Journal articles on the topic 'China – Media freedom'
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1
Hu, Jieren, and Yang Zheng. "Social Media, State Control and Religious Freedom in China." Political Theology 20, no. 5 (May 27, 2019): 382–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1462317x.2019.1624038.
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Xu, Nairui, Lixiong Chen, Zizheng Yu, and Xiaoni Zhu. "An Epistemic Trend or a Digital Pitfall? De‑Westernizing Media and Communication Studies in Digital China." Galactica Media: Journal of Media Studies 4, no. 4 (December 12, 2022): 30–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/gmd.v4i4.288.
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Governments hiding facts and truth from the public seems to have become a common phenomenon, especially during the social crisis in China. The practice of the public using various media to express dissent and opinions, to overcome government censorship, appears to contribute to freedom of speech. Inspired by widespread online articles during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, this paper argues that the flaws in this logic are the dualism, which digital media created (pro-democracy vs authoritarian; freedom vs control), in understanding media in China. By borrowing the discussion of the de-westernization of media and communication studies, the paper argues that the introduction of digital media makes de-westernized studies in China harder because it prompts us to think “digitally.”
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Fung, Anthony Y. H., and Chin-Chuan Lee. "Hong Kong's changing media ownership: Uncertainty and dilemma." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 53, no. 1-2 (February 1994): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001654929405300109.
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Media ownership in Hong Kong is being acquired at a frenzied pace by international capitalists who eye on the huge China market, and by pro-China business people eager to ingratiate themselves with the Beijing authorities. The impact of this development on press freedom warrants close attention.
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Robie, David. "Key Melanesian media freedom challenges: Climate crisis, internet freedoms, fake news and West Papua." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 26, no. 1 (July 31, 2020): 15–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v26i1.1072.
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Melanesia, and the microstates of the Pacific generally, face the growing influence of authoritarian and secretive values in the region—projected by both China and Indonesia and with behind-the-scenes manipulation. There is also a growing tendency for Pacific governments to use unconstitutional, bureaucratic or legal tools to silence media and questioning journalists. Frequent threats of closing Facebook and other social media platforms and curbs on online freedom of information are another issue. While Pacific news media face these challenges, their support networks are being shaken by the decline of Australia as a so-called ‘liberal democracy’ and through the undermining of its traditional region-wide public interest media values with the axing of Radio Australia and Australia Network television. Reporting climate change is the Pacific’s most critical challenge while Australian intransigence over the issue is subverting the region’s media. This article engages with and examines these challenges and also concludes that the case of West Papua is a vitally important self-determination issue that left unresolved threatens the security of the region.
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Wiebrecht, Felix. "Cultural co-orientation revisited: The case of the South China Morning Post." Global Media and China 3, no. 1 (March 2018): 32–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059436418778306.
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The freedom of press is one aspect that leaders from the West often criticise about China. As former British colony, Hong Kong has been able to preserve its special status with constitutional rights and liberties that also include the freedom of press. However, in recent years, sentiments of increased influence from Beijing have led to fears that it would curb the freedoms enjoyed by residents of the Special Administrative Region. However, instead of clear unambiguous interferences, Beijing has opted for an indirect approach that is predominantly characterised by the salience of economic considerations in reporting news binding the media outlets closer to the position of Beijing. This article shows that the South China Morning Post has undergone an editorial shift that moves it closer to the position of the Chinese government.
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Saleem, Nadia, and Farasat Rasool. "Freedom of Expression in Digital Age: An Analysis of Twitter in Context of Pak-China Relationship." Global Mass Communication Review V, no. IV (December 30, 2020): 217–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmcr.2020(v-iv).16.
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This article is aimed to provide an analysis regarding the freedom of expression on Twitter in the digital age. Freedom of expression in the digital age is the capability of an individual through which they are able to express their beliefs, thoughts, ideas and emotions on various issues via different social media platforms that are free from governmental censorship. These freedoms play a significant role, as now, each individual can have his/her own perspectives and school of thoughts; and can live his/her life as per own choice. The present study is a discourse analysis of the Pak-China relations debate as top trend hashtags on Twitter in 2020. The data was collected through Mozdeh Big Data Software. The top twenty tweets with the highest likes in seven trending hashtags have been studied as per Searle's Speech Act Analysis. The study shows that how Twitter as a social media platform provides a forum of free debate for everyone.
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Wesley, Fred. "Pacific journalism solidarity in the face of overwhelming forces." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 26, no. 1 (July 31, 2020): 37–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v26i1.1082.
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Commentary: The Melanesian Media Freedom Forum (MMFF) notes democracy is in retreat and journalists like Victor Mambor (West Papua), Scott Waide (Papua New Guinea) and Dan McGarry (Vanuatu) are carrying the baton for media freedom. There has been a global reversal for a free press that has spanned countries in every region, including long-standing democracies like the United States and consolidated authoritarian regimes like China and Russia. The pattern has been consistent and ominous.
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Wasserman, Herman. "China-Africa media relations: What we know so far." Global Media and China 3, no. 2 (June 2018): 108–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059436418784787.
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The increased presence of Chinese media in Africa has been a topic of much debate in recent years, and has given rise to a burgeoning research area. Seen as a platform upon which China can exert its ‘soft power’ in Africa as part of its outward-looking international relations policy, Chinese media has been considered instrumental in portraying a more positive picture of China among African audiences, partly in an attempt to support the expansion of Chinese economic activities on the continent. Critics have however questioned the influence that Chinese media practices may have on journalistic value systems and press freedom on the continent. These criticisms assume that Chinese media may have a big impact on African media, although the empirical basis for such claims have often been lacking.
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Senapati, Chittaranjan. "Rise of China and Ethnic Minority in Xinjiang." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 2 (June 1, 2017): 103–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i2.104.
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With the rise of China and its increasing exposure to the international media, voices were raised regarding the development and social changes that have been happening in the various provinces of China. The developments in Xinjiang also came under scrutiny and it has been used by the international media to criticise China with regard to the human rights issues and religious freedom in Xinjiang. The Uighurs Muslims being the ethnic minority in China, this article looks into the concept of minority in China, the constitutional provisions, as well as outlines the development that have happened in the province. Taking an objective view of the developments in Xinjiang in terms of education, health, employment and other parameters, the article provides an empirical glimpse into the province.
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Howarth, Bob. "Phoenix rising 2000: How Timor-Leste’s media bloomed from the ashes of violence and bloody conflict." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 24, no. 2 (November 2, 2018): 110–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v24i2.448.
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Commentary: The second annual Dili Dialogue Forum in July 2018 was sponsored by UNESCO, UNDP and the Timor-Leste Press Council and the governments of New Zealand, Japan and the Netherlands. Delegates came from Asian press councils and media freedom bodies, including the South East Asian Press Alliance, and from Cambodia, China, Hongkong, Indonesia, Japan, Philippines and Thailand. For the first time, Papua New Guinea’s Media Council was represented by its secretary and popular television presenter Belinda Kora. The author reflects on two days of presentations and roundtable discussions at the Forum—which saw Dili becoming the hub for a much bigger alliance of Asia-Pacific press councils—in the context of his long involvement in Timor-Leste media freedom issues.
