Relevant bibliographies by topics / China – Media freedom

Academic literature on the topic 'China – Media freedom'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "China – Media freedom"

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Hu, Jieren, and Yang Zheng. "Social Media, State Control and Religious Freedom in China." Political Theology 20, no. 5 (May 27, 2019): 382–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1462317x.2019.1624038.

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Xu, Nairui, Lixiong Chen, Zizheng Yu, and Xiaoni Zhu. "An Epistemic Trend or a Digital Pitfall? De‑Westernizing Media and Communication Studies in Digital China." Galactica Media: Journal of Media Studies 4, no. 4 (December 12, 2022): 30–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/gmd.v4i4.288.

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Governments hiding facts and truth from the public seems to have become a common phenomenon, especially during the social crisis in China. The practice of the public using various media to express dissent and opinions, to overcome government censorship, appears to contribute to freedom of speech. Inspired by widespread online articles during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, this paper argues that the flaws in this logic are the dualism, which digital media created (pro-democracy vs authoritarian; freedom vs control), in understanding media in China. By borrowing the discussion of the de-westernization of media and communication studies, the paper argues that the introduction of digital media makes de-westernized studies in China harder because it prompts us to think “digitally.”
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Fung, Anthony Y. H., and Chin-Chuan Lee. "Hong Kong's changing media ownership: Uncertainty and dilemma." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 53, no. 1-2 (February 1994): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001654929405300109.

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Media ownership in Hong Kong is being acquired at a frenzied pace by international capitalists who eye on the huge China market, and by pro-China business people eager to ingratiate themselves with the Beijing authorities. The impact of this development on press freedom warrants close attention.
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Robie, David. "Key Melanesian media freedom challenges: Climate crisis, internet freedoms, fake news and West Papua." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 26, no. 1 (July 31, 2020): 15–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v26i1.1072.

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Melanesia, and the microstates of the Pacific generally, face the growing influence of authoritarian and secretive values in the region—projected by both China and Indonesia and with behind-the-scenes manipulation. There is also a growing tendency for Pacific governments to use unconstitutional, bureaucratic or legal tools to silence media and questioning journalists. Frequent threats of closing Facebook and other social media platforms and curbs on online freedom of information are another issue. While Pacific news media face these challenges, their support networks are being shaken by the decline of Australia as a so-called ‘liberal democracy’ and through the undermining of its traditional region-wide public interest media values with the axing of Radio Australia and Australia Network television. Reporting climate change is the Pacific’s most critical challenge while Australian intransigence over the issue is subverting the region’s media. This article engages with and examines these challenges and also concludes that the case of West Papua is a vitally important self-determination issue that left unresolved threatens the security of the region.
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Wiebrecht, Felix. "Cultural co-orientation revisited: The case of the South China Morning Post." Global Media and China 3, no. 1 (March 2018): 32–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059436418778306.

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The freedom of press is one aspect that leaders from the West often criticise about China. As former British colony, Hong Kong has been able to preserve its special status with constitutional rights and liberties that also include the freedom of press. However, in recent years, sentiments of increased influence from Beijing have led to fears that it would curb the freedoms enjoyed by residents of the Special Administrative Region. However, instead of clear unambiguous interferences, Beijing has opted for an indirect approach that is predominantly characterised by the salience of economic considerations in reporting news binding the media outlets closer to the position of Beijing. This article shows that the South China Morning Post has undergone an editorial shift that moves it closer to the position of the Chinese government.
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Saleem, Nadia, and Farasat Rasool. "Freedom of Expression in Digital Age: An Analysis of Twitter in Context of Pak-China Relationship." Global Mass Communication Review V, no. IV (December 30, 2020): 217–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmcr.2020(v-iv).16.

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This article is aimed to provide an analysis regarding the freedom of expression on Twitter in the digital age. Freedom of expression in the digital age is the capability of an individual through which they are able to express their beliefs, thoughts, ideas and emotions on various issues via different social media platforms that are free from governmental censorship. These freedoms play a significant role, as now, each individual can have his/her own perspectives and school of thoughts; and can live his/her life as per own choice. The present study is a discourse analysis of the Pak-China relations debate as top trend hashtags on Twitter in 2020. The data was collected through Mozdeh Big Data Software. The top twenty tweets with the highest likes in seven trending hashtags have been studied as per Searle's Speech Act Analysis. The study shows that how Twitter as a social media platform provides a forum of free debate for everyone.
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Wesley, Fred. "Pacific journalism solidarity in the face of overwhelming forces." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 26, no. 1 (July 31, 2020): 37–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v26i1.1082.

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Commentary: The Melanesian Media Freedom Forum (MMFF) notes democracy is in retreat and journalists like Victor Mambor (West Papua), Scott Waide (Papua New Guinea) and Dan McGarry (Vanuatu) are carrying the baton for media freedom. There has been a global reversal for a free press that has spanned countries in every region, including long-standing democracies like the United States and consolidated authoritarian regimes like China and Russia. The pattern has been consistent and ominous.
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Wasserman, Herman. "China-Africa media relations: What we know so far." Global Media and China 3, no. 2 (June 2018): 108–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059436418784787.

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The increased presence of Chinese media in Africa has been a topic of much debate in recent years, and has given rise to a burgeoning research area. Seen as a platform upon which China can exert its ‘soft power’ in Africa as part of its outward-looking international relations policy, Chinese media has been considered instrumental in portraying a more positive picture of China among African audiences, partly in an attempt to support the expansion of Chinese economic activities on the continent. Critics have however questioned the influence that Chinese media practices may have on journalistic value systems and press freedom on the continent. These criticisms assume that Chinese media may have a big impact on African media, although the empirical basis for such claims have often been lacking.
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Senapati, Chittaranjan. "Rise of China and Ethnic Minority in Xinjiang." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 2 (June 1, 2017): 103–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i2.104.

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With the rise of China and its increasing exposure to the international media, voices were raised regarding the development and social changes that have been happening in the various provinces of China. The developments in Xinjiang also came under scrutiny and it has been used by the international media to criticise China with regard to the human rights issues and religious freedom in Xinjiang. The Uighurs Muslims being the ethnic minority in China, this article looks into the concept of minority in China, the constitutional provisions, as well as outlines the development that have happened in the province. Taking an objective view of the developments in Xinjiang in terms of education, health, employment and other parameters, the article provides an empirical glimpse into the province.
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Howarth, Bob. "Phoenix rising 2000: How Timor-Leste’s media bloomed from the ashes of violence and bloody conflict." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 24, no. 2 (November 2, 2018): 110–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v24i2.448.

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Commentary: The second annual Dili Dialogue Forum in July 2018 was sponsored by UNESCO, UNDP and the Timor-Leste Press Council and the governments of New Zealand, Japan and the Netherlands. Delegates came from Asian press councils and media freedom bodies, including the South East Asian Press Alliance, and from Cambodia, China, Hongkong, Indonesia, Japan, Philippines and Thailand. For the first time, Papua New Guinea’s Media Council was represented by its secretary and popular television presenter Belinda Kora. The author reflects on two days of presentations and roundtable discussions at the Forum—which saw Dili becoming the hub for a much bigger alliance of Asia-Pacific press councils—in the context of his long involvement in Timor-Leste media freedom issues.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "China – Media freedom"

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Yang, Yingxue. "Media Freedom in China: State, Society and Culture : A Comparative case study of Press Freedom between China and Taiwan." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-60280.

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Freedom of speech is a fundamental human rights. In Article 19 of United Nations  Declaration of Human Rights declared “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.”   China claims that the citizens of People’s Republic of China have the right of freedom of speech in Chinese current Constitution. However, Chinese journalists are barely able to express news freely, and the media freedom has become to a serious problem in modern China. On the other hand, Taiwan’s media freedom is considered to be the best in Asia according to Freedom House.   In this thesis, the author will research media freedom in China through a comparative case study, where the differences between Chinese and Taiwanese media will be explored. The thesis looks at how Chinese and Taiwanese media practice media freedom and how the Chinese media is constrained.     As a comparative case study, Chinese and Taiwanese media reports on the Mong Kok civil unrest in 2016 is used since the events in Hong Kong are of interest to both sets of media. Both quantitative and qualitative research method was used to do the data collection, and in analysis of the cases, critical discourse analysis is applied along with Trilling’s three models.   The research shows that the Chinese and Taiwanese media displayed obvious differences in their reporting of the Mong Kok civil unrest, they have different news quantities, article size, photo usage, news angle, key messages and thematic structure, as well as the means of expression. According to the analysis of these differences, the Chinese media freedom was limited to a great extent. In addition, the Chinese media was socially constrained by the deep-rooted sense of Democratic Centralism and Confucian value both in national leaders and citizens.
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Cao, Peixin. "Media incidents : power negotiation on mass media in time of China's social transition /." Konstanz : UVK Verlagsgesellschaft, 2010. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=3404796&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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Yuan, Jingtao. "Chinese Newspaper Coverage of the Beijing Olympics Games: A Comparative Framing Study of Chinese Media." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10190.

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viii, 89 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.
The Olympics games are not only a sport but also a media event. In 2008, China hosted the Olympics Games for the first time. The coverage of the Beijing Olympics Games in the Chinese media can reflect the characteristics of media and societal development in today's China. The study examines qualitatively the use of frames in coverage of the Beijing Olympics Games in 11 dailies and 2 weeklies in China. Four new issue-specific frames are found in the Chinese newspapers. The use of the existing six generic and five issue-specific frames are discussed in the Chinese context. The study finds that the Chinese media get more freedom in some areas that do not have direct links with politics. In the areas related to politics, the government is still controlling the media.
Committee in Charge: Patricia Curtin, Chair; John Russial H. Leslie Steeves
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Turner, Holly D. "Examining the Concepts, Situation and Inner Contradictions of the Chinese Media Through the News Reporting of Sudden Incidents in 2008." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1237941394.

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Yu, Haiqing. "Chinese media spectacles in the new millennium: counternarratives of modernity in China." 2006. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/3306.

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This thesis investigates the centrality of media spectacles in contemporary Chinese media culture, as sites of contestation over identity, citizenship and ethics. It examines four media spectacles - the media event of the new millennium celebrations, the news event of SARS reportage, the media stories about AIDS and SARS by new media users, and the media campaign war between Falun Gong and the Chinese state - to show how such contestation occurs in the interplay between the state and the non-state. It argues that the praxis to define identity, citizenship and ethics is not only in contestation (featuring resistance and opposition), but also in conjunction (characterized by mutual accommodation and appropriation) between the state and the non-state. Chinese modernity is produced in such interplay.
This thesis is an interdisciplinary study of Chinese media culture, which combines theories from media studies and critical theory with those from China studies, particularly cultural studies in and about China. Chapter One examines trajectories of studies on Chinese media and culture within the context of China's structural transformations in the post-Mao era. It also offers conceptual discussions of counter narratives of modