciences: agricultural biotechnology, major genomic ventures, modernizing Traditional Chinese Medicine, and stem-cell research. Major revisions to the country’s patent laws increased international interest in China’s resources. However, bioethical and technical standards still need to be implemented and locally and nationally monitored if China’s scientific advances are to be globally accepted and commercialized.

Since mid-1990, it has been discussed that China’s economic rise would affect political space. There are some worries that the “rejuvenation” of China as economic, politic, geo-strategic power could challenge to the current international system. Hence this rising has been called “China threat theory” and it could cause a conflict in international system. According to realist school, China’s peaceful rise is almost impossible, so China will threat to the current international system and clash with hegemonic power. They also provide some empirical evidence from history. On the other hand, Liberals expresses that trade provides valuable benefits to any particular states. So, China as a dependent state should avoid from war or conflict, since peaceful trading gives it all the benefits of close ties without any of the costs and risks of war. This paper attempts to examine ‘China’s peaceful rise’ based on interdependence and trade expectations theory within the context of international political economy. To analyze whether China threat or not to the world, we have to know the relationship between economic and politics. Trade expectations theory could explain the rise of China with establishes bridge between incompetence of realist and liberal theories. According to trade expectations theory, the rise of China will be peaceful because of China’s expectations as economically are positive. For this reason, China as a rational actor chooses win-win without risk instead of win-lose or lose-lose. If China’s expectations turn into negative in future, its policies could change from cooperation to conflict.

This article analyzes China's participation in the implementation of the UN peacekeeping mission in the Republic of South Sudan. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the results and significance of the activities of the Chinese peacekeepers in the South Sudan. In addition, the reason and purpose of China's participation in UN peacekeeping are shown. It also described China’s strategic and economic interestson the African continent.

There are 19 in-service civil research reactors in China nowadays, which are quite diverse on reactor type, usage, power levels, operation modes and safety features [1]. The common practice in nuclear energy advanced countries is to do safety classification and classified management of research reactors. In recent years, China has gradually refined and improved the related work. This paper summarizes the existing research reactor graded approach and safety management requirements included in certain regulations, guidelines and technical documents of IAEA, the United States, Japan and China, and specific practice and experience on operational level as well. And then the classification principles, classification elements, classification methods, safety management requirements and other aspects of the countries or government organizations mentioned above are compared from the view of research reactor safety classification. It comes to the conclusion: As far as China’s research reactor graded approach and safety management requirements are concerned, more work are needed. The relevant provisions of research reactor graded approach of IAEA are comprehensive, and have good reference value for China’s legislation system, but the classification method operability is not strong enough, and there are no detailed management and technical guides as the supplement to the graded approach. The relevant provisions of the research reactor graded approach of the United States and Japan are not systemic enough, but the classification methods are clear and operable, which are referable for China’s relevant practice on research reactor safety classification. After the Fukushima nuclear power plant accident, the classified management of the research reactors has achieved quite good results in comprehensive safety inspection of China’s civil research reactors. Finally, some suggestions in respect of the establishment and improvement of China’s research reactor safety classification guidelines and documents, standardization the use of graded approach, and application in the review and supervision of research reactor in China are put forward.

Sustainable development of Chinese economy in 21st century will mainly rely on self-supply of clean energy with indigenous natural resources. The burden of current coal-dominant energy mix and the environmental stress due to energy consumptions has led nuclear power to be an indispensable choice for further expanding electricity generation capacity in China and for reducing greenhouse effect gases emission. The application of nuclear energy in producing substitutive fuels for road transportation vehicles will also be of importance in future China’s sustainable energy strategy. This paper illustrates the current status of China’s energy supply and the energy demand required for establishing a harmonic and prosperous society in China. In fact China’s energy market faces following three major challenges, namely (1) gaps between energy supply and demand; (2) low efficiency in energy utilization, and (3) severe environmental pollution. This study emphasizes that China should implement sustainable energy development policy and pay great attention to the construction of energy saving recycle economy. Based on current forecast, the nuclear energy development in China will encounter a high-speed track. The demand for crude oil will reach 400–450 million tons in 2020 in which Chinese indigenous production will remain 180 million tons. The increase of the expected crude oil will be about 150 million tons on the basis of 117 million tons of imported oil in 2004 with the time span of 15 years. This demand increase of crude oil certainly will influence China’s energy supply security and to find the substitution will be a big challenge to Chinese energy industry. This study illustrates an analysis of the market demands to future hydrogen economy of China. Based on current status of technology development of HTGR in China, this study describes a road of hydrogen production with nuclear energy. The possible technology choices in relation to a number of types of nuclear reactors are compared and assessed. The analysis shows that only high temperature gas cooled reactor (HTGR) and sodium fast breed reactor might be available in China in 2020 for hydrogen production. Further development of very high temperature gas cooled reactor (VHTR) and gas-cooled fast reactor (GCFR) is necessary to ensure China’s future capability of hydrogen production with nuclear energy as the primary energy. It is obvious that hydrogen production with high efficient nuclear energy will be a suitable strategic technology road, through which future clean vehicles burning hydrogen fuel cells will become dominant in future Chinese transportation industry and will play sound role in ensuring future energy security of China and the sustainable prosperity of Chinese people.

The harmonious development of economic, energy and environment is an important premise to realize the objective of China’s modernization. Currently, different parts of China have different main energy source, while nuclear power development has many opportunities and challenges. This paper considers the current trends of energy needs in China, and discusses the different influencing factors of energy needs throughout China. In addition, this paper will focus on the potential nuclear power development in China, which mainly focuses on policy, technology, nuclear security and social attitude. Then it will focus on the application in Shenzhen (Daya Bay). Based on previous analysis, technical/engineering feasibility and site feasibility are considered in this part. Finally, a number of recommendations for nuclear development management in China will be given. These recommendations will help the public to have a basic understanding of nuclear power management, and to improve the social attitude of China’s nuclear energy development. In all, this paper puts forward the management methodology of nuclear power industry, which has positive significance for the field of nuclear power education. Meanwhile, the paper will play a positive role on popularize the knowledge of nuclear power to the public.

