Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'China pakistan'

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia, Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Miller, Alice Lyman ; Khan, Feroz. "September 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on November 03, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 53- 58). Also available in print.

In the last decade or so the climate of doing business changed dramatically, coming up with many new dimensions of the business. A few of them are service dominant logic, corporate social responsibility and corporate governance. The notion of a „business case‟ for corporate sustainability has increasingly been used by the corporate sector, environmental organizations, consultancies and by many others to seek justification for sustainability strategies within organizations.These concepts if not complete but must have major impact on all business decisions now a days. No business can survive longer by disintegrating itself from these practices. So it has become the need of the hour to understand these terms and incorporate them in business social culture, to be part of responsible corporate citizenship in today‟s business world.Moreover, the paper will try to study the level of CSR activities according to CSR pyramid in terms of economical, legal, social and philanthropic aspects and these will be analyzed with gathered data about companies under review. The research work undertaken will focus on CSR and CG practices prevailing in telecom sector of Pakistan especially taking Zong as our case study basis and Telenor for its comparison. The research will see the internal service dimensions and will analyze if the business is based on five principles of value based service business. The paper is qualitative in its nature, relying on the data obtained through interviews regarding the companies under discussion.

The problem driving this research stems from the lack of a systematic and theoretically, informed framework to identify the dynamics of Pakistan is strengthening alignment with China. Pakistan developed close defence and strategic ties with China during the Cold War period as both states balanced against a common adversary i.e. India. However, Pakistan has attempted to bolster and expand its' links with China in the aftermath of U.S. military presence in Afghanistan due to a host of regional and global developments that widened the cracks and increased the mistrust that has existed between Pakistan and U.S. This study hypothesises that Pakistan has maintained a policy of alignment with China prior to 2005 however; from 2005 onwards, Pakistan has attempted to diversify its scope of relations with China as in response to external changes and circumstances in the geopolitical and geo-economic sphere. Therefore, the objective of this research is to analyse why Pakistan has attempted to strengthen its' alignment towards China from 2005 onwards. The existing literature on the subject is outdated, rigorously descriptive and is void of conceptual connections. To address these gaps; this research adopts a theoretical framework of analysis that is informed by neoclassical realist theory of foreign policy analysis to help analyse Pakistan's China policy. This framework offers a two-level analysis of Pakistan's behaviour. The independent variable is the set of system-level drivers such as international power relations, external threat perceptions and international economic interdependencies. The intervening variable, which affects the way Pakistan's decision-makers perceive the system-level developments, is the strategic culture at the unit level. This study suggests that the principle driver of Pakistan's accelerated alignment policy towards China during this period is Pakistan's perceptions of international systemic/structure drivers, which are; the external developments that have occurred in its region. In addition, how Pakistan perceives those external developments is determined by its' strategic culture; which an intervening role. The strategic culture, the author argues, is dominated by Pakistan's distrust of India and, it narrowly confines the idea of Pakistan's national interest to military security whilst neglecting the economic aspect of it. The thesis finds that Pakistan has actively tried to cultivate a broader and robust relationship with China to limit its' dependency on U.S. for strategic, economic and diplomatic support. Pakistan has become increasingly sceptic of the U.S. for its carrots-and-stick approach towards Pakistan. Whereas China has enabled Pakistan to continue in its' revisionist agendas which to some extent are tolerable for China. It finds that growth in China's economic and military power has provided Pakistan with an alternate patron from whom it can procure weapons, conventional and non-conventional and it can seek financial support. This study also finds that although there is evidence of a deeper relationship beyond the traditional security-centric one, however; it is developing into more of a client-patron relationship, given, that Pakistan is increasingly becoming a country highly indebted to China.

Apart from the introduction (Chapter 1) and conclusion (Chapter 7), this thesis comprises five chapters organized into two parts: Part I studies promotion incentives in the public sector, and focuses on the case of teachers in rural China. All teachers in China compete with their colleagues for rank promotions. I aim to answer two questions: first, whether the promotion system for teachers in China elicits effort from teachers, and second, how the design features of the promotion system affect effort incentives. Part I includes four chapters. Chapter 2 introduces the topic and provides a background on promotions for teachers in China. It also discusses related work in this area, and introduces the data that will be used in Part I. Chapter 3 presents and tests a theoretical model of promotions as an incentive device. The model treats all teachers as identical in terms of their ability, and as such, focuses on average levels of teacher effort. It predicts that effort is exerted in response to potential promotions. In addition, the model also predicts that average effort incentives are higher in promotion contests in which the wage gap is higher, the promotion rate is closer to one half, the number of teachers competing for a promotion is higher (for promotion rates between 1/3 and 2/3), and the average age of teachers in the contest is lower, or the proportion of female teachers is lower. The model is used to derive an estimating equation by which to test predictions on average levels of teacher effort. An equation is estimated for the probability of promotion as a function of teacher effort, which is proxied by the teachers' annual performance evaluation scores. There is simultaneity present as effort increases the probability of promotion, but it is also the promise of promotion that motivates effort. As a result, effort is instrumented using wage changes, which are both informative (higher wage gaps are associated with higher effort) and valid (wages only affect promotions through effort). The second stage of the regression demonstrates that effort is indeed exerted by teachers in order to win promotions. The first stage confirms the predictions of the model with regards to wage gaps, the promotion rate, and the size and composition of the pool of competitors. Chapter 4 extends the model of Chapter 3 in two ways: teachers are now treated as heterogeneous in ability, and a multi-period model of teacher effort over time is also added. This chapter focuses on individual levels of teacher effort, and on how the parameters of the promotion system interact with teacher characteristics to affect teacher effort. The predictions include that teachers in the extremes of the skill distribution will have lower incentives, and as the contest size increases these teachers will have effort incentives that are lower still, that teachers who are five or more years from promotion eligibility will have zero effort, as will teachers in the highest rank, that teacher effort will increase in the five years leading up to promotion eligibility, and that teacher effort will decrease after a teacher is eligible for promotion but has been passed over several times. An effort equation is estimated that captures all of these components, and the predictions are largely affirmed by the data. Tests are conducted in order to alleviate concerns about selection, as well as measurement error in the performance evaluation scores. Chapter 5 concludes Part I. Part II of this thesis looks at teacher labour markets, social distance, and learning outcomes in Punjab, Pakistan. Chapter 6 explores the link between the distribution of teachers in the labour market, caste differences between teachers and students, and child learning outcomes. Using rich longitudinal data from Pakistan that allows me to convincingly identify the causal effects of caste on learning outcomes, I show how the distribution of teachers across public schools induces particular matches of high and low caste teachers and students, and that these matches are highly predictive of test score outcomes. Specifically, low caste male children perform significantly better when taught by high caste teachers than when they are taught by low caste teachers. Several possible channels are explored, including discrimination in the classroom, role model effects, teacher quality, patronage, peer effects, and returns to education. Although the channel cannot be proven, the data points to high caste teachers being able to raise the already high returns to education for low caste children because they are able to assist these children in getting educational benefits and employment later on using their patronage networks. Low caste children therefore work harder to impress high caste teachers, and this results in higher learning outcomes.

The objective of this thesis is to provide the reader with an overview of the most important factors that have influenced the development of the India-China relations. The oldest period of mutual interaction is treated, as well as the most important Sino-Indian disputes and their impact on mutual relations. Attention is also drawn to the contemporary development in the Sino-Indian relations, marked by both lingering problems and attempts at cooperation.

