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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'China – Relations – European Union'

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Published: 10 March 2023
Last updated: 11 March 2023

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1

Peng, Dan Ni. "The EU-China trade relations in the context of economic globalization." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555591.

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2

Yang, Zi Wei. "Economic integration in Greater China : drawing lessons from European Union." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555596.

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3

Gu, Hong Fei. "Analysis of creating a new type of great power relations between China and the European Union." Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335207.

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4

Apelgren, Elin. "The Mediatization of EU-China Relations." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-437865.

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Previous research has described EU foreign policy as becoming mediatized, referring to a process where the communication of politics is being adjusted to changes in the media landscape. When more information is available to the citizens through a variety of media, political actors have to compete for the citizens' attention. Political actors are then using 'media logic', using tactics such as storytelling, simplifying and emphasising conflicts and differences, at the expense of 'political logic'. Political logic represents the use of traditional political values, institutions and consensus-building. The EU's communications about China can be seen as a disputed case, as a use of media logic could be helpful in uniting the member states in a common strategy towards China, as this has been a challenge for the EU. It could also, however, be avoided by the EU, as it could lead to the EU harming their relationship with China, as well as the economic interests of the member states. The results show that between the years 2016-2020, media logic is increasingly used, as well as becoming more polarising and visualising with time. This could be a result of the EU-China relationship becoming strained by conflicts with China on human rights issues, but also be a part of a communication strategy where the EU attempts to unite the member states, as well as gain legitimacy for its foreign policy.
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5

De, Matteis Pietro. "Sino-European energy, environmental and climate change diplomacy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610458.

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6

Trouille, Jean-Marc. "EU-Africa Relations, China, and the African Challenge." Elipsa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17824.

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The African continent is a sleeping giant which will increasingly be a player to be reckoned with on the global stage. At the same time, its migration potential will be multiplied by Africa’s forthcoming demographic explosion. Consequently, the EU and Africa have a shared interest in working together towards making African development sustainable. African integration will be key towards speeding up this process. This paper first evaluates the stakes of the African challenge for the European Union. It considers the economic potential that can be unleashed by speeding up integration processes in Africa. Second, it argues that Africa will be ‘the China of the 21st Century’, and that any development, positive or negative, taking place there will have large repercussions in Europe, and that therefore the EU and Africa are communities of destiny in need of a joint approach towards African industrialisation. Finally, it provides a roadmap of important steps that Europe needs to consider in its endeavour to support African development.
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7

Zhong, Xiao Fei. "China and the EU : competition and cooperation in the Caspian region." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555549.

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8

Tan, Bo. "Impact of EU enlargement on EU-China trade." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554733.

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9

Ou, Wei Qiang. "Assessing the strategic partnership between China and the European Union (2003-2010)." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554719.

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10

Tian, Han Bo. "The conflict between bilateralism and multilateralism in complicated EU-China relations." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555573.

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11

Steiler, Ilona. "The European Union and China in Africa : explaining conflict and cooperation with international relations theory /." Hamburg : Kovač, 2009. http://d-nb.info/997222115/04.

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12

Bi, Si Wei. "Impact of EU green directives on China's exports." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555560.

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13

Torney, Diarmuid. "A leader without followers? : European Union relations with China and India on climate change, 1990-2009." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:38fb3450-73dd-46f3-a23c-e51ff0e76cf1.

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The EU has, for a long time, portrayed itself as an international leader on climate change. Previous studies have tended to focus on the characteristics of EU leadership, but have failed to examine the extent to which EU leadership generates “followership”. Going beyond these existing approaches, this dissertation analyzes not just EU attempts at leadership but also the response of two potential followers: China and India. Based on extensive fieldwork, the dissertation explains the pattern of EU engagement and the response to engagement in each case, and makes three key arguments. First, EU engagement was driven by a desire to build the international role of the EU, but also from 2000 onwards in particular by growing normative concern and material interest within the EU regarding combating climate change. The development of engagement was also conditioned by the broader development of EU relations with China and India. Second, EU engagement took the form of institutionalized dialogue and capacity-building projects. These were generally more extensive in the EU-China case; the EU-India relationship was significantly more limited. Both cases were characterized by a lack of EU capacity—particularly the EU-India case—and to some extent by inconsistency and incoherence. Third, the Chinese Government responded through limited normative emulation and limited but growing lesson-drawing through bilateral cooperation in specific sectors. While the Indian Government also responded through limited normative emulation, the principal Indian response was resistance. Moreover, both the Chinese and Indian Governments resisted the EU approach to the international climate change negotiations. This pattern of engagement and significant resistance stemmed partly from the EU’s failure to develop sufficient capacity for effective engagement, but also partly due to significant differences in the way each side has framed the issue of climate change. Based on these findings, the dissertation concludes that while the EU was not entirely a leader without followers, it has acted as a highly restricted leader in its relations with China and India on climate change.
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14

Wang, Jia. "Research on EU regional policy : its selective mechanisms, effects and role for EU integration, with reflections on its possible meaning for China." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555597.

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15

Zhang, Jiao. "Bring the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement to new heights? : implications for the prospective EU-China PCA." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2156741.

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16

Wu, Yan Ni. "The EU development aid policy : evolution, legal basis, features, effectiveness and its role in the EU-China relations." Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2099266.

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17

Zhang, Hong. "The study of EU's anti-dumping decision against China steel industry." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3953525.

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18

Zhang, Xiaotong. "The EU's trade relations with China, 1975-2008: a linkage power at work ?" Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210151.

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The EU’s Trade Relations with China (1975-2008):

A Linkage Power at Work?

(Summary)

The central aim of this thesis is to improve our understanding of the EU’s power, in particular in its external trade relations/negotiations. Our hypothesis is that the EU is a distinctive kind of linkage power, defined as an actor relying on linkage as a crucial modus operandi in its external relations. We explored how, to what extent and in which distinctive ways the EU is such a linkage power.