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Dorsey, James M. "Illiberals and Autocrats Unite to Craft a New World Media Order." China and the World 02, no. 04 (December 2019): 1950024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s259172931950024x.
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Underlying global efforts to counter fake news, psychological warfare and manipulation of public opinion is a far more fundamental battle: the global campaign by civilizationalists, illiberals, autocrats and authoritarians to create a new world media order that would reject freedom of the press and reduce the fourth estate to scribes and propaganda outlets. The effort appears to have no limits. Its methods range from seeking to reshape international standards defining freedom of expression and the media; the launch and/or strengthening of government-controlled global, regional, national and local media in markets around the world; government acquisition of stakes in privately-owned media; advertising in independent media dependent on advertising revenue; funding of think-tanks; demonization; coercion; repression; and even assassination. The effort to create a new media world order is closely linked to attempts to a battle between liberals and non-liberals over concepts of human rights, the roll-out of massive Chinese surveillance systems in China and beyond and a contest between the United States and China for dominance of the future of technology. The stakes in these multiple battles could not be higher. They range from basic human and minority rights to issues of transparency, accountability and privacy, human rights, the role of the fourth estate as an independent check on power, freedom of expression and safeguards for human and physical dignity. The battles are being waged in an environment in which a critical mass of world leaders appears to have an unspoken consensus on the principles of governance that should shape a new world order. Men like Xi Jinping, Vladimir Putin, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Victor Orbán, Benjamin Netanyahu, Mohammed bin Salman, Mohammed bin Zayed, Narendra Modi, Rodrigo Duterte, Jair Bolsonaro, Win Myint and Donald J. Trump have all to varying degrees diluted the concepts of human rights and undermined freedom of the press. If anything, it is this tacit understanding among the world’s foremost leaders that in shaping a new world order constitutes the greatest threat to liberal values.
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Dai, Zhongxuan. "More than Politics: Forces Affecting Media Freedom in Mainland China, Hong Kong and Taiwan." Advances in Journalism and Communication 06, no. 01 (2018): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ajc.2018.61002.
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Vital-Durand, Barbara. "Tea and no sympathy." Index on Censorship 26, no. 1 (January 1997): 100–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030642209702600122.
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The renewed repression of journalists in China has raised serious fears for the future of the media in Hong Kong. With the Chinese authorities blowing hot and cold over the new ‘parameters of press freedom’ the colony's return on 1 July 1997 is cause for alarm
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LIM, Tai Wei. "Hong Kong in 2018: Relative Calm and Getting Down to Work." East Asian Policy 11, no. 01 (January 2019): 59–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000059.
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Hong Kong has been relatively calm under the watch of Chief Executive Carrie Lam. Connectivity in terms infrastructure between Hong Kong and China has been strengthened with a US$10 billion railway linking the most dynamic cities in southern China. Media freedom continues to be a flashpoint between foreign journalists and Beijing but in local elections, pro-government candidates like Chan Hoi-yan easily defeated experienced pan-democracy candidates in the Kowloon West by-election.
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Effendi, Tonny Dian, and Mohd Zaini Abubakar. "China Town Magazine and Indonesian-Chinese Identity." Journal of Politics and Law 10, no. 2 (February 28, 2017): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v10n2p97.
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The new democratic political system in Indonesia recognizes Indonesian-Chinese as part of the national building. In the post-Suharto era, they are enjoying their cultural identity including freedom of press and freely to use their mother language. In fact, they were still develop their identity inside Indonesia as the multi-cultural country. The magazine called China Town is one of the Indonesian-Chinese Community Magazine. The magazine is not merely as the media which periodically reporting Indonesian-Chinese activities and opinions, but also as the representation of their existence and also identity. This article attempts to measure the role of the magazine particularly concerning on the identity issues. Specifically, this research will examine to what extent the China Town magazine achieve the objectives in terms of media coverage in order to develop and strengthen their identity? This is a qualitative study with content analysis. The empirical data found that, the China Town magazine have attempted tries to convince that Indonesian-Chinese is part of the Indonesian nation, as the Indonesian identity, and they are not exclusive as well as homogenous community. However, the magazine have also expressed and emphasized that Indonesian-Chinese were part of Chinese diaspora. It portrays that the magazine gave a balance information between Indonesian mainstream media and Chinese news.
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Włodarczyk, Jarosław. "„Macchiato” do ostatniej kropki." Literatura i Kultura Popularna 26 (September 17, 2021): 439–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0867-7441.26.30.
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Todayʼs societies, democracies, media and journalism are undergoing a transformation hitherto unheard of in history. The key element of these changes is information and access to it, as well as processing possibilities and skills. Without understanding the process, without the ability to select information, and without critical analysis, individuals and entire societies become vulnerable to stupidity, information wars, disinformation and interference with elections.
Politicians, especially populists but not exclusively so, saw a great opportunity in the existence of a “cloudy information space”, in the confusion of citizens deprived of their independent thinking and poorly educated. That is why politicians fight with free media and independent journalists, because this is the first line of defence against disinformation and ignorance. Freedom of media is also a barrier to the authoritarian aspirations of politicians, because of its unique attribute — the only freedom showing the state of other freedom and rights.
The book by professor Jacek Dąbała, Media phenomena and paradoxes, published in 2020, diagnoses these problems and challenges and shows the key to media and information thinking. It is written in a minimalistic form of 200 texts, each of about 2000 characters. The short form is balanced by the multitude of topics covered, including science, politics, history, medicine, media, technologies, customs, law, religion, faith, emotions, intellect and stupidity. Dąbała scans issues in Russia, China, the United States, Germany, Poland and many others. The topics and analyses are universal and you can even risk a thesis that many of them will be timeless. It is therefore a global and universal reading which, when translated into other languages, should be recommended as essential content for journalists, politicians, students, and even more broadly — for all of us, that is, media recipients.
The book is a subjective view of all the 200 topics through the prism of pro-democracy views and freedom — freedom understood in the broadest sense, freedom of science and speech.
Dąbała certainly poses important questions, questioning our way of seeing the world and its presentation in the media. However, he often leaves the questions unanswered, apparently because the answer is in the method — analysis, critical thinking and seeking quality.
The book Media phenomena and paradoxes is excellent material for conducting workshops for journalism students. Analysing problems in the book can also improve journalistic thinking. For journalists who have not lost their instincts, humility and willingness to keep going, such an exercise can be very valuable.
This is important knowledge for anyone who wants to better understand the world, and for media people it is a must-read.
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Huang, Haifeng, Serra Boranbay-Akan, and Ling Huang. "Media, Protest Diffusion, and Authoritarian Resilience." Political Science Research and Methods 7, no. 1 (June 13, 2016): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.25.
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Do authoritarian governments always censor news about protests to prevent unrest from spreading? Existing research on authoritarian politics stresses the danger that information spread within the society poses for a regime. In particular, media and Internet reports of social unrest are deemed to threaten authoritarian rule, as such reports may incite more protests and thus spread instability. We show that such reasoning is incomplete if social protests are targeted at local officials. Allowing media the freedom to report local protests may indeed lead to protest diffusion, but the increased probability of citizen protest also has two potential benefits for the regime: (1) identifying and addressing more social grievances, thus releasing potential revolutionary pressure on the regime; (2) forcing local officials to reduce misbehavior, thus reducing underlying social grievances. For authoritarian governments whose survival is vulnerable to citizen grievances, allowing the media to report social protests aimed at local governments can therefore enhance regime stability and protect its interests under many circumstances. We construct a game-theoretic model to analyze the problem and illustrate the argument with examples from China.
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Gagliardone, Iginio, and Nyíri Pál. "Freer but not free enough? Chinese journalists finding their feet in Africa." Journalism 18, no. 8 (March 14, 2016): 1049–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884916636171.
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The high-profile appearance of Chinese media organizations in Africa has attracted considerable attention. How Chinese correspondents in Africa actually go about their work is, however, little understood. A posting in Africa gives journalists at Xinhua News Agency or China Central Television a degree of freedom not experienced in China combined with greater local visibility than a posting in the West and more market opportunities. At the same time, it carries the rather heavy responsibility to act as a pioneer of a new, distinctive global voice for China envisaged by the Chinese government. Based on interviews and observation at several Chinese media organizations in three African locations and in Beijing over the course of 3 years, this article suggests that Chinese correspondents in Africa are unable to make use of the opportunities their postings offer. While the greater investments of Chinese media in Africa have been framed to date as a challenge to their struggling competitors, in reality, journalists working for Chinese media not only feel some of the constraints that have characterized international journalism in the past decade but also face additional ones: the problem of finding and communicating a clear identity; of remaining relevant in a space where national media are growing fast and becoming more professional; of testing new styles without appealing only to a niche.
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Costa-Ribeiro, Nelson, and José-Manuel Simões. "The Political and Economic Dependence of the Press in Macao under Portuguese and Chinese Rule: Continuity and Change." Communication & Society 34, no. 1 (January 12, 2021): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/003.34.1.29-40.
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The article analyses the media system in Macao, a special administrative region of China that transitioned from Portuguese to Chinese sovereignty in 1999, becoming one of cities in the world with the largest number of published newspapers per capita. Combining historical research with the analysis of contemporary empirical data collected through interviews with journalists working on the ground, the research demonstrates how there is a long tradition of state control that goes back to the colonial era and that has assumed different forms, ranging from outright censorship to physical intimidation of journalists and economic dependence on the government. Limitations and control strategies imposed on news reporting during the Portuguese administration continue to be practiced today by the Chinese authorities. Even so, journalists operating on the Macao media market tend to overstate the level of freedom they are given, which can be attributed to media outlets being economically dependent on the state. Nevertheless, the level of freedom attributed to the press is today higher than it had been during the colonial period with some critical voices being allowed to reach the media. This needs to be understood in the context of what has been defined as the Chinese safety valve strategy.
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Liu, Zhaoxi (Josie). "Illusion vs. Disillusion: Chinese Viewers’ Articulation of “House of Cards”." Journalism and Media 2, no. 2 (April 11, 2021): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/journalmedia2020008.
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This study explores how Chinese viewers articulate the meaning of the Netflix series “House of Cards” through analyzing viewer comments posted on Sohu Video, which streamed the show in China. A qualitative textual analysis of the comments reveals that the Sohu viewers turned the commenting of the show into articulations of democracy and China’s political conditions. In their articulation, some endorsed American democracy as a superb political system, while others resented it as being dark and corrupt, similar to the one in China. Still other viewers made a connection between “Cards” with China’s lack of freedom of speech. These connections were made under certain social conditions, including China’s internet providing a space for political discourse, tensions among different social forces and conflicting meaning systems existing in today’s China, and Chinese people’s increasing consumption of foreign media content and assumptions. Analyzing a particular case of transnational communication, this study demonstrates how the audience can make meaning of a foreign media product by connecting with their own social context, and how such articulations can be plural and multifaceted.
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Skrzypczak, Jędrzej. "The Effect of the ‘China Factor’ on Taiwan’s Media System Security as an Example of the ‘Privatization and Outsourcing’ of Censorship and Propaganda in the Digital Age." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 12 (December 31, 2019): 353–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2019.1.22.
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The study aims to examine the security of Taiwan’s media system. Its main hypothesis is that the People’s Republic of China is pursuing a deliberate strategy of influencing Taiwan’s media at various levels by a range of means. Some authors refer to this approach as the commercialization and outsourcing of censorship and propaganda. The approach has had the effect of routinizing self-censorship. Research questions are also asked about the methods and strategies adopted by China to influence Taiwan’s media, including the commercialization and outsourcing of propaganda. The idea is to ‘hire’ various state institutions and agencies or their subordinate organizations, commonly from the private sector and from third countries, to deliberately disseminate and endorse views and ideas aligned with China’s interests. The strategy can be described as an invasion of sorts that is not of a coercive and/or external nature but rather is performed from the inside, aimed directly at the hearts and minds of the country’s citizens. The paradox is that democratic media systems that protect freedom of speech are more vulnerable to this strategy. An attempt is made to demonstrate that the ‘China factor’ is increasingly present in Taiwan’s media landscape. Its effectiveness may have grave consequences not only for the me- dia system itself but also for the political system of the Republic of China (Taiwan) in general. In addition, the article seeks to identify the most appropriate and effective strategies and means for countering and combatting such threats. In drafting this article, a range of research methods were employed, including that of inductive and deductive inference, the historical method (used to outline the historical background behind significant social and political transformations in Taiwan), the institutional and legal analysis method (used to explore the influence of institutions on specific social phenomena), the legal text exegesis method as well as the statistical method (to describe Taiwan’s media system).
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Lovell, Julia. "Finding a Place: Mainland Chinese Fiction in the 2000s." Journal of Asian Studies 71, no. 1 (February 2012): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811002993.
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The political, economic and social changes experienced by China over the past decade have been mirrored by transformations in the literary realm. Writers, editors, critics and readers have contended with the acceleration of commercialisation, the rise of the Internet, and the Communist Party's subtly changing attitude to creative freedom. This essay examines the creative responses of three critically acclaimed generations of novelists – born between the 1950s and 1980s – to this new climate. It considers the way in which writers have become entrepreneurs, managing their own personality cults over the Internet and through media spin. It discusses widespread corruption in literary reviewing; the weaknesses in editorial standards that affect the work of even the most mature voices writing today; and the fluid way in which novelists often abandon fiction for other professions or expressive forms, such as film. Finally, it considers the limits of literary freedom in China's one-party cultural system.