Abstract This thesis investigated the national culture of the construction labourers in a migrant country and empirically found the impact of cultural behavior on the performance of construction projects and labourers while practicing the decent work indicators. The study culminates by helping to form a migration policy by both the sending and the receiving countries of migrants that would economically and socially benefit both the migrant labourer and his family at the individual level. This thesis therefore helps by adding to the theoretical knowledge and also in the successful completion of projects and successful temporary migration. The research involved multi-research methods, starting with the narratives of the construction labourers. The research methodology was further augmented through a case study approach with the participant observation method. The data were coded according to grounded theory into national cultural dimensions. Re-confirmation and cross-checking interviews were also conducted to confirm the correctness of the coding. The qualitative data collected were quantified to give meaning to the data collection through triangulation in data analysis. After introducing national cultures in the construction projects of the UAE, the national culture of the construction labourers within Geert Hofstede’s framework was identified, while observing the decent work practices indicators. This was achieved through narratives, observations and semi-structured interviews. The thesis investigates decent work practices indicators specific to the culture of migrant construction labourers from Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Chinese labourers in the UAE. The thesis reveals that the national culture of the migrant construction labourers in the UAE is not the same as that identified by Hofstede some four decades ago. Indian construction labourers revealed high Uncertainty Avoidance Index (UAI), Pakistani labourers showed high Masculinity (MAS), Bangladeshi labourers revealed low Long Term Orientation (LTO) and Individualism (IND) and Chinese construction labourers showed high IND and LTO. The study suggests that the management of cultural differences could help the successful completion of projects, which could be beneficial for both the migrant sending country and the host country and also for the individual migrant and his family. The study further investigated the difference in decent work practices in the UAE and the national culture (as seen in cultural behavior) of the migrant construction labourers in the UAE. Studying this difference in practice and learning about the cultural behavior of the construction labourers has economic and social implications for construction labourers, migrant receiving and sending countries
Tiivistelmä Tässä väitöskirjassa tutkittiin toiseen maahan muuttaneiden rakennustyöntekijöiden kansallista kulttuuria ja todettiin empiirisiä tutkimusmenetelmiä käyttäen, kuinka kulttuurinen käyttäytyminen vaikuttaa rakennushankkeiden toteuttamiseen ja työntekijöiden työsuoritukseen, kun sovelletaan ihmisarvoisen työn indikaattoreita. Maahanmuuttajien lähtö- ja tulomaa voivat käyttää tämän tutkimuksen tuloksia apuna laatiessaan maahanmuuttopolitiikkaa, joka hyödyttäisi taloudellisesti ja yhteiskunnallisesti siirtotyöläistä ja tämän perhettä. Tämä väitöskirja auttaa toisin sanoen lisäämään teoreettista tietämystä ja sujuvaa tilapäistä maahanmuuttoa sekä saattamaan hankkeet onnistuneesti päätökseen. Tutkimuksessa käytettiin useita eri tutkimusmenetelmiä, ja lähtökohtana olivat rakennustyöntekijöiden omat kertomukset. Tutkimusmetodologiaa täydennettiin lisäksi tapaustutkimuksella käyttäen osallistuvan havainnoinnin menetelmää. Tutkimustiedot koodattiin käyttäen grounded theory -lähestymistavan mukaisia kansallisten kulttuurien ulottuvuuksia. Haastatteluille tehtiin lisäksi ristiintarkistus ja ne vahvistettiin uudelleen, jotta voitiin varmistua koodauksen paikkansapitävyydestä. Kerätty kvalitatiivinen aineisto ilmaistiin määrällisenä, jotta kerättyjä tietoja voitiin analysoida triangulaation avulla. Tutkimuksessa esiteltiin aluksi, miten kansalliset kulttuurit liittyvät Yhdistyneiden arabiemiirikuntien rakennushankkeisiin, minkä jälkeen määritettiin rakennustyöntekijöiden kansallinen kulttuuri käyttäen Geert Hofsteden teoriaa ja noudattaen ihmisarvoisen työn käytäntöjä koskevia indikaattoreita. Apuna käytettiin kertomuksia, havaintoja ja puolistrukturoituja haastatteluja. Väitöskirjassa tutkittiin rakennustyöntekijöitä, jotka olivat muuttaneet Yhdistyneisiin arabiemiirikuntiin Intiasta, Pakistanista, Bangladeshista ja Kiinasta. Tutkimuksessa todettiin, että ihmisarvoisen työn käytäntöjä koskevat indikaattorit ovat kytköksissä työntekijöiden omaan kulttuuriin. Väitöskirja paljastaa lisäksi, että Yhdistyneisiin arabiemiirikuntiin muuttaneiden rakennustyöntekijöiden kansallinen kulttuuri ei vastaa Hofsteden neljä vuosikymmentä sitten määrittämää kansallista kulttuuria. Intialaisilla rakennustyöntekijöillä havaittiin voimakasta epävarmuuden välttämistä, pakistanilaisilla työntekijöillä voimakasta maskuliinisuutta, bangladeshilaisilla työntekijöillä vähäistä pitkän tähtäimen orientaatiota ja individualismia ja kiinalaisilla rakennustyöntekijöillä puolestaan havaittiin voimakasta individualismia ja pitkän tähtäimen orientaatiota. Tutkimus osoittaa, että kulttuurieroja hallitsemalla voitaisiin edesauttaa hankkeiden viemistä onnistuneesti päätökseen, mikä puolestaan hyödyttäisi maahanmuuttajien lähtömaata ja isäntämaata sekä itse maahanmuuttajia ja heidän perheitään. Tutkimuksessa tutkittiin lisäksi, miten ihmisarvoisen työn käytännöt eroavat Yhdistyneissä arabiemiirikunnissa ja maahan muuttaneiden rakennustyöntekijöiden kansallisessa kulttuurissa (mikä puolestaan ilmenee kulttuurisessa käyttäytymisessä). Tämän eroavaisuuden ja rakennustyöntekijöiden kulttuurisen käyttäytymisen tutkimisella on taloudellisia ja yhteiskunnallisia vaikutuksia rakennustyöntekijöihin sekä maahanmuuttajien lähtö- ja tulomaihin