Our analysis was based on three logically interrelated concepts – power resources, linkage and linkage power. Linkage refers to a leveraging strategy, with an aim of packaging relevant power resources, so as to increase leverage in bargaining, or more generally attain a policy objective. I identified seven types of linkages that the EU used: political-economic issue linkage, economic-economic issue linkage, conditionality, contextual linkage, linkage with a third party, cognitive linkage and synergistic linkage. Linkage can hardly work without proper power resources. The latter, as Dahl (1970) defined, refers to all the resources-opportunities, acts, objects etc – that an actor can exploit in order to affect the behaviour of another. So, linkage is a bridge between power resources and impacts – meaning affecting or changing the behaviour of another party. By putting linkage and power together, we created a new term – “linkage power”, referring to a power based on linkages. The EU, the US, China or any other power can all be such labelled, though these actors may diverge in power resources, linkage strategies and the variables affecting linkage effectiveness. When applying such an analytical framework to the EU, we gave particular attention to the implications of the EU’s sui generis nature on its linkage power.

Our case study is the EU’s trade relations with China (1975-2008), which were punctuated by two critical historical junctures – the Tian’anmen Square Incident in 1989 and the EU-China Textile Crisis in 2005. In 1975, The EEC’s successful strategy by linking political issues (Europe-China balancing the Soviet Union and recognising China’s sovereignty over Taiwan) with economic issues (signing the EEC-China Trade Agreement) played a crucial role in securing the establishment of diplomatic relations between the EEC and China. Different types of linkages were then applied to the EEC’s negotiations with Beijing on the 1978 Trade Agreement and the 1979 textile agreement, which effectively prompted the Chinese side to agree to the EU’s terms.

Immediately after the 1989 Tian’anmen Square Incident, the EC imposed economic sanctions with an aim of coercing China to accept Western world’s human rights conditions. This linkage did not last long or pay off due to divergent political and economic interests among the Member States and the EC’s institutional handicaps (foreign policy competence was largely in the hands of Member States, collective foreign policy action was non-binding), and soon de-linked.

Having realised that confrontational approach did not work well, the EC/EU and its Member States started to change their China policies in 1993-95. The period of 1993-2004 witnessed the EC/EU’s power through partnership. The strategic partnership was seen as a complex of different pairs of issue linkages, ranging from political-strategic issues to economic and human rights issues. The partnership, once established, had fostered new linkages and consolidated old ones. China’s WTO accession was seen as a once-in-a-century opportunity for the EU to exercise linkage through conditionality, so as to extract market access concessions from the Chinese side. Moreover, by linking with China could the European Commission garnered international support for advancing the Galileo project within the Union and ward off some of the US pressure in 2003.

The Year 2005 was singled out since an unprecedented trade row on textiles broke out, confronting the EU against China’s export prowess resulting from globalisation and China’s WTO accession. Linkages were used as a predominant strategy to help the EU to persuade and press the Chinese side firstly accept voluntary export restrictions and then share the burden of allowing the blocked textiles in European ports to be released. In 2006-08, the trade deficit problem emerged, coupled with a series political spats between Europe (France and Germany) and Beijing on the Tibet issue. As the EU-China honeymoon was over, the Commission toughened its approach towards China. Although linkage was again used to redress the trade deficit, its effects were not satisfactory, as the EU power resources were eroded.

Our conclusions are (1) linkage is a crucial modus operandi in the EU’s internal bargain and its external relations with China; (2) Linkage was generally effective vis-à-vis China, but with variations, either over time or across different linkage types; (3) The EU is a sui generis linkage power, resulting from its institutional characteristics and heterogeneity of interests among the Commission and Member States. We find that the EU’s increased institutionalisation (both regional and bilateral) and competences generally facilitated its use of linkage strategies. The EU’s sui generis structure and its internal interest divergences have mixed implications on its linkage effectiveness. On one hand, the EU’s linkage power was weakened accordingly. But on the other, the Commission could tactically make use of some Member State government’s row with Beijing and advance its own economic agenda (such as the EU-China High-level Economic and Trade Dialogue, HED). Moreover, our research also confirmed Andrew Moravcsik’s argument that issue linkage is more easily made within an issue-area than across issue-areas. But we differ from him on the reason behind that. We find that this was largely attributable to the EU’s pillar structure and competence divisions.

The theoretical contributions include: (1) Linkage power provides a distinctive prism to look into the EU’s concrete strategies in internal bargains, and external commercial negotiations. Linkage serves as a crucial strategy for the EU to handle its relations with a far-abroad country like China, including establishing diplomatic relations, negotiating trade deals, forging strategic partnerships and holding high-level dialogue. (2) Giving some insights to the EU’s actorness. We find that the EU, though institutionally not a unitary actor, was somehow able to present its power to the extent like a sovereign state on some occasions using linkage strategies. (3) Contributing to the understanding of the EU’s means to spread its governance model. We find that the EU’s norm-setting goals have often been achieved through non-normative ways – such as interest exchange and trade-off, and other deliberate ways of persuasion and even coercion, mainly based on linkage. (4) Shedding light on the interactions between the Commission and the Member State governments and on the Commission’s autonomy in external trade relations.

Two future directions of research have been identified: (1) comparative studies: the EU’s linkage practices vis-à-vis the US, Russia and middle powers, or other actors’ linkage strategies vis-à-vis China; (2) post-Lisbon linkage strategies used by the EU.


Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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19

Banik, Katja. "L'Union Européenne et la Chine : visions géopolitiques concurrentes d'un monde globalisé." Thesis, Paris 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA030054.

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Sapere Aude: Plus que jamais, l’injonction de l'Âge des Lumières s’applique à notre monde globalisé qui traverse un moment décisif de son histoire. L’internationalisation de la Chine bouleverse les règles du jeu et les enjeux géopolitiques entre la Chine, l’Europe et les États-Unis. En contrepoint des effets positifs de la globalisation, apparaissent désormais des conséquences néfastes : économie illicite et non-transparence des structures financières. Cette opacité mondiale est le vecteur de la montée économique de la Chine et favorise les répercussions géopolitiques – donc non exclusivement économiques – des investissements chinois et permet à la Chine de poursuivre sa stratégie hégémonique. Chine, UE et États-Unis jouent au fond leur va-tout. L'enjeu géopolitique actuel n'est donc pas seulement lié au glissement du pouvoir mondial de l'Ouest vers l'Est et aux scénarii d'un monde G1, G2 ou bien G20, mais bien à la compétition politico-économique croissante que se livrent deux conceptions du monde opposées : démocratie vs pouvoirs autoritaires. Par sa conception l'UE est un acteur géopolitique avant-gardiste et essentiel à la promotion de la vision d'un monde de coopération. L'audace visionnaire des gouvernements européens, le leadership franco-allemand, le dépassement des intérêts nationaux et la création d'une vraie identité européenne (d'après la vision de Jacques Ancel) constituent autant de vecteurs pour construire un monde de coopération seul capable d’ouvrir sur une nouvelle gouvernance globale, elle-même adossée aux valeurs fondamentales de l’UE. Une gouvernance globale dans laquelle la liberté, la démocratie et les Droits de l’Homme représentent des fondements intangibles
Sapere Aude: More than ever the injunction of the Age of Enlightenment applies to our globalised world reaching a crossroads. The internationalisation of China has changed the rules of the geopolitical stakes between China, the European Union and the United States. In addition to the positive effects of the globalisation now appear the harmful consequences of the illicit economy and the non-transparent financial structures. The worldwide opacity is one of the essential vectors of Chinas economic increase and favours not only the economic but the geopolitical repercussions of Chinese investments in the world. Thus China easily pursues its hegemonic strategy. The current geopolitical stake is not only linked to a global shift in powers from West to East or to the world scenarios G1, G2 or G20 but to the increasing political and economic competition between two opposing world scenarios: democracy versus authoritarian regimes. Due to its structure, the EU is an avant-garde and pioneering global actor who is essential in promoting the vision of the world of cooperation. The dare and boldness of the EU leaders, especially those of France and Germany, the surpassing of the national interests and the creation of a profound European identity (according to the vision of Jacques Ancel) are essential vehicles to build a world of cooperation - the unique vision of the new global governance backed by the fundamental values of the EU, a global governance in which freedom, democracy and Human Rights are inviolable values
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20

Alshareef, Salam. "Des contraintes sur l’espace de la politique industrielle dans les accords commerciaux régionaux de type Nord-Sud et Sud-Sud." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017GREAE010/document.

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L’intérêt pour la politique industrielle a fait un retour remarqué dans le contexte post consensus de Washington. Mais ce regain d’intérêt de la littérature survient dans un environnement international qui pose des défis majeurs pour la conduite de politiques industrielles. En effet, le mode dominant d'insertion dans l'économie mondiale au cours des trois dernières décennies a été celui de la libéralisation des comptes courants et de capitaux, réduisant les marges de manœuvre des gouvernements pour le choix et la conduite de politiques industrielles aussi bien de facto que de jure. La thèse procède à une évaluation qualitative et comparative des contraintes sur l’utilisation des instruments de la politique industrielle sur 36 Accords Commerciaux Régionaux de types Nord-Sud et Sud-Sud : 10 accords avec les États-Unis, 12 avec l’Union Européenne, 6 avec la Chine et 8 avec l’Inde. La thèse cartographie les engagements de ces accords qui influent sur les instruments de la politique industrielle dans trois domaines interdépendants : la régulation des investissements étrangers, les règles sur les brevets, et les règles relatives à la normalisation. Les résultats de cette étude établissent que les accords de type Nord-Sud dépassent systématiquement des engagements des accords de l’OMC, donc rétrécissent voire éliminent leurs flexibilités. En conséquence, l'espace de politique industrielle de jure des pays partenaires se rétrécit à un niveau historiquement bas. Alternativement, les modes de régulation de type Sud-Sud préservent, dans une large mesure, les flexibilités de l'OMC comme résultat de (i) l’affirmation explicite de ces flexibilités ; (ii) la non-inclusion des engagements substantiels allant au-delà des accords de l’OMC. Contrairement aux accords des États-Unis et de l’Union Européenne, la possibilité de jure d’utiliser les mesures de la politique industrielle est donc largement préservée dans le cadre des accords avec la Chine et l’Inde en ce qui concerne : (i) les mesures relatives à la régulation des investissements étrangers qui garantissent leur contribution au développement industriel, tout en évitant les risques associés à ce type d'investissement ; (ii) la mise en place d'un système national de brevet facilitant l’accès à et la diffusion des technologies et des connaissances ; (iii) l’utilisation des normes et des règlements techniques comme instruments pour surmonter les problèmes de coordination inefficiente des investissements, ainsi que comme mécanisme de contrôle accompagnant les différents soutiens apportés par l’État à la production locale
Lately, interests in industrial policy have made a remarkable comeback in an international environment that holds serious challenges as the integration into the wold economy that took the form of trade, investment, and financial liberalization, in last three decades, has reduced de facto and de jure industrial policy space.The thesis provides a qualitative and a comparative assessment of constraints on the use of industrial policy instruments in the context of the rising regionalism. It reviews 36 North-South and South-South regional trade agreements: 10 Agreements of the United States, 12 Agreements of European Union, 6 Chinese Agreements and 8 Indian Agreements, all with developing countries. It maps commitments that affect industrial policy instruments in three interrelated areas: foreign investment regulation, patent, and standardization. It compares the agreements’ engagements against WTO obligations and each other.Results show that North-South modes of regulation of investment and trade relations go systematically beyond WTO Agreements commitments, narrowing and eliminating its “flexibilities”. As a result, de jure industrial policy space of partner countries shrinks to a historically low level. In turn, the South-South modes of regulation of trade and investment relations preserve WTO “flexibilities” to a large extent, as result of (i) explicit affirmation of these flexibilities, and (ii) the non-inclusion of substantial commitments going beyond WTO agreements.Contrary to the agreements of the United States and the European Union, the de jure possibility to use industrial policy instruments is substantially preserved under the agreements of China and India with respect to: (i) measures aimed at regulating foreign investments in a manner that permits to trigger its industrial development benefits and to avoid its associated risks, (ii) the design of national patent system in manner that facilitates the access to and diffusion of technologies and knowledge, and (iii) the use of standards and technical regulations as instruments to overcome investment coordination failure, and as tools of control mechanism that should be associated with the State’s distributed rent to local producers
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21

Průšová, Natálie. "Čína v mezinárodním obchodě se zaměřením na ekonomické vztahy s EU." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193852.

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The thesis deals with the issues of economic cooperation between China and the Euroepan Union. Particular emphasis is given to the economic relations which are presented in the results of economic cooperation from 1975 until present. Whereas the mutual relations cannot be almost purely considered as a resultant economic variables, the issue is supplemented by international political questions which are closely related to the issue as well. The observed economic data are used to analyze the strengths and weaknesses of economic relations of China and the European Union and threats and opportunities arising from them.
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22

Tomčová, Ivana. "Stredoázijské ekonomiky v trojuholníku vzťahov Rusko-Čína-EÚ." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197065.

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Central Asia is a region located between Europe and Asia, which gained sovereignty after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. In the first decade of independence all the countries had to deal with many problems within the states and were not interesting areas for foreign partners. But the situation has changed at the beginning of the new century, when the world faced the question of energy security and the thread of terroristic attacks from the neighborhood of Central Asia. Rich natural resources and key location of this region attracted global players as Russia, China or European Union. They started creating cooperation ties in many areas with Central Asian countries. The goal of this thesis is to describe the evolution and analyze the current state of mutual relations. Moreover to analyze weak and strong points of Central Asian economies and characterize problematic and perspective areas of cooperation, from which involved countries can benefit.
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Arnoldová, Barbora. "Role BRICS v koncepcích a realitě vnějších vztahů EU." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-199931.

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The topic of this diploma thesis is the role of BRICS in the conceptions and reality of the external relations of the EU. The goal of this diploma thesis is to analyse the mutual relations of the EU and BRICS, based on a comparison of the workings and factual bases of their relations and to deduce possibilities for further progress in their cooperation. The EU develops relations with BRICS countries mostly on a bilateral level. Since the announcement of their strategic partnerships, cooperation between them has grown rapidly. Because bilateral agreements don't reflect actual needs anymore, there are ongoing negotiations about their new form which should enable further deepening of their cooperation. The first chapter describes the position of BRICS countries in the external relations of the EU, the development of the legal-institutional framework of relations between the EU and individual countries and the objectives for further deepening of cooperation. The second chapter analyses trade, flows of foreign direct investments and other areas influencing the mutual relations between these entities. The third chapter offers possibilities for further development of cooperation between the EU and BRICS countries.
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Weselá, Petra. "Zahraniční politika Evropské unie vůči Číně po roce 2000." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-149956.

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The topic of this final thesis is EU-China relations since 2000. EU and China are both relatively new actors in the international relations. EU and PRC both have certain potential for the future. EU is an organization of 27 member states, which together make the biggest world economy. China is under Chinese Communist Party leadership; it has the biggest world population and large and fast growing economy. Diplomatic relations were established in 1975 and since then, EU and China have been cooperating in political, economic and other areas. Since 2003 there has been a strategic partnership, which now includes more than 50 sectorial dialogues. On the other hand, there are some problems and drawbacks in the bilateral relations: human rights, Tibet, Taiwan, arms embargo and trade disputes. In this thesis it is examined, whether economic cooperation or European values (human rights, democracy and rule of law) are more important in mutual relations.
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Aydin, Hanifi. "Turkey-European Union relations: great expectations." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/7815.

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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited
Since 1963 Turkey has been struggling to join the European Union (EU) . Despite strong Turkish aspirations, it appears unlikely that Turkey will be accepted as an EU member in the near future due to Turkey's shortcomings in its political, economic and social structure. Applications submitted prior to December 1999, were rejected by the EU Commission on the basis of poor democracy, human rights abuses, restrictions on political and cultural rights, a high level of influence of the Turkish military in political affairs, weak economy, and disputes with Greece and the Cyprus problem. The EU has certain criteria for membership: a functioning democracy, respect for rule of law, protection of minority and human rights, functioning market economy and settlement of disputes with other member states prior to accession. Turkey is seeking an immediate EU membership to improve economy and democratization, and take an undisputable place inside the European order and civilization. To this end, Turkey has to adopt the necessary reforms and regulations that will help strengthen democracy, economy and social and cultural rights in Turkey. However, Turkey's present domestic infrastructure does not provide a suitable situation to commence key radical political reforms in the immediate future.
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Buhari, Makbule Didem. "Turkey-European union relations in world polity." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2012. http://digirep.rhul.ac.uk/items/77786ee4-e13b-efb3-4c79-027c62978565/1/.

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By ‘bringing in' the global dimension, this thesis aims to explain the main reasons for Turkey's failure to comply with EU conditionality. Existing studies in the field either look at the hardships in Turkish-EU intergovernmental bargains or at the ‘cultural mismatch' that triggers opposition in the conservative circles of both Turkey and Europe. Such tendencies mislead many students to miss the ‘bigger picture'; in other words, the global legitimation processes underlying Turkey's interactions with the EU. By introducing World Polity theory, an innovative sociological institutionalist theory developed by a Stanford University sociologist, John W. Meyer, since the 1970s, this thesis promises a fuller analysis of the difficult relations between Turkey and the EU through the study of three key sectors where EU-led reforms prove particularly problematic: foreign land ownership, ombudsmanship, and Turkey's Cyprus policy. Benefiting from original interview and survey findings, the thesis demonstrates that the likelihood of EU-led reform depends on the extent to which it is perceived as globally legitimate in the candidate country, Turkey. The main argument is that Turkey-European Union relations should be considered within the context of a wider global cultural environment in which they are deeply embedded and which constitute their agency. This argument is innovative in three ways. First, it adds the global context, which is severely neglected in the prevailing studies on EU-Turkey relations, as a constitutive element to the analysis. Second, it offers new analytical tools to rethink the EU as an ‘organizational carrier' of world models and better explain the domestic motivations behind compliance with EU conditionality. Finally, it contributes to World Polity research that is increasingly criticized for having a top-down approach and lacking in-depth case studies on how world models spread.
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27

Fazlioglu, Akin Zulal. "Cultural Policy in Turkey – European Union Relations." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1502860978590657.

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28

Kelemen, Tas. "Defense planning and NATO-European Union relations." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FKelemen.pdf.

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29

Wong, Nga-ting, and 黃雅婷. "Constructing climate policy : the European Union and China." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/196075.

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Climate change as an impeding catastrophe has prompted heated debates on the sharing of mitigation responsibilities among nation states. How do climate protection norms come about to influence climate policy-making, especially in major greenhouse gases emitters—the European Union and China? This thesis sets out to examine from the economic, strategic and normative perspectives what considerations are underpinning climate policy-making in the world, the EU, and China. A constructivist approach was taken, with a stress on bottom-up normative influence and mutual constitution of the international and local contexts. Building on primary sources from the speech, policy directives and reports by both state and non-state actors and others, analysis was carried out with the assistance of scholarly literature from the field of political economy, international relations and global environmental politic. Energy policy is elucidated to show how climate policy is mainstreamed and how reconciliation is possible among competing considerations. Findings of this thesis indicate that economic competitiveness is the primary consideration factor. While strategic interests often go parallel with economic ones, normative considerations sometimes contradict economic competitiveness in the short-term. It is also found that openness of political system and international status and identity seem to govern the extent of normative influence on climate policy-making. Despite rhetorical commitment, China‘s growth imperative and strong belief in the “common but differentiated responsibilities” present great obstacles to adoption of climate protection norms. In Europe, recession gives rise to a two-fold challenge—to deliver promises of green growth and to prevent erosion of public support for climate actions. Finally, as the thesis strongly recognizes the agency of non-state actors and citizens, it draws a number of implications on how they can influence climate policy-making in Europe and China.
published_or_final_version
Modern Languages and Cultures
Master
Master of Philosophy
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30

Rusingiza, Francis. "China and the European Union Africa : allies or challangers?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-201490.

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31

Becan, Petek. "The Influence Of Orientalism On European Union - Turkey Relations." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609210/index.pdf.

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This thesis analyzes the influence of Orientalism on Turkey&rsquo
s relations with the European Union (EU) since Turkey&rsquo
s application for full membership. EU-Turkey relations are elaborated in the context of how Europe constitutes its relations with Turkey as an oriental &lsquo
other&rsquo
. Thus arguments on the role of the other in identification process, self/other conceptualization and Orientalism as an othering mechanism of the west are presented to provide a theoretical framework. The question of how Turkish-European affairs have developed since the eighteenth century is answered in order to constitute a historical background of EU-Turkey relations, adopt theories of othering and observe construction of Orientalism. Lastly the traces of Orientalism since Turkey&rsquo
s application for membership in 1987 are searched in the official documents of the EU and statements of European statesmen. Religion, culture and civilization are analyzed as differentiating factors in the hegemonic relationship between the west and the Orient, between the EU and Turkey. It will be concluded that Orientalism continues to be an influential factor in EU&rsquo
s enlargement process, specifically in Turkey&rsquo
s accession.
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32

Bratsiotis, Nikos. "Migration into the European Union : an international relations perspective." Thesis, University of Reading, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.405470.

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33

Holiarchuk. "IMPROVING TRADE RELATIONS BETWEEN UKRAINE AND THE EUROPEAN UNION." Thesis, Київ 2018, 2018. http://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/33711.

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34

Morgunenko, R. M., Оксана Робертівна Гладченко, Оксана Робертовна Гладченко, and Oksana Robertivna Hladchenko. "Trade relationship between Ukraine and European union." Thesis, Сумський державний університет, 2013. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/31127.

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This topic has been discussed by many scientists such as V.O. Kopiyka, V.V. Boytsova, T.M. Shynkarenko, V.O. Vakulevych and others. They believe the development of closer relations between Ukraine and the EU only correct Ukraine’s foreign policy course based on economic, political and cultural traditions. When you are citing the document, use the following link http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/31127
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35

Haastrup, Adetoun A. A. "Change and the nation-state in the European Union." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/19025.

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The advent of the European Union has necessitated an adaptation on the part of governments, especially in those areas where the Community's laws supersede the national laws. The process whereby the Union affects the state has been characterised as ' Europeanisation.' This paper examines the adaptation in certain policy areas, not of policy itself, but at changes in the decision-making mechanisms that accompany membership in Union. It focuses on change in foreign policy mechanisms in Britain and Sweden, both unique case studies because of their histories. I argue that changes in foreign policy mechanisms reflect a change in the construct of the state itself given the delicacy of this particular policy area. Because foreign policy making remains within the ambit of respective member states, with the CFSP, the second pillar of the Maastricht treaty, encouraging, at best coordination by states, without imposing supranationality, foreign policy coordination in the European Union is mostly an intergovernmental affair. The changes in decision-making mechanisms however, has jeopardised the accepted notion of sovereignty in EU states as Sweden battles to retain her neutrality identity and Britain struggles to keep its Atlantic alliance intact while being part of Europe. Moreover, although the present changes have not removed foreign policy within the Union from intergovernmental level, that position too is fast changing. It is too early to say that the CFSP or the CESDP will supersede national foreign policy, and possibly, for a long time it would not; however, the new mechanisms in place allow for change in this aspect of the Union. In essence, as national foreign policy mechanisms evolve to accommodate membership, the CFSP too is adapting to the influence of the states and in the final analysis has the most potential to shape the future of the Union.
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36

Kapyata, Dennis. "China-African Union relations : 2001 to the present." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/738.

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The increasing engagement of China in Africa after the cold war has steered debates concerning the growing complexion of this relationship. However, the emphasis of assessment has mainly been narrowed to the bilateral relationship between China and African countries. Insufficient consideration has been focused to the increasing relationship concerning China and African Union which is the continental Regional Organization of African states. This study explores the nature and impact of China-African Union relationship and its consequences to the African Union member states generally. The study examines the significance of this relationship and demonstrates how both China and African Union are using this relationship to fulfill their objectives and the ultimate effect to the African Union member states that have bilateral relations with China. By using qualitative design and the lens of constructivism this study has tested the extent of the application of China's objectives under the China African policy and the African Union objectives under the Constitutive Act and Agenda 2063 by analyzing the extent the parties are using this relationship to enhance the fulfillment of their objectives, by testing the study on the objectives of infrastructure development, peace and security, health, and capacity development as the research variables. This study shows the extent at which the parties' relations has led to the achievement of these objectives thus demonstrating the importance of the relationship between China and African Union. This relationship has enhanced peace and security preservation of the African continent, facilitated the development of African Union Centre for Disease Control and Prevention to boost the health objective on the continent, as well as aggrandized skill development through capacity development initiatives on the continent. China has also supported, consistently praised and acknowledged the role of the AU in solving African problems as well as constructing for it the biggest office block hence giving the continental organization a new face. Nevertheless, the study shows that China is using this relationship to project itself as a more active external partner for the AU and the African continent compared to the rest. Similarly, China is trying to use this relationship with the AU to socialize the AU member states towards its own priorities, and the relationship is positioning China to initiate, maintain and increase its Soft power interests on the African continent as well as advance its norms. Equally, China is carefully using its relationship with the AU to promote its geostrategic and political interests on the African continent for instance through its recent establishment of the Chinese military base in Djibouti. The study also highlights how Chinese Africa relations is not only based on interest of exploiting African resources entirely as described by previous authors, but there is also commitment towards increasing its engagement with the African Union basing on each other's policies and priorities in order to fulfill their objectives
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37

Mazlum, Burcu. "The European Neighbourhood Policy:an Effective Foreign Policy Tool For The European Union?" Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12608645/index.pdf.

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This thesis assesses whether the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) could evolve as an effective foreign policy tool of the EU. It aims to analyze the ENP&rsquo
s impact on the EU foreign policy in general and the Union&rsquo
s transformative capacity over its neighbours in particular. To this purpose, the thesis initially explores the underlying motives behind the origins and emergence of the ENP and further elaborates its policy framework and its phase of implementation so far. The thesis then identifies the limits of the ENP, namely the internal and external constraints of the policy and on the basis of these shortcomings, discusses the overall impact of the ENP on the EU foreign policy. More specifically, the thesis focuses on the ENP&rsquo
s impact analysis for the EU&rsquo
s transformative capacity in its direct neighbourhood. Finally, the thesis assesses the main reasons of why it seems unlikely that the ENP could not evolve as a fully-fledged foreign policy tool for the Union and highlights the need for a major reform or re-adjustment of the policy.
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38

Shen, Yan Jia. "Understanding why China increases investment in European Union energy sector." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3953581.

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39

Reinhardt, Markus. "Civil-military relations in the European Union and "Innere Fuehrung"." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FReinhardt.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald ; Rogalski, Dirk (German Air Force, Visiting Lecturer). "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Civil-military relations, European Union, Innere Fuehrung, European Security and Defense Policy, ESDP, Common Security and Defense Policy, CSDP, citizen in uniform, EU Military Integration. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-69). Also available in print.
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40

Abe, Atsuko. "Japan and the European Union : domestic politics and transnational relations /." London [u.a.] : Athlone Press, 1999. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/303336153.pdf.

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41

Mencik, von Zebinsky A. A. (Aloïs Alexandre). "European Union external competence and external relations in air transport." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22700.

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The thesis includes, in Section I, an analysis of the European Union's internal and external competence in air transport and in matters including air transport within their scope, the nature of such competence and the procedures for conducting external relations. The thesis includes also a description of the progress in European Community competence in air transport, a new classification of the Community's secondary legislative measures in air transport in view of their external effect and the main obstacles to the acquisition by the European Union of external competence in air transport. Section II of the thesis includes an analysis of the use the European Union has made of its external competence in air transport in the areas of external relations with non-Member States and international organizations and of the various problems bearing upon such relations as well as the prospects for the future
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42

Vaillancourt, Luc Jena Joseph. "The development of relations between Russia and the European Union." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1349617/.

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Russians overwhelmingly see themselves as part of Europe, yet appreciate their Asian connection; there is a continuation of the 'Great Debate' between Westernizers and Slavophiles. Decades of official acrimony towards the EC were followed by acceptance of West European integration, if it did not involve Russia's isolation. After a period of rapprochement with Europe, a feeling of betrayal has recently grown in Russia. Nevertheless, the trend is for ever closer links with the West. From the EU's perspective, Member States' conflicting views on the New Europe hinder a united approach to solutions. The EU has gained a very strong position with the collapse of the CMEA. The EU-Russia Partnership Agreement shows that vested interests of EU producers often prevail, yet useful structures for political dialogue were nonetheless created, and the prospect of a common free trade area is momentous. The need for a new security structure is unlikely to be satisfied by NATO's Partnership for Peace, but the EU has failed to lead European calls for a WEU or CSCE-based security framework. The inheritance of the command economy has damaged foreign trade and investment conditions. Despite the transformation of the economy, much needs to be done to improve investment conditions for foreigners as well as for potential exporters - fiscal, export and property legislation must become workable, and the need to make a profit must be respected. Nonetheless, foreign investment projects are growing fast. The energy and aeronautics industries are used as case studies of the new possibilities for foreign investors and Russian exporters. Having long been aimed at restricting Russian economic growth, statecraft has become an instrument of growth. The EU's assistance is particularly beneficial as it is non-reimbursable and aims at long-term change through training, yet TACIS could be improved by better management, smaller projects and lower wages. Overall, Western investment in Russian stability should increase.
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43

Stewart, Emma J. "The evolution of European Union conflict prevention policy." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2005. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/7751.

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This thesis focuses on a particular aspect of the international role of the European Union (EU), examining the evolution of EU conflict prevention policy in the post- Cold War period. In recent years the EU has extended its range of external relations policies, and conflict prevention has emerged as a prominent objective on the agenda, particularly as the Union faced political and economic instability on its borders. After introducing conflict prevention and analysing the EU's external relations and the post- Cold War security context, the thesis examines the EU's institutional set-up for conflict prevention. The incremental development and institutional structure of the EU renders the formulation and implementation of conflict prevention by the EU a particular challenge. The thesis then proceeds to an investigation of EU cooperation and conflict prevention policy coordination with the security organisations identified as the EU's key partners: the United Nations (UN), the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). While post-Cold War conflict prevention requires a multilateral approach, the proliferation of European security organisations and the increasing overlap in their objectives makes policy coordination between the EU and other organisations particularly important. It is concluded that the EU faces fundamental internal coordination problems and institutional divisions in its elaboration of conflict prevention policy. Conflict prevention is underdeveloped by the EU and is in danger of being marginalised in favour of shorter-term crisis management. Furthermore, internal coordination problems have a detrimental impact on the organisation's ability to cooperate externally with other security organisations. EU external priorities in conflict prevention focus on cooperation in crisis management with the UN and NATO, and fail to capitalise on the advantages of cooperation with the OSCE. The failure of the EU to fully adopt conflict prevention as an external relations priority and to coordinate its activities with other organisations could have implications for future stability in, and on the borders of, the EU.
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44

Stahl, L. "Capital 2.0 : capital formation and legal risk in a new global economic order from fiat to exit : including case studies of the proposed transatlantic trade and investment partnership between the United States and the European Union and the financing relation between the United States and the People's Republic of China." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2016. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/9ywzx/capital-2-0-capital-formation-and-legal-risk-in-a-new-global-economic-order-from-fiat-to-exit-including-case-studies-of-the-proposed-transatlantic-trade-and-investment-partnership-between-the-united.

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Following the intrinsically linked balance sheets in his Capital Formation Life Cycle, Lukas M. Stahl explains with his Triple A Model of Accounting, Allocation and Accountability the stages of the Capital Formation process from FIAT to EXIT. Based on the theoretical foundations of legal risk laid by the International Bar Association with the help of Roger McCormick and legal scholars such as Joanna Benjamin, Matthew Whalley and Tobias Mahler, and founded on the basis of Wesley Hohfeld’s category theory of jural relations, Stahl develops his mutually exclusive Four Determinants of Legal Risk of Law, Lack of Right, Liability and Limitation. Those Four Determinants of Legal Risk allow us to apply, assess, and precisely describe the respective legal risk at all stages of the Capital Formation Life Cycle as demonstrated in case studies of nine industry verticals of the proposed and currently negotiated Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership between the United States of America and the European Union, TTIP, as well as in the case of the often cited financing relation between the United States and the People’s Republic of China. Having established the Four Determinants of Legal Risk and its application to the Capital Formation Life Cycle, Stahl then explores the theoretical foundations of capital formation, their historical basis in classical and neo-classical economics and its forefathers such as The Austrians around Eugen von Boehm-Bawerk, Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich von Hayek and most notably and controversial, Karl Marx, and their impact on today’s exponential expansion of capital formation. Starting off with the first pillar of his Triple A Model, Accounting, Stahl then moves on to explain the Three Factors of Capital Formation, Man, Machines and Money and shows how “value-added” is created with respect to the non-monetary capital factors of human resources and industrial production. Followed by a detailed analysis discussing the roles of the Three Actors of Monetary Capital Formation, Central Banks, Commercial Banks and Citizens Stahl readily dismisses a number of myths regarding the creation of money providing in-depth insight into the workings of monetary policy makers, their institutions and ultimate beneficiaries, the corporate and consumer citizens. In his second pillar, Allocation, Stahl continues his analysis of the balance sheets of the Capital Formation Life Cycle by discussing the role of The Five Key Accounts of Monetary Capital Formation, the Sovereign, Financial, Corporate, Private and International account of Monetary Capital Formation and the associated legal risks in the allocation of capital pursuant to his Four Determinants of Legal Risk. In his third pillar, Accountability, Stahl discusses the ever recurring Crisis-Reaction-Acceleration-Sequence-History, in short: CRASH, since the beginning of the millennium starting with the dot-com crash at the turn of the millennium, followed seven years later by the financial crisis of 2008 and the dislocations in the global economy we are facing another seven years later today in 2015 with several sordid debt restructurings under way and hundred thousands of refugees on the way caused by war and increasing inequality. Together with the regulatory reactions they have caused in the form of so-called landmark legislation such as the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, the Dodd-Frank Act of 2010, the JOBS Act of 2012 or the introduction of the Basel Accords, Basel II in 2004 and III in 2010, the European Financial Stability Facility of 2010, the European Stability Mechanism of 2012 and the European Banking Union of 2013, Stahl analyses the acceleration in size and scope of crises that appears to find often seemingly helpless bureaucratic responses, the inherent legal risks and the complete lack of accountability on part of those responsible. Stahl argues that the order of the day requires to address the root cause of the problems in the form of two fundamental design defects of our Global Economic Order, namely our monetary and judicial order. Inspired by a 1933 plan of nine University of Chicago economists abolishing the fractional reserve system, he proposes the introduction of Sovereign Money as a prerequisite to void misallocations by way of judicial order in the course of domestic and transnational insolvency proceedings including the restructuring of sovereign debt throughout the entire monetary system back to its origin without causing domino effects of banking collapses and failed financial institutions. In recognizing Austrian-American economist Schumpeter’s Concept of Creative Destruction, as a process of industrial mutation that incessantly revolutionizes the economic structure from within, incessantly destroying the old one, incessantly creating a new one, Stahl responds to Schumpeter’s economic chemotherapy with his Concept of Equitable Default mimicking an immunotherapy that strengthens the corpus economicus own immune system by providing for the judicial authority to terminate precisely those misallocations that have proven malignant causing default perusing the century old common law concept of equity that allows for the equitable reformation, rescission or restitution of contract by way of judicial order. Following a review of the proposed mechanisms of transnational dispute resolution and current court systems with transnational jurisdiction, Stahl advocates as a first step in order to complete the Capital Formation Life Cycle from FIAT, the creation of money by way of credit, to EXIT, the termination of money by way of judicial order, the institution of a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Court constituted by a panel of judges from the U.S. Court of International Trade and the European Court of Justice by following the model of the EFTA Court of the European Free Trade Association. Since the first time his proposal has been made public in June of 2014 after being discussed in academic circles since 2011, his or similar proposals have found numerous public supporters. Most notably, the former Vice President of the European Parliament, David Martin, has tabled an amendment in June 2015 in the course of the negotiations on TTIP calling for an independent judicial body and the Member of the European Commission, Cecilia Malmström, has presented her proposal of an International Investment Court on September 16, 2015. Stahl concludes, that for the first time in the history of our generation it appears that there is a real opportunity for reform of our Global Economic Order by curing the two fundamental design defects of our monetary order and judicial order with the abolition of the fractional reserve system and the introduction of Sovereign Money and the institution of a democratically elected Transatlantic Trade and Investment Court that commensurate with its jurisdiction extending to cases concerning the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership may complete the Capital Formation Life Cycle resolving cases of default with the transnational judicial authority for terminal resolution of misallocations in a New Global Economic Order without the ensuing dangers of systemic collapse from FIAT to EXIT.
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45

Şerban, Ileana. "The European Union and Latin America : normative encounters." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/111210/.

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The current doctoral research looks at how norm entrepreneur and norm interpreter interact, highlighting the limitations of previous research in recognising the agency of the norm interpreter and the complex interactions between the two actors. Normative encounters is coined as a central concept for understanding how the EU as norm entrepreneur creates normative dialogues with its interlocutors, in this case Latin American regional organisations. Two dynamics are proposed to show how normative encounters happen or are prevented from doing so. On one side, an analysis is made of cases in which the norm entrepreneur attempts to diffuse its norms to the norm interpreter that localises the norms which are then incorporated (or not) in concrete policies through policy entrepreneurship. On the other side, an equally important dynamic starts with the norm interpreter that creates new norms though norm subsidiarity, diffuses this new normative content and creates a need for the initial norm entrepreneur to adapt its normative approach and to make it visible to the norm interpreter through concrete policies. By using concepts from both International Relations and public policy studies, the thesis questions and updates the way of looking at the European Union as a normative actor. It also explores the link between norms and policies by analysing the European Union cooperation for development strategies and programmes, as well as the negotiation of Association Agreements with three regional groups in Latin America: Central America, Mercosur and the Andean Community. Thus, the study opens a space of analysis in which norm entrepreneurship is part of both the EU desire to diffuse its norms and of its need to adapt to a new international context. In this way, norm entrepreneurship becomes also a reaction to norm subsidiarity and makes it imperative for the European Union to use new norms if it is to keep its normative identity. We are witnessing a shift from a world in which the EU diffuses norms to other actors and regions, to a world in which the EU norms are perceived, interpreted and sometimes challenged, sometimes rejected and replaced by new ones.
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46

Melis, Demetrios George. "The executive role of the European Commission in the external relations of the European Union." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323863.

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47

Zheng, Wei. "The role of the European Union in combating AIDS in China." Thesis, University of Macau, 2006. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1951107.

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48

Coutinho, Ana Luísa Paulino. "The competitiveness of the China and India in the European Union." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/5009.

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Master in International Economics and European Studies
This paper aims to examine the Competitiveness of China and India in the European Union based on the international trade values, during the time period 2001- 2009. It firstly reflects about the ambiguous definition of Competitiveness as well as the diversity of methods that exist to measure this concept. Subsequently, the following work seeks to analyse the exports growth of China and India in particular to the European market. Therefore, some methodologies were used in this paper: the Revealed Comparative Advantage analysis, which seeks to capture the products where China and India present Comparative advantage at world’s level; the Constant Market Share analysis, which pretends to verify if the Competitiveness explain the export growth to the European market; and the analysis based on the combination of the Trade Complementarity Index with the Geographical Orientation Index, which permits to identity the products where there is room, for China and India, to expand their exports to the European Union, under certain circumstances. The empirical analysis suggests that China’s and India’s exports are competitive in products identified by the three methodologies, having in many of them capacity to increase their exports to the European market. However, there still persist high levels of trade protection applied by the European Union, which can explain why China’s and India’s exports have not yet take advantage of their full potential.
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49

Zhong, Zhun. "Ideational Divergences between European Union and China: Cases of International Interventions." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/221693.

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The dissertation attempts to explain the EU and China’s interventions or non-interventions in humanitarian crises. The research is motivated by the high-profile debate on humanitarian intervention in international fora, and the concepts of normative power and norms contestation. The main research question here is to what extent their professed principles and norms, for instance, Responsibility to Protect vis-à-vis Non-Interference in domestic affairs, have affected the policy-makings of the EU and China. After the reviews of the two international actors’ positions, principles, and policy-making processes on crisis intervention, the dissertation traces two empirical cases, the Darfur and Libyan crises. The research findings reveal that the ideational factors have permissive, regulative, and incentive effects on the EU and China’s policy-makings on crisis intervention. In return, the empirical study provides new reflections on the normative powers, as well as the EU and China’s global roles.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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50

Ongur, Hakan Ovunc. "An Analysis Of The Minorities Issue In Turkey-european Union Relations." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607346/index.pdf.

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The aim of this thesis is to analyze the minorities issue within the Turkey-European Union relations. In the study, international, European and Turkish perspectives in minority understanding will be explored, respectively. The main argument will read: &ldquo
Minorities issue is a highly politicized matter upon which neither legal nor academic standards are reached commonly in international, European or Turkish perspectives
thus, it must not constitute one of the focal points in Turkey-EU relations&rdquo
. The analyses of historical development, legal background, political influence as well as a conceptual analysis will be followed for all three perspectives. A textual and descriptive research method will be employed throughout the thesis. The conclusion will be drawn with regards to the controversial position of the minorities issue, overall, and specifically for the membership negotiations between Turkey and European Union. This road of approach would contribute to the perception of those reluctant to the political intervention of the European Union towards candidate states, as well as would help locate Turkey&rsquo
s future position regarding Protection of Minorities and minority rights.
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