In May 2020, China has put forward a major development strategy of the Developing-mode of Economic Circulation Between Domestic and International”, China's opening to the general public or outside world will continue in the future. But the emphasis on foreign investment is no longer to open up for the sake of opening up. The ultimate purpose of expanding export and foreign investment is to meet the needs of the domestic market. Developing and upgrading the domestic market is the focus of the future. In the future, China's opening up will be at a higher level, and mutual benefit and win-win with other countries will be the core content of our new pattern. Heilongjiang Province has formed a hub of internal development and opening up in the "Domestic Cycle" of overall revitalization of Northeast China and the "International Cycle" of Northeast Asia region with deep cooperation. This paper analyzes the new direction of Heilongjiang province's economic development in the future and puts forward development suggestions, so as to promote Heilongjiang Province to cultivate new advantages of China's participation in international cooperation and competition under the new situation, and to add new impetus to China's economic development.

The application of new lubrication technology has a close relationship with the industrial development of automobile, machinery and transportation. Energy saving and environment protection are main two factors to push lubricants upgrades. Lubricant quality and correct application directly influence the use-life of machine, consumption of energy and environment protection. All over the world, especially in Western developed countries people pay more attention to the research and application of new lubricant technology. The lubricant specifications were reviewed and upgraded continuously according to the requirements of machine, fuel economy and emission. China’s sustained development means the ability to satisfy current human’s requirement as well as not to destroy nature resources for next generation. That also means we must balance the fast development of economy, society, resources and environment, we must protect natural resources and environment such as water, ocean, lands and forest which we live on, which can keep our next generation developing. Research and application of new lubricant technology is basic issues to keep China’s economy continuously growing. China’s petroleum consumption increased rapidly during the recent decades. There are two rapid period within 25 years after China’s application of opening and reform policy. The first is from 1978 to 1990, the whole petroleum consumption increased from 913 million to 1.18 billion tons respectively, increasing rate is 2.0% per year. The second was from 1991 to 2003, petroleum consumption increased from 1.18 billion to 2.74 billion tons, increasing rate was up to 6.7% per year. If we compare 2003 with 2001, the net petroleum consumption amount had increased 42million tons, increase rate is 8.7% per year. China now becomes one of biggest petroleum consumption country. The efficiency of China’s petroleum consumption is low. According to world petroleum consumption level (ton per thousand U.S. Dollar, GDP), China consumes four times more petroleum than that of Japan, three times of that of European, two times of that of USA. The wide application of low-grade lubricating oil and the lack of new lubrication technology are the main cause of the low-efficient petroleum usage. In the future decades petroleum shortages will be more and more strict in China, and it will have an important role in the delay of economic development and national safety. It is our lubricants workers duty to develop and apply the new lubrication technology to enhance the use efficiency of petroleum, to prevent our reliable environment and to push the China’s sustainable development. The world total consumption quantity of lubricating oil keeps about 37 to 39 million tons per year. It shares about 1% of total crude refining amount. The lube consumption amount in North American keeps stable about 9.5 million tons which listed No.1 while European and previous Unit Soviet area decreased. Asia is the only increased area, mainly because of the fast economic growth in China and India. China has consumed 4.4million tons lubricating oil in 2003, take about 1.6% of total crude refining amount, shares about 11% of whole world consumption amount, values about 22 billion RMB [1]. The increased rate reaches the highest—10.56% compared to 2002. This was the first time China become the second lubricant consumer in the world, just after USA. In 2004, China’s lubricants consumption will reach over 5 million tons, reaches the top in history, the increased rate will reach 10% comparing with 2003. China’s Automobile industry develops rapidly in the recent years, at the same time fuel efficiency keeps a low level. In 2002 China’s automobile has consumed 2.28 ton fuel per automobile which is 110–120 percent of USA, 200 percent of Japan. There exists a wide market for the application of new lubrication technology. The application of those additives and lube oils such as environment-friend additives, friction modified agents, nano-lube additives, energy-conserving multi-grade lube oils can enhance lubrication efficiency of equipments, decrease fuel consumption and conserve the petroleum resources. In this paper the applications of Cu nano-lube additive are introduced. and 0.1% Cu nano-lube is added into passenger car motor oil 5W30 SJ. The four-ball test equipment, cam-tappet test equipment and MS VI engine test are used to evaluate the performance, the test results shows the application of Cu nano-additive can obviously decrease the friction coefficient and fuel consumption. China should establish its national lube oil evaluation system, this system can greatly push the warranty of the quality of lube oil. The standard and national principle for fuel-conserving should be acted to improve the application of multi-grade lube oil and energy-conserving lube oil and new technology.

China's government encourages members of the Chinese diaspora to engage in technology transfer through Chinese professional associations. This issue brief analyzes 208 such associations to assess the scope of technical exchange between overseas professionals and entities within China.

China aims to become “the world’s primary AI innovation center” by 2030. Toward that end, the Chinese government is spending heavily on AI research and development (R&D)—but perhaps not as heavily as some have thought. This memo provides a provisional, open-source estimate of China’s spending.

China aims to become “the world’s primary AI innovation center” by 2030. Toward that end, the Chinese government is spending heavily on AI research and development (R&D)—but perhaps not as heavily as some have thought. This memo provides a provisional, open-source estimate of China’s spending.