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LIU, JUN. "Mobile Communication, Popular Protests and Citizenship in China." Modern Asian Studies 47, no. 3 (May 22, 2012): 995–1018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000340.
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AbstractDigital telecommunication technology has expanded the potential of the mobile phone to be used increasingly as a weapon against authoritarian rule and censorship. Since the content of mobile communication is unpredictable and unregulated, mobile phones have the capability to breach state-sponsored blockage of information. This in turn helps the Chinese people to maintain contact with each other, receive information from outside the country, and make political waves in an aggressive battle for control over information. This paper examines spontaneous mobilization via mobile phones, with a focus on two concrete popular protests in rural and urban areas, demonstrating how Chinese citizens have expanded the political uses of mobile phones in their struggle for freedom of information flow, social justice, and the rule of law, while seeking to build an inexpensive counter-public sphere. These processes destabilize China's conventional national public sphere by shaping political identities on an individual level as well as the notion of citizenship within the evolving counter-public sphere. The political significance of mobile phones in the context of contemporary China's political environment can be observed by various social forces that communicate their struggles with the aid of this technology, pose challenges in governance, and force the authorities to engage in new kinds of media practices.
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Arrese, Ángel. "The role of economic journalism in political transitions." Journalism 18, no. 3 (July 8, 2016): 368–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884915623172.
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Due to its peculiar nature, the economic and financial press, throughout history, has had a particular liberty of action in times of tight media controls imposed by the authorities. Both the type of content that it spreads – technical information useful for markets and businesses – and its limited public visibility – with tiny, but influential, audiences – have facilitated this media’s carte blanche to influence elite public opinion in moments of profound political and economic change. This phenomenon can be analysed in some detail around the processes of the political transitions experienced in many authoritarian and totalitarian regimes in the last third of the 20th century. As discussed in this article, economic publications played an important role in changing the mindset of the ruling classes in Argentina, Spain, Russia, China and South Africa, before and after political changes, during times when freedom of the press was restricted for other media.
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Kalagas, Alexis. "Healthy mind, healthy body: SARS, HIV/AIDS and the justifiability of restrictions on media freedom in the People's Republic of China." Australian Journal of Human Rights 13, no. 2 (July 2008): 99–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1323238x.2008.11910836.
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Tuluș, Arthur. "Trends in Communist Propaganda. A CIA Investigation from 1970." Eminak, no. 4(36) (December 31, 2021): 160–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2021.4(36).564.
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Our study analyses a detailed report, issued on November 18th, 1970, by The Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS), which was subordinated to the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) during the Cold War. The role of the FBIS was to collect, translate into English, and make extensive summaries of information in foreign media, especially those within the Communist Bloc, summaries which would later be made available to U.S. decision-makers. The FBIS was an important branch of the CIA, seeing that the United States sought to identify any vulnerability to the adversary, and that the communist media did not enjoy freedom of expression, but instead precisely reflected the official position of the regime. The late 1970s are all the more interesting as the Communist Bloc`s monolithic unity breaks down and distinct positions emerge (e.g., the Soviet Union versus China, or Romania versus the Soviet Union), while the United States find themselves in a difficult situation in Indochina, the Middle East, or Latin America.
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Hyun, Ki Deuk. "Dissenting public or engaged citizens? Predictors of general and contentious online political expression in China." Global Media and China 1, no. 4 (December 2016): 450–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059436416687574.
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Online political engagement in China has been explained as both conventional and contentious forms of political participation. Depending on the explanations, potentially contradicting factors are assumed to promote online political engagement. To resolve this contradiction, this research distinguished general and contentious online political expression. The analyses of two datasets showed that general online political expression positively related to variables associated with conventional participation, such as personal resources, political interest, efficacy, and satisfaction with personal and China’s general economic situations. On the other hand, expression regarding contentious food safety issues was mainly explained by factors related to contentious participation such as support for alternative political ideas (i.e. freedom of expression and giving more voice to citizens) and the perception of injustice. In both datasets, political expression was positively associated with social media use for news. The results from the two studies suggest that different factors may be at work in explaining general and contentious political expression. The potential of the two different types of political expression for political change in China is discussed.
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Widera, Wiktor. "Big data as a tool for managing the process of building an ideal society." Zeszyty Naukowe Wyższej Szkoły Humanitas Zarządzanie 19, no. 2 (June 30, 2018): 131–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.2043.
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“Big data” is a popular term used to describe the rapid growth and availability of data, both structured and unstructured. However, it is not the data size that matters the most. More accurate analyses using big data can lead to more secure decisions and changes in business strate¬gy. The system is also used in the social area, for example in political action. The article’s content is an indication of the link between the use of management IT products and policy actions, as exemplified by the People’s Republic of China. These political action is intended to build an’ ideal society’. The hypothesis is that technological development can lead to a restriction of citizens’ freedom. The research methods used are literature wells and media content analysis.
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Suryandari, Ratih. "Impact of Stigma and Community Behavior on Covid-19 Survivors: Literature Review." Muhammadiyah International Public Health and Medicine Proceeding 1, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 789–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.53947/miphmp.v1i1.134.
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Coronavirus disease or Covid-19 is a viral infection that was first discovered in Wuhan City, China at the end of 2019. The rapid spread of the disease, the absence of a cure, accompanied by a flood of information through social media, not all of which can be trusted have caused a stigma for people related to Covid-19. The study aims to determine the impact of stigma and community behavior on Covid-19 survivors. The research method uses a literature review, searching for data sourced from PubMed, Google Scholar, Proquest, and Ebsco from March-May 2021. Data analysis was carried out descriptively. The results show that there is an increasing number of reports of public stigmatization of survivors from various environments such as family and work. Stigma arises in social behavior such as ostracizing survivors, refusing and ostracizing people who move from one area to another, ostracizing medical personnel who work in hospitals, refusing corpses because they are considered to have a virus that can be transmitted. Based on these observations, the authors conclude that the freedom of the media in presenting news to give different opinions to everyone, the lack of health educators, the number of hoax news that spread, and the different policies of the central and regional governments that make it difficult to control disease and have an impact on Covid-19 survivors in Indonesia. . rejected the corpse because it was considered that there was still a virus that could be transmitted. Based on these observations, the authors conclude that the freedom of the media in presenting news to give different opinions to everyone, the lack of health educators, the number of hoax news that spread, and the different policies of the central and regional governments that make it difficult to control disease and have an impact on Covid-19 survivors in Indonesia. . rejected the corpse because it was considered that there was still a virus that could be transmitted. Based on these observations, the authors conclude that the freedom of the media in presenting news to give different opinions to everyone, the lack of health educators, the number of hoax news that spread, and the different policies of the central and regional governments that make it difficult to control disease and have an impact on Covid-19 survivors in Indonesia.