La nécessité de recherche sur le triangle diplomatique sino-pakistanaise-américaine se fait sentir comme le sujet n'a jamais été étudié systématiquement avant. La relation triangulaire est importante pour de multiples raisons. Tout d'abord, la zone d'influence et la pertinence du Pakistan est dans une sphère géopolitique actif où la compétition pour le statut de puissance pour l'avenir se joue vigoureusement. Deuxièmement, la Chine et les Etats-Unis sont profondément impliqués avec le Pakistan et avec les régions limitrophes du Pakistan. Troisièmement, ce triangle stratégique comprend au moins trois régions géopolitiques saillants, à savoir l'Asie du Sud, l'Asie centrale et le Moyen-Orient, tirant ainsi, par la portée de cette étude, la politique étrangère et les questions internes de ces pays importants comme l'Inde, l'Arabie Saoudite , l'Iran et l'Afghanistan. Enfin, la politique étrangère de Pakistanais implique les préoccupations et les intérêts des Américains et les Chinois. Islamabad possède la réserve géopolitique d'influencer le rôle et la place de Washington et Pékin dans les régions stratégiques de l'Asie du Sud, l'Asie centrale et le Moyen-Orient
The need for research on the Sino-Pakistani-American diplomatic triangle is felt as the subject was never systematically researched before. The triangular relation is important for a multitude of reasons. Firstly, the region of influence and relevance of Pakistan is in an active geopolitical sphere where the contest for power status for the future is being vigorously played out. Secondly, China and the US are deeply involved with Pakistan and with the regions surrounding Pakistan. Thirdly, this strategic triangle encompasses at least three salient geopolitical regions, namely South Asia, Central Asia and the Middle East, thus pulling in, for the purview of this study, foreign policies and or internal matters of such important countries as India, Saudi Arabia, Iran and Afghanistan. Fourthly, the foreign policy decision-making by the Pakistanis involves the concerns and interests of both the Americans and the Chinese. Islamabad has the geopolitical reserve to influence the role and place of Washington and Beijing in the strategic regions of South Asia, Central Asia and the Middle East

Research on acculturation has been evolving over the past few decades; however, with very limited research focusing on the acculturation experiences of South Asians in the Hong Kong context, this study helps to fill the research gap by examining the acculturation experiences and adaptation of Pakistani and Nepalese adults in Hong Kong. The dearth of information on the acculturation process of South Asians prevents us from fully comprehending the factors that facilitate or impede their adaptation. By incorporating Berry’s acculturation research and Ward and colleagues’ work on adaptation as the theoretical framework, this study investigated important psychosocial constructs such as the impact of acculturation orientation, perceived discrimination, acculturation stress and social support on psychological and sociocultural adaptation. This study adopts both quantitative and qualitative approaches. Using a cross-sectional research design in the first part of the study, data was collected by means of convenience sampling from a total of 402 Pakistani and Nepalese first-generation adults. Two focus groups were then established after preliminary analyses of the quantitative results, providing more in-depth understanding and context-specific explanation in interpreting relationships among variables. Moreover, the focus groups also provided the opportunity for study participants to augment and supplement the quantitative data. Quantitative data were analyzed with a series of analysis of variance and hierarchical regression analysis. The results of this study highlighted the levels of complexity apparent in the dynamic process of acculturation among Pakistani and Nepalese immigrants in Hong Kong. For the Nepalese, factors such as integration strategy, higher level of orientation towards the host and heritage culture, as well as perceived social support, were significant predictors for life satisfaction. Acculturation orientation to the heritage culture, the separation strategy, and acculturative stress were significantly associated with psychological distress. On the other hand, sociocultural adaptation was more predicted by the acculturation orientation to the host culture and the heritage culture, the integration strategy, acculturative stress and perceived discrimination. Marginalization strategy was associated with lower life satisfaction, higher psychological distress and more difficulties in sociocultural adaptation. For Pakistanis, gender and perceived social support were indicative of life satisfaction, whereas perceived discrimination and acculturative stress emerged as significant predictors of psychological distress. Sociocultural adaptation was more strongly predicted by education level, proficiency of the host language, the integration strategy, perceived discrimination and acculturative stress. The marginalization strategy showed significant negative effects on sociocultural adaptation. Acculturative stress and perceived discrimination both had direct and indirect effect on adaptation outcomes that were partially mediated by perceived social support. This observation highlights the important role that social support plays in both acculturation and adaptation processes. Additionally, the focus group data analyses revealed that education for their children is an important area of concerns among the study participants. With the findings of this study, implications for practice and policy for South Asians are also presented. The methodological and research limitations and the directions for future research are discussed.
published_or_final_version
Social Work and Social Administration
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy

碩士
淡江大學
中國大陸研究所碩士在職專班
106
Pakistan has an important strategic significance to China, and also occupies a special position in China''s diplomacy. After establishing diplomatic relations in 1951, the Sino-Pakistan relations have experienced 66 years of changes, in order to response to the international political situation. So far,China and Pakistan have set up an all-weather strategic partnership of cooperation even though their political system, social system, and cultural backgrounds are totally different. The close relations between two countries can be described as an unique, pioneering work of China''s foreign relations. The Sino-Pakistan relations have a great significance to the stability and development of the two countries and South Asia. In 2013, the President of China, Xi Jin-Ping proposed the establishment of the "Silk Road Economic Belt" and the "21st Century Maritime Silk Road", as known as the "One Belt and One Road Initiative", in order to build the longest and the most promising economic corridor in the world, which connect Europe, Asia, and Africa. It has become China’s primary strategy of external development in an attempt to expand its global economic and trade map and to control the region, even to gain the global economic dominance.However, with the growth of China''s comprehensive national power, it has become one of the major powers in the world, and even further replaced the position of United States, which has dominated the Asia-Pacific region. It caused "the China threat" between nations. The United States has also proposed " Returning to Asia-Pacific" and "Rebalancing in Asia" strategies, and use various diplomatic, economic and military exercises to win over the Asia-Pacific region and form an alliance to restrain China. In this case , Pakistan, which is located in an important strategic position, will naturally become the primary target between China and the United States. In addition, Pakistan is at the crossing point of China’s "One Belt and One Road Initiative", and both the "China-Pakistan Economic Corridor"built by China and Pakistan and the "Gwadar Port" owned by Pakistan are the key elements in the " One Belt and One Road Initiative". Obviously, The "China-Pakistan Economic Corridor" has an impact on the development of China''s "Belt and Road" strategy, that’s why the assistance and exchange between China and Pakistan have increased substantially. Pakistan''s strategic status have been significantly raised. The construction of "China-Pakistan Economic Corridor" is both an opportunity and a challenge to the development of the Sino-Pakistani relations. The future cooperation and the development of bilateral relations are worth our attention.

碩士
國立政治大學
國家安全與大陸研究碩士在職專班
106
In recent years, the Chinese Communist Party has made rapid progress in the country’s economic development. International reliance on the CCP’s manpower and material resources is no longer comparable. In the Chinese Communist Party President Xi Jin-ping proposed the “One Belt and One Road” concept of cooperative economics, putting its top priority on “Great Power Diplomacy”. The policy has been transformed into a diplomatic main axis that takes priority in "peripheral diplomacy." Subtle changes have also taken place in the U.S.-China relationship and the Asia-Pacific region. The "One Belt and One Road" ( the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road) has been gradually implemented. ) Based on the six major economic corridors along the sea and land routes, the study is based on the India factor of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, and studies this cross-border CCP and Pakistan from the perspective of geopolitical analysis, which implies profound strategic and Demonstration, can link up the two key construction of the Silk Road. The “China-Pakistan Economic Corridor” is an important hub linking the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. The CCP and Pakistan have built a China-Pakistan Economic Corridor on the basis of more than 60 years of strategic cooperative partnership, linking the western part of the CCP with the Arabian Sea. Connected to strengthen the energy transportation lines in Central Asia and South Asia, designed to avoid the plight of Malacca, to counter the United States and India's influence and influence in the South China Sea. However, there are many challenges and risks in the construction of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. Pakistan’s domestic political turmoil, riots of armed opposition parties, and disputes over regional conflicts with India’s Kashgar all test that China and Pakistan should combine their own resources and strategies to create greater Corridor interests, reducing the ongoing construction of corridors and the continued existence of the corridors have caused many uncertainties. In this paper, aiming at the internal factors of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and external geopolitical analysis, the potential risks and challenges of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor are collated and analyzed, and the historical research method and literature analysis are applied in the study to “the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor in India. "Factors - geopolitical analysis and research" are discussed to provide China with reference to national strategic security.

碩士
國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
107
In 1999, China initiated the “Going Out” policy of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) for outbound expansion strategy. Over the next 20 years many Chinese SOEs successfully conducted several massive projects, especially energy and infrastructure construction projects in Africa and Latin America. The impact of such projects, either positive or negative, deserves more attention. China-Pakistan Economic Corridor(CPEC) is a large-scale plan of energy an infrastructure constructions, and has received strong support from the Pakistani government. Yet the plan has been also shrouded with a lot of controversies and debates. Do it really serve the interest of the Pakistani people? Or it simply fulfills the “great power’s dream” of China? Does China use CPEC to safeguard its national security? By employing the perspective of geo-economics, a theory adopting geopolitical views to study economic issues and developed by Robert D. Blackwill and Jennifer M. Harris, this thesis attempts to explain why Chinese government strongly supports its SOEs to conduct projects under the CPEC. The research starts by introducing the theory of geo-economics, and then develops a reformed model to fit the case of CPEC. The main purpose is to explore the motives behind and means adopted by Chinese government in cooperation with Pakistan. Later the thesis also compares the CPEC to China’s two similar projects in Angola of Africa and Ecuador of Latin America to find similarities and differences of China’s expansion strategy. Finally the thesis provide some evaluations of theory of geo-economics as well as suggestions for future studies of similar topics.

碩士
國立中正大學
戰略暨國際事務研究所
103
Abstract India has officially become a nuclear states, working on its nuclear strategy since the successful nuclear test in 1998. There are two main factors that India wanted to develop its nuclear power. One of them is the unstable international situation while the other one is that India is desperately pursuing a higher position among countries. With nuclear power, India is considered one of the most powerful countries in the world, being able to determine major national affairs in Asia. Confronting its completely different opponents such as China and Pakistan, India has to decide whether to expand its nuclear power to gain advantage or remain minimum nuclear power to ensure its own safety. The main purposes of this essay are to evaluate India’s nuclear strategy by analyzing different periods of international and its own national situation, discuss the relationships among India, China, and Pakistan in order to disclose the influence and the consequences of nuclear power development in India.

碩士
元智大學
管理碩士在職專班
105
This study focuses on the research of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. This corridor is strategic and exemplary. To a series of two Silk Road. Pakistan ‘s complex religion and nationalism. Plateau climate and geography. Test how the two sides with their own resources and strategies. On the basis of mutual trust and mutual benefit. Creating greater corridor benefits.

碩士
淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所
88
The nuclear proliferation of post-Cold War also called "Cold War II" or "the second nuclear age". The meaning of nuclear proliferation is the transfer that the non-nuclear state gains the sensitive materials of nuclear, components, professional techniques, management technique and the way to deal with the nuclear scrappings and their delivery vehicles. The method of nuclear proliferation could be direct transfer, cooperative production or scientific transfer, military exchange from one country to another. PRC sees the arms transfer to Pakistan as efficient policy to practice her national security strategy. Afraid that India dominate the South Asia, China cooperate with Pakistan to impede India. Besides, China also gain the strategic interest and economic interest, and makes use of it as chips with U.S. Nonproliferation is the priority of U.S security strategy in the post-Cold War era. And China is the main supplier of nuclear weapons and nuclear techniques. U.S. don''''t care about all the arms transfers of China, she only care about the sensitive WMD in unstable area. Therefore, based on "National Interest Matrix", the author analyzes the decision-making of China''''s nuclear transfer to Pakistan and of U.S. policy toward China''''s nuclear transfer toward Pakistan. Besides, the author uses "economic sanction" and "coercive cooperation" policy to analyze U.S. nonproliferation strategy toward China. The author gets three important findings: (1) U.S. and China adopt cooperation policy or confrontation policy on nuclear proliferation issue based on their perception of nuclear nonproliferation and their own national interests. (2) The nuclear transfer of China stress the regional security, however, the nuclear nonproliferation of U.S. stress the international security. (3) The nuclear nonproliferation strategy of U.S. is confine the intention and capability of proliferation state through multilateral negative and positive measures. However, the nuclear nonproliferation strategy of U.S. toward China through bilateral economic sanctions and coercive cooperation policy.

碩士
國立中正大學
戰略暨國家安全碩士在職專班
106
China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, the flagship program in One Belt One Road, connecting Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st - century Maritime Silk Road has been pour $62 billion investment by China. CPEC is bound to have geopolitical implications for linking western China and Arabian sea. CPEC could strengthen China’s oil and gas supply line in Central and South Asia to avoid ‘Malacca Dilemma’, as well as balance U.S. and India’s influence in South China Sea and South Asia subsequently. However there are challenges, such as Pakistan political turmoil, armed extremist’s violence and Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan, creating uncertain factors for ongoing infrastructure projects and its future development. This thesis focuses on the opportunities and challenge of CPEC and tries to figure out the risk hiding behind the great development blueprint from China, Pakistan and international perspective.

So, Fun Hang.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 187-192).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1
Introduction --- p.1
Research on Related Areas --- p.3
Methodology --- p.20
Summary of Informants --- p.23
Summary of Chapters --- p.4
Chapter Chapter 2 --- Background of Hong Kong Pakistanis --- p.7
Introduction --- p.7
The Pakistani Diaspora --- p.7
History and Origins of Pakistanis in Hong Kong --- p.10
Transnational Pakistani Women --- p.24
Conclusion --- p.26
Chapter Chapter 3 --- The Lives of Pakistani Women in Hong Kong and Pakistan --- p.28
Introduction --- p.28
Rural Lifestyle in Pakistan --- p.29
Institutionally Supported Lives in Hong Kong --- p.35
The Joint Family in Pakistan --- p.38
The Nuclear Family in Hong Kong --- p.39
The Experience of Pakistani Women as an Ethnic Minority and Lower Classin Hong Kong --- p.46
"The Experience of Pakistani Women as an Ethnic Majority, Middle Class and Overseas Pakistanis in Pakistan" --- p.50
Conclusion --- p.53
Chapter Chapter 4 --- The Lives of Pakistani Women as Muslims --- p.55
Introduction --- p.55
Virtual Identity --- p.62
Funerals and Dua gatherings --- p.63
Clothing and Veiling --- p.66
Seclusion of Women --- p.71
Charity --- p.74
Conclusion --- p.76
Chapter Chapter 5 --- The Lives of Pakistani Women as Marriage Partners and Mothers --- p.78
Introduction --- p.78
Transnational Marriage Arrangement --- p.79
Early Marriage and Lack of Education --- p.81
Split Households --- p.86
Extra-marital Affairs and Divorce --- p.91
Conflicts with In-laws --- p.100
Conclusion --- p.101
Chapter Chapter 6 --- Sense of Home --- p.103
Introduction --- p.103
Making Homes in Hong Kong and Pakistan --- p.104
Where is Home for Pakistani Women? --- p.115
Conclusion --- p.128
Chapter Chapter 7 --- "Senses of Identity: Going Home, Dress and Investment" --- p.130
Introduction --- p.130
Reasons for their Abilities to Shift Identities --- p.131
Changing Physical Appearance through Dress --- p.138
Performing Moral Appearance through Investment --- p.147
Conclusion --- p.153
Chapter Chapter 8 --- Conclusion --- p.157
Summary of Chapters --- p.157
The Tension between Two Homes --- p.161
Implications for the Future of Pakistani Women's Identities --- p.170
Implications for the Studies of Transnational Migration --- p.177
The Roles of Pakistani Women and Racial Harmony --- p.180
Reflections on My Fieldwork --- p.183
Bibliography --- p.187

碩士
國立臺北大學
經濟學系
106
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is an important economic strategy in China. It has attracted the attention of countries because of its economic and geopolitical importance. The core concepts of BRI are composed of the “five areas of connectivity” and the six major economic corridors. This thesis focuses on the infrastructure links in the concept of “five areas of connectivity” and the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in the six economic corridors. The main purpose of this thesis is to provide a quantitative analysis for CPEC, and estimate economic impact for China, Pakistan and other countries. 　　To perform a quantitative assessment of the associated economic impacts, this thesis uses the Global Trade Analysis Project with its 9.a database. Two simulation scenarios are implemented to assess the economic benefits of CPEC, consisting of: (1) The investment phase: A total amount of US$62 billion is invested in the infrastructure of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, and (2) The operational phase: The completion of the CPEC infrastructure, would like to a reduction in trade transport distance and transport costs. 　　The simulation results of this thesis show that under the phase of investment, the construction of CPEC can increase the real GDP of Pakistan by 9.48%. However, China would suffer a negative impact on real GDP. During the operational phase, it is expected that China will gain in terms of real GDP growth of0.257%. In the CPEC program, Pakistan’s electricity sector accounts for nearly 70% of the investment amount. Through the effects of industrial relations, this investment brings about a significant increase in the output of service sector. China's heavy industry, due to its high value, is the industry with the largest increase in exports and imports. In addition, the construction of CPEC has a negative impact on the import volume of China's oil sector. In terms of bilateral trade between countries, the construction of CPEC has made Pakistan's imports and exports to all regions increase sharply, and China's imports and exports to Pakistan and the Middle East have increased significantly.

Pakistan has always had a history of severe energy shortfalls, which rose up to an alarming 33% in 2013. This situation was countered by investments in the energy sector through the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which were unfortunately largely based on brown fuels. Although beneficial in the short term, these investments do not bode well for the climate scenario of Pakistan, with various parts of the country already having experienced temperatures rise of 1-3°C. To ensure that the current situation doesn’t exacerbate and is tackled in a timely manner, this research aims to examine how the untapped potential of renewable energy in Pakistan can be better utilized by modelling the entire electrical grid system for multi-portfolio based sustainable electricity generation, in line with the sustainable development goals chalked out by Pakistan with the United Nations (UN). Delving further into the matter, a gap is observed that demands coalescence between sustainability and portfolio-based generation in the context of Pakistan, since the prevalent narrative is of Business As Usual (BAU). The research methodology implemented is a cross sectional case study employing qualitative and quantitative data collection methods and outcomes, in which the entire grid system of Pakistan is studied and sustainability metrics are defined; followed by a comprehensive use of Multi-Criteria Decision Methodology in decision making process. Portfolios defined are a combination of different generation technologies, each simulating a possible avenue of policy, and are then evaluated for a range of sustainability metrics to understand the tradeoffs involved to arrive at a set goal. The process decision framework developed shall enable the Pakistani energy sector in meeting the energy demands by providing the decision-makers with various routes to do so, while informing on the sustainability impact of their decisions.

This thesis called "The United States and the strategic triangle of China-India-Pakistan" examines how the states balance mutual threats. It also focuses on the aspect of U.S.-Pakistani relationship which is a key factor for the further development of the relations in the region. Strategic triangle relations can be defined by Sino-Pakistani alliance, Sino-Indian differences and Indian-Pakistani rivalry. The work is based on a realist concept of the balance of power theory with further focus on the Stephen M. Walt's concept of balance of threat. Based on the theoretical framework, the main threats of the triangle states and the ways they balance these threats are analysed. The growing economic and military power of China and India has resulted in intense balancing, with China using an alliance with Pakistan and strengthening its economic strategies, and with India strengthening the ties with the U.S. and other countries in the region. This ignites a significant security dilemma between China and India, further leading to a potential conflict. The paper further argues that the relationship between the U.S. and Pakistan is key for maintaining regional balance. Therefore, to maintain the strong ties with Pakistan, a setting of long-term U.S. strategy in Pakistan is crucial for increasing the...

碩士
淡江大學
中國大陸研究所碩士班
97
This thesis defines the Pakistan’s diplomatic policy as “foreign policy of small states,” and chooses the theory of foreign policy of small states to analyze and elucidate Pakistan’s foreign policy behaviors. Pakistan, given her geopolitical importance, occupies a crucial position in South Asia. Yet as a small state, when dealing with neighboring big states such as China and India, she has to put all international factors into consideration and keep making adjustment along with time as well. Sometimes small state would use her relations with big state as leverage to obtain diplomatic gains; sometimes the tail small states also wag the dog big states. This makes the study of small state foreign policy an interesting one. Analyzing Pakistan-China relations from the Pakistani angle rather than from the Chinese perspective therefore provided us with a new deep insight. This thesis is divided into three parts: The first part is about Pakistan’s foreign policy in general and her policy toward China in particular. Pakistan’s foreign policy environment and the changes and continuities in her foreign policy were discussed. Part two is the answer to the research topics, and the third part is final reflection on the theories of small state foreign policies. This thesis concludes that Pakistan’s policy toward China not only satisfied her domestic needs for economic developments, but also provided here with some diplomatic leverages to uplift her international status. It is a successful foreign policy.

Cette étude porte sur le schisme sino-soviétique et plus précisément de sa projection dans un conflit asiatique survenu en 1971, soit la troisième guerre indopakistanaise. D'abord en bon terme en vertu de leur alliance naturelle fondée sur une idéologie socialiste commune et une hostilité fondamentale envers l'impérialisme américain, les gouvernements chinois et soviétiques rencontreront des divergences qui se mueront en querelles puis en un conflit avéré. Le schisme sino-soviétique provoquera un bouleversement majeur de la dynamique géopolitique changeant ainsi les rapports de force sur la scène mondiale. Les contentieux territoriaux, la rivalité au tiers-monde et le désaccord idéologique entre les deux gouvernements provoqueront un conflit générateur de tensions extrêmes. C'est à l'intérieur de ce contexte que nous étudions un conflit sub-asiatique survenu en 1971, la troisième guerre indopakistanaise et la partition du Pakistan. L'année 1971 fut marquée en Asie du sud par des crises nationales et internationales. Il y eut en effet deux guerres de deux types différents, la guerre civile pakistanaise et la guerre interétatique indo-pakistanaise. L'Inde en livra une, le Pakistan deux. La conséquence principale de la guerre civile pakistanaise fut une catastrophe humanitaire marquée par des massacres sanglants et l'exode d'une partie de la population. La conséquence ultime de la guerre interétatique fut le démembrement du Pakistan et la création d'un nouvel État, le Bangladesh. Ces deux guerres redéfinirent les contours géopolitiques de l'Asie du sud moderne. Est-il possible que Pékin et Moscou aient utilisé le conflit indo-pakistanais pour se nuire mutuellement? Peut-être bien car cette tactique de guerre par procuration a été utilisée à la fin des années 1970. L'URSS a déjà eu recours à des bras armés comme ce fut le cas lors de l'intervention de Cuba, logistiquement organisée par l'URSS, en Éthiopie en 1977 lors de la révolte de l'Ogaden où les intérêts cubains s'effaçaient derrière ceux de l'URSS. Pour orienter notre recherche, nous formulons la question suivante: Dans le cadre du schisme sino-soviétique, estce que la Chine et l'URSS ont effectivement mené ce que des auteurs ont appelé proxy war lors du conflit indo-pakistanais de 1971? La prééminence des intérêts indiens dans le conflit ainsi que leur antériorité par rapport à ceux de l'URSS, et l'issue de la guerre sont les éléments clés qui nous incitent à formuler l'hypothèse: Le conflit indo-pakistanais en 1971 ne peut être considéré comme une guerre par procuration entre l'URSS et la Chine. Notre mémoire vise à démontrer comment et pourquoi il s'agit plutôt d'une très forte convergence des intérêts entre l'URSS et l'Inde, et entre la Chine et le Pakistan.