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Yang, Shu. "Wrestling with Tradition: Early Chinese Suffragettes and the Modern Remodeling of the Shrew Trope." Modern Chinese Literature and Culture 34, no. 1 (June 2022): 128–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mclc.2022.0007.
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This article investigates the rehabilitation of the traditional trope of the Chinese shrew in depictions of early Chinese radical suffragettes after the establishment of the Republic of China. It argues that, rather than dying out as China entered the modern age, the shrew became central to the ways in which first-wave feminists were portrayed and perceived in public discourses. Although still typically used to insult women in early Republican China, the archetype of the shrew also functioned as a transgressive model of female empowerment that manifested modern expectations for the qualities of the new woman. Starting from analyses on how the male-dominated media deployed variations of the traditional shrew to describe the visible and confrontational nature of the radical suffragettes, this article then turns to explore how the women themselves played a part in shaping their public images. They, as social actors, exhausted every right and freedom to carve out new subjectivities for themselves to perform in society. In sometimes aligning with and other times rejecting their public labeling as shrews, the suffragettes opened a new direction for understanding the vitality of the shrew trope and for conceiving of the newly emergent public or political woman at the turn of the twentieth century.
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Gittings, John. "The Chinese Journalist. By HUGO DE BURGH. [London, RoutledgeCurzon, 2003. 248pp. £65.00. ISBN 0-415-30573-X.]." China Quarterly 181 (March 2005): 171–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005220106.
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One can obtain as wide a range of views on the state of health of the Chinese media as on any other subject these days. Chinese journalists who remember the press up to 25 years ago will assert how much greater freedom exists now. Even the reporting of traffic accidents was forbidden, as Hugo de Burgh points out, “until the taboo was broken around 1980” (p. 36). (In Shanghai, I was told, it was broken when the Jiefang ribao reported that a trolley bus had caught fire on Huaihai Road.)Younger journalists are more likely to chafe at the limits still imposed upon the media. Many seek to pursue media studies abroad, explaining that they hope to be better qualified if or when there is a new breakthrough in China. Others continue to push at the limits, sometimes getting sacked but often able to move on to another media outlet in another province. Those working for web-based media are often bolder than their print counterparts – including journalists on the People's Daily website who exposed the notorious Nandan tin mine disaster in 2001.This is a timely book which, as its title suggests, focuses on the Chinese journalist rather than on Chinese journalism – a distinction that would have been impossible to draw until recent years. It is based on fieldwork as well as wide reading although the value of some interview material is reduced by the necessity – revealing in itself – to mask the interviewees' identity.
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Tang, Yong. "For Whose Eyes Only?: China's Journalistic Internal Reference and Its Legal and Political Implications." Journal of Information Policy 7, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jinfopoli.7.1.0001.
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Abstract Journalistic internal reference is a highly secretive system that allows reporters in China to submit investigative journalism exclusively to party and government leaders. The article explores how the system was established and how it operates in today's communication, legal, and political environments. In particular, the article investigates the method's legal and political implications, with a special focus on examining the conflicts the concept and practice of journalistic internal reports may have with China's first freedom of information law, and the unfairness secretive journalism may bring to enforcement of libel law. Furthermore, the article identifies news media internal reports' failure to hold party and government accountable and its inappropriate role as think tank for senior party and government leaders. Despite recent party and government efforts to revitalize the system, the article proposes an eventual elimination of the century-long practice of sealing newsworthy information. The article argues that phasing out journalistic internal reference would create a better international image for the Chinese state, ensure more transparent and accountable governance, facilitate freer flow of information, guarantee better exercise of people's right to know, and help to establish more credible media institutions.
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Lewis, James R., and Junhui Qin. "Is Li Hongzhi a CIA Agent? Tracing the Funding Trail Through the Friends of Falun Gong." Journal of Religion and Violence 8, no. 3 (2020): 298–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jrv202121680.
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In 2000, Mark Palmer, one of the National Endowment for Democracy’s (NED’s) founders and Vice Chairman of Freedom House—an organization funded entirely by the U.S. Congress—founded a new government-supported group, Friends of Falun Gong (FoFG). By perusing FoFG’s annual tax filings, one discovers that FoFG has contributed funds to Sounds of Hope Radio, New Tang Dynasty TV, and the Epoch Times—all Falun Gong media outlets. FoFG has also contributed to Dragon Springs (a Falun Gong ‘compound’ that hosts a Falun Gong school and a residency complex) and to Shen Yun (a Falun Gong performance company), as well as to Falun Gong’s PR arm. In order to contextualize the U.S. government’s funding of Falun Gong, it will also be helpful to examine a handful of additional U.S. agency activities, such as the NED’s funding of Liu Xiaobo, the Hong Kong protests, and other China-related and Tibet-related groups.
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WENG, HEW WAI. "Entangled Mobility: Hui Migration, Religious Identity and Cultural Capital in Malaysia." Issues & Studies 54, no. 01 (March 2018): 1840001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251118400015.
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In recent years, there is an increasing number of Hui migrants in Malaysia. This paper examines the accumulation of various forms of capital (cultural, social and economic) and the intersection of capitalization of “Chineseness” and “Muslimness” among overseas Hui. It begins with a discussion on the mobility capital — in which Hui Muslims enjoy relative freedom to move around in China and beyond China, compared to their Uyghur counterparts who have limited mobility. It is followed by analyzing how aspirations such as “cultural affinity,” “religious authenticity,” “educational mobility” and “business opportunity” drive contemporary Hui mobility to Malaysia. By describing the religious, cultural and business activities of Hui migrants, it explores how the accumulation and circulation of different forms of capital take place in mosques, in restaurants and on social media platforms. It proposes a concept of “entangled mobility” to examine the intersection between their cultural and religious identity, the interconnection between spatial and social mobility, the combination of religious and economic aspiration, as well as how their capital circulations are entangled with broader economic, social and political processes. However, instead of reifying cultural capital as given one, Hui migrants re-enact their cultural capital depending on the Malaysian contexts. Such enactment of cultural capital plays an important role in Hui mobility and enables them to navigate their life in multi-ethnic and multi-religious Malaysia.
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Tsvetkova, Natalia, Anna Sytnik, and Tatiana Grishanina. "Digital diplomacy and digital international relations: Challenges and new advantages." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 15, no. 2 (2022): 174–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2022.204.
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The paper introduces concepts relative to digital international relations, including the following clusters as data/digital diplomacy; cyber security and cyber diplomacy; global internet governance; and, finally, digital voting. All these elements have come under the pressure of datalization that is the growth of digital actors and of big data analytics used often for political purposes. This paper focuses on one of the elements of digital international relations, notably the digital diplomacy. The authors discuss new challenges including digital uncertainty, fractured digital reality, and framing. Based on the analysis of data retrieved from social media by computational algorithms, the authors test these new challenges in case studies related to the digital diplomacy conducted by the United States, Russia and China in such countries as Afghanistan, Syria and Iran in various timelines. The authors reveal that multiple digital bloggers, mass-media, various entities, etc., can diminish the effectiveness of governmental digital diplomacy. At the same time, the datalization, digital uncertainty, and fragmentation allow the official diplomacy of the states to promote values through specific policy of framing discussed in the paper. Based on the empirical data, it can be concluded that the current stage of digitalization of international relations compels the states to introduce new binding agreements to draw “cyber red lines” or, equally, to maintain internet freedom that will contribute to shaping a balance of power in cyberspace.
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Liu, Zheran. "Research on the Use of Social Media to Grasp Consumers’ Psychology and Create Traffic: A Case Study of Brandy Melville." SHS Web of Conferences 155 (2023): 02017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202315502017.
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In recent years, Brandy Melville (Hereinafter referred to as BM), an Italian clothing brand, has gained popularity in mainland China because of the style of its slim tops and skirts, which echos the “freedom to dress” speech that has been popular in recent years. However, BM only produces one size and only girls who are thin enough can wear it. This makes other girls feel that their bodies are not recognized. Therefore, BM is also known as the “creator of body anxiety”. Nevertheless, wearing BM has become a hint to prove one’s “good figure”, and BM’s marketing strategy also cleverly utilizes consumers’ vanity to achieve the purpose of marketing itself. So even though there are a lot of critical comments, BM is still gaining popularity from the public. The purpose of this case study is to explore how Brandy Melville grasps consumers’ psychology and controls their emotions, and how it takes advantage of hot comments and critical comments to build its own image and drive consumers to buy. Through the case study of Brandy Melville and the interview with its audience and Key Opinion Leaders (KOLs), this paper aims to find out how social media is used to influence and guide the public’s psychology and emotions. Results show that social media can be used to build the brand image, lead the fashion trend, echo hot topics, and create public sentiment to grasp consumer’s psychology and create traffic.
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Zhang, Yalu, Yiyi Xiong, and Gong Chen. "PATHWAYS OF IMPROVING SOCIAL CAPABILITY OF OLDER ADULTS WITH FUNCTIONAL LIMITATIONS: FINDINGS FROM MIXED METHODS." Innovation in Aging 6, Supplement_1 (November 1, 2022): 811–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igac059.2924.
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Abstract Objectives Social capabilities are the opportunities to realize people’s potential. Despite an established positive link between health status and social capabilities among older adults, the relationship mechanisms are understudied. Methods Using the China Longitudinal Aging Social Survey data 2014–2018, this paper examined the possible mediating role of community participation through which older adults (aged 60 and above) in China with functional limitations improved or maintained their social capabilities. By conducting the 12 in-depth interviews, this study explores how community participation altered the negative associations between functional limitations and social capabilities among Chinese older adults. Results Findings from the quantitative study show that both physical (-.136, p < 0.001) and cognitive (-.149, p < 0.001) functional limitations showed consistent and negative effects on the social capabilities of older adults, and the effects varied between males and females. The mediation analysis results show that community participation accounted for a substantial proportion of the impact of functional limitations (36.33%) on social capabilities. However, functional limitations still had strong, negative direct effects of their own. Findings from the qualitative narrative synthesis show that peer companionship, regular physical activities, and reduced digital obstacles to accessing online social media during social participation are the self-perceived driving force in enhancing their sense of security, freedom of expression, and sense of social cohesion. Discussion: Findings from this study highlight the need for more social policies and services to encourage community participation among older adults.
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Al-Talib, Mohammed, Pippa K. Bailey, Qiaoling Zhou, and Katie Wong. "The experiences of UK-Chinese individuals during the COVID-19 pandemic: A qualitative interview study." PLOS ONE 18, no. 1 (January 17, 2023): e0280341. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0280341.
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Infectious disease outbreaks have historically been associated with stigmatisation towards minority groups, specifically those associated with the geographical region that the disease was first identified. We aimed to investigate how the emerging COVID-19 pandemic was experienced by UK-resident individuals of Chinese ethnicity: how their perceived cultural and ethnic identity influenced their experiences, and how early insights into the pandemic in China influenced attitudes and behaviours. We undertook in-depth semi-structured interviews with individuals who self-identified as UK-Chinese. Participants were recruited from three cities in the UK. Interviews were undertaken over the telephone between 9th April 2020 and 16th July 2020. Interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed verbatim. Transcripts were coded using NVivo software and analysed using inductive thematic analysis. Sixteen individuals were interviewed. Three main themes were identified: (1) Attribution of stigma, (2) Pandemic legacies, and (3) Individual versus societal responses. These reflected six sub-themes: (1) Stigmatisation through (mis)identity, (2) Markers of pandemic awareness, (3) Legacies of previous pandemics, (4) Ascription of blame, (5) Extent of freedom, and (6) Implicit faith in government. Experiences of xenophobia included accounts of physical violence. UK-Chinese individuals experienced and perceived widespread xenophobia, in the context of media representations that ascribed blame and exacerbated stigmatisation. Prior experience of respiratory epidemics, and insight into the governmental and societal response in China, contributed to the early adoption of face masks. This in turn marked UK-Chinese individuals as targets for abuse. Awareness is needed to safeguard stigmatized groups from social and economic harm in future infectious disease pandemics.
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Phillipson, Robert. "Languages in public policy, and constraints in academia." Language Problems and Language Planning 43, no. 3 (December 3, 2019): 286–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.00046.phi.
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Abstract The article explores evidence of public policy ignoring scholarly recommendations, and describes instances of this in the field of language policy at both supranational and national levels. One significant contemporary influence is that university autonomy and academic freedom are being constrained by neoliberal pressures. Evidence of this in the United Kingdom and Denmark is described. These trends are connected to the wider context of the transition from the practices and ideology of terra nullius to legitimate colonisation and global Europeanisation, and the concomitant dispossession of the territories of others, to global Americanisation processes, the universalization of a cultura nullius in commerce, the media, academia, and domestic life. This dovetails with the promotion and establishment of English as a lingua nullius, a language that should be learned by all worldwide, as if it serves the interests of all inhabitants of the globe, and is disconnected from the causal factors behind the expansion of the language. One speech by Winston Churchill argues for the maintenance of university autonomy and historical awareness. Another pleads for Anglo-American global dominance, including the promotion of English as a ‘world’ language. These competing pleas have had different outcomes: academic freedom and traditions are currently at risk, whereas US dominance and the promotion and expansion of English have thrived. The governments of the five Nordic countries have acted to ensure the maintenance of national languages as well as competence in ‘international languages’. This is exemplified by a description of how universities should assure parallel competence and thereby a healthy balance between English and national languages. Soft power is never far from economic, political, and military power, all of which entail language use. China and Chinese are well launched on a comparable trajectory to the expansion of English.
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Qiu, Hao, Shuhong Wang, Naming Zhang, Fengju Sun, Zhiguo Wang, Xiaofeng Jiang, Hongyu Jiang, Xu He, and Shuya Ning. "Numerical Analysis of a Single-Stage Fast Linear Transformer Driver Using Field-Circuit Coupled Time-Domain Finite Integration Theory." Applied Sciences 10, no. 22 (November 23, 2020): 8301. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/app10228301.
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The focus of this paper is numerical analysis on the performance of a newly designed mega-ampere (MA) class single-stage fast linear transformer driver (FLTD) with 24 separate columns in the China Z-pinch driver CZ34. However, the internal structure and media distribution of the FLTD induction cavity is very complicated and the short rise time of the bricks’ discharge current will make spatial discretization much denser, resulting in a dramatic increase in the computational complexity of a 3-D model. In this paper, the electromagnetic (EM) characteristics of the single-stage FLTD with 24-separate columns are investigated based on the time-domain finite integration theory (TD-FIT). The discharge currents of brick capacitors in the circuit model are coupled to the field model as excitations. The grid size of the key components in FLTD cavity are refined by nonuniform grids. To further reduce the number of degrees of freedom (DoFs), the surface impedance boundary condition (SIBC) is used to model good conductors. Measurements and simulation results demonstrate that TD-FIT is effective and accurate in analyzing the EM transients of FLTD. Equivalent inductance of the discharging brick will increase by ~35 nH due to the mutual flux linkage among neighboring bricks when all the 23-bricks are triggered synchronously.
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Sťahel, Richard, and Slávka Tomaščíková. "Towards the possibility of transforming consumer culture into ecological civilization." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies 37, no. 4 (2021): 694–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2021.409.
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The article analyzes the prospects of ecological civilisation in a media-driven society at the end of the 20th century and the first two decades of the 21st century. The self-identity of the individual is now formed within the culture-ideology of consumerism, which is defined by the excessive production and consumption of all kinds of goods and services. Public policies of this period are shaped by neoliberal principles emphasizing the individuals’ benefit and their profit. The result of such a culture is an intensification of environmental and social destruction at the planetary level. Almost unlimited support for the growth of production and consumption faces the limits of the planetary system, its capacity to provide resources for continued growth, and to absorb pollution. Consequently, humanity faces the instability and unpredictability of the Anthropocene. From a philosophical point of view, the global environmental crisis opens up the problem of justifying regulations restricting the freedom of unlimited production and consumption. The concept of ecological culture or ecological civilization which is developing in contemporary China can be considered as the opposite of the culture-ideology of consumerism. It emerged in China in the mid-1980s as a response to the Soviet-formulated model of ‘green culture.’ This concept integrates several ‘Western’ concepts of sustainable development, eco-Marxism, ecological democracy, but it also incorporates several traditional Chinese philosophical concepts and thus can be perceived as part of the renaissance of traditional Chinese ways of thinking and interpreting the world. The question is whether the concept of ecological civilization is a real alternative to consumer culture. If the answer to this question is affirmative, then the possibilities of transforming the culture of consumption into an ecological civilization analysed in the article should be considered as trends of sustainable development.
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Gamso, Jonas. "Is China exporting media censorship? China’s rise, media freedoms, and democracy." European Journal of International Relations 27, no. 3 (May 22, 2021): 858–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13540661211015722.
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This study explores the relationship between China’s rise and media censorship around the world, in light of recent suggestions in the Western press and among China experts that Beijing is advancing a global censorship agenda. I argue that the Chinese government occasionally promotes censorship in foreign countries, because it wishes to reduce negative media coverage of China or to silence certain groups abroad (e.g. Falun Gong). More often, China’s relative apathy about speech and press freedoms in foreign countries facilitates censorship in countries that can rely on trade with Beijing. Countries that cannot rely on China are less willing to risk alienating Western powers by violating press freedoms at home. Regime type is an important determinant as to whether censorship is facilitated through intensive economic integration with China, as democracies may respond to China’s rise differently than authoritarian countries. Analysis of country-level panel data shows higher rates of media censorship in democratic countries that trade intensively with China.
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Egan, Annabel. "Regulatory changes in China against evolving media freedoms." Asia Europe Journal 4, no. 1 (January 31, 2006): 77–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10308-005-0038-y.
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Kassenov, Farkhad. "About the specificity of the impact of communicative technological innovations on political processes in the Republic of Kazakhstan." Adam alemi 88, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 101–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.48010/2021.2/1999-5849.10.
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A complex of various technological innovations, which, first of all, have information and communication content, among which it is necessary to mention news and analytical Internet portals, messengers like Whatsapp, hybrid and convergent media tools such as Telegram and Facebook, video hosting and editing services (Youtube and TikTok), streaming platforms, and numerous other technological solutions have a great impact on political processes in Central Asia, transforming them and reformatting them. Their influence is most pronounced in Kazakhstan, for a number of reasons, among which a higher standard of living of the population and, accordingly, the paying capacity of the audience, the depth of Internet penetration, the development of the communication sphere, etc. In this regard, the situation in Kazakhstan presented to be largely as a model for the entire region of Central Asia. The impact of communicative technological innovations in the Republic of Kazakhstan is manifested through the intensification of socio-political processes, the restructuring of society, through the emergence of new groups of influence, as well as the creation of dialogue and discussion platforms, often of an informal plan, which contribute both to the unification and differentiation of the social organism. This gives rise to various dilemmas in the choice of state approaches to the use of communicative technological innovations, which is expressed both in encouraging the development of the information and communication sphere, and in attempts to limit civic activity if it goes through the channels of new means of communication. The author suggests that in the coming years, the impact of communicative technological innovations on political processes in Kazakhstan will be under the sign of the two indicated contradictory tendencies (striving for freedom and control), especially considering the neighborhood with the two powers, China and the Russian Federation, with their predominantly repressive logic of interaction state with society.
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Hsu, Chien-Jung. "China’s Influence on Taiwan’s Media." Asian Survey 54, no. 3 (May 2014): 515–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2014.54.3.515.
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The warming cross-Taiwan Strait relationship has allowed China greater opportunities to influence Taiwan’s media. Three interrelated strategies—greater economic control over media outlets, pressure exerted on media owners, and the purchase of influential advertisements—have led to growing concerns about the erosion of press freedoms in Taiwan.
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Anzai, Asami, Tetsuro Kobayashi, Natalie M. Linton, Ryo Kinoshita, Katsuma Hayashi, Ayako Suzuki, Yichi Yang, et al. "Assessing the Impact of Reduced Travel on Exportation Dynamics of Novel Coronavirus Infection (COVID-19)." Journal of Clinical Medicine 9, no. 2 (February 24, 2020): 601. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jcm9020601.
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The impact of the drastic reduction in travel volume within mainland China in January and February 2020 was quantified with respect to reports of novel coronavirus (COVID-19) infections outside China. Data on confirmed cases diagnosed outside China were analyzed using statistical models to estimate the impact of travel reduction on three epidemiological outcome measures: (i) the number of exported cases, (ii) the probability of a major epidemic, and (iii) the time delay to a major epidemic. From 28 January to 7 February 2020, we estimated that 226 exported cases (95% confidence interval: 86,449) were prevented, corresponding to a 70.4% reduction in incidence compared to the counterfactual scenario. The reduced probability of a major epidemic ranged from 7% to 20% in Japan, which resulted in a median time delay to a major epidemic of two days. Depending on the scenario, the estimated delay may be less than one day. As the delay is small, the decision to control travel volume through restrictions on freedom of movement should be balanced between the resulting estimated epidemiological impact and predicted economic fallout.
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de la Peña, Esther. "No angels in the house in Martin McDonagh’s The beauty queen of Leenane and Eimear McBride’s A girl is a half-formed thing." Revista Internacional de Culturas y Literaturas, no. 25 (2022): 283–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/ricl2022.i25.18.
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This paper aims at analyzing the complex female constructions of identity, trauma and personal failure in Martin McDonagh’s The Beauty Queen of Leenane (1996), and Eimear McBride’s A Girl Is a Half-Formed Thing (2013). As the title suggests, “No Angels in the House” refers to the central role motherhood has firmly held in traditional Irish society, and how progressively this sublimation of the mother figure has evidenced a deeper somber side of domestic life. I explore the concept of the maternal in both works, and how the devastating consequences of a rigid religious upbringing will stigmatize the protagonists’ lives forever. I also analyze the post-traumatic stress disorder that the two female protagonists suffer when they fail to assert themselves in such a hostile environment. In this framework, the final part of this work is devoted to reflecting upon the acknowledgment of personal failure and the impossibility of redemption. The illusion of freedom coupled with the sociocultural breeding causes the subversion of the moral edicts, and the death of the protagonists who seem to disintegrate and fade away into a non-existence of their own
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Yang, Joonseok. "Korean Perceptions of Czechoslovakia’s Charta 77: Focusing on Korean Media Reports." East and West Studies 34, no. 3 (August 31, 2022): 71–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.29274/ews.2022.34.3.71.
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This study analyzes the development process of Czechoslovakia’s Charta 77 and Korean perceptions of the Czechoslovak liberalization movement in 1977 based on media materials. Charta 77, published on January 1977, was a Czechoslovak dissident movement that emphasized non-political purposes and human rights motives. The media of the Republic of Korea(ROK) quickly and concretely reported on the suppression of the human rights of those involved in Charta 77 by the Czechoslovak government, with particular attention to the reactions of countries around the world to human rights issues in Eastern Europe. The People’s Republic of China supported Charta 77 and called it a “new Prague Spring.” The United States also broke with the principle of nonintervention in human rights issues in Eastern Europe and strongly criticized violations of human rights and freedoms there. The media of the ROK continued to report on the trend toward liberalization from Charta 77 until the Velvet Revolution in 1989. In particular, in analyzing the causes of Charta 77, ROK media cited Czech intellectuals’ longing for democracy and internal conflicts within the communist forces that resisted the dictatorship of the proletariat. While multi-layered reports on Charter 77 in the ROK progressed quickly, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea(DPRK) reported in detail on the 1968 Prague Spring, but there were no reports in DPRK on Charta 77 during the worsening economic crisis of the late 1970s.
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Cejas Romanelli, Pablo Sebastián. "Covid-19 crisis in Italy. Fundamental rights and freedoms: the price to pay for human health?" Revista Derecho y Salud | Universidad Blas Pascal, no. 5 (December 1, 2020): 157–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.37767/2591-3476(2020)23.
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The results of the appearance of the novel coronavirus meant for many States, the application of restrictive measures of constitutionally protected rights and freedoms, with the aim -preliminarily- of protecting the health and integrity of people. Thus, a real “emergency legal framework” was created, with restrictions on interpersonal contact, and other daily situations in the life of any society.
Italy stood out for being the first country where COVID-19 attacked with particular virulence. The first steps of the government at the end of January 2020 were aimed at preventing the entry of people from China, and soon after, put in place much more restrictive measures as the number of deceased patients increased. However, to some extent, all the imposed restrictions seemed to have been a price to be paid in order to protect human health.
Los resultados de la aparición del novel coronavirus significó para muchos Estados, la aplicación de medidas restrictivas de derechos y libertades constitucionalmente tutelados, con el objeto -preliminarmente- de proteger la salud e integridad de las personas. Así, se dio paso a la creación de un verdadero “sistema jurídico de emergencia”, con restricciones al contacto interpersonal, situaciones por demás cotidianas en la vida de cualquier sociedad.
Italia se destacó por ser el primer país donde el COVID-19 atacó con particular virulencia. Los primeros pasos del gobierno a finales de enero de 2020 tuvieron el objetivo de impedir el ingreso de personas provenientes de China, para poco después disponer medidas mucho más restrictivas a medida que el número de pacientes fallecidos aumentaba. Sin embargo, en algún punto, las restricciones impuestas se presentan como el precio que se debió pagar a cambio de la salud humana.
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Karneev, A. "Elements and Channels of Bottom-Up Feedback in Contemporary China’s Political System." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 7 (2021): 56–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-7-56-63.
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The Year 2021 is significant because of the 100th anniversary of the Communist Party of China (CCP). This is a plausible opportunity to review the accomplishments of the ruling party in the last decades, especially in the period of the current leadership headed by Xi Jinping. As China under Xi is edging closer to its ultimate aim of “the Great Renaissance of the Chinese Nation”, its relations with the US, the current hegemon of the world order have experienced a severe downturn. Seen against the backdrop of Сhina’s deteriorating relations with the US and the West in general in recent years, the public opinion in the country has generally shifted towards anti-western and patriotic sentiments. There is in the international media, as well as in academia, a widely accepted image of China under Xi Jinping as a country where there is significantly less space for pluralistic discussions, different opinions and independent voices. Critical opinions arguably have been effectively muted, and the realm of liberal freedoms has shrunk probably to the levels of the start of the reforms’ era or even earlier times. An ongoing debate on the issue of interaction between the government policies and public opinion is important to a better understanding of the evolution of the Chinese polity. Does the system block all the critical voices from below and allow the information flow only top-down? Or should we probably pay more attention to the concrete efforts by the governments at different levels to stimulate and legitimize the grass-roots reactions to government policies? In this article we take a look at whether there are still vibrant channels through which common people can voice their opinions, and whether the state keeps those channels of feedback working. The overall impression is that the above-mentioned image of the resurgent totalitarianism in China’s political system seriously underestimates the complexities of contemporary PRC, the country that is searching for its own China-centered methods and channels of activating citizens’ political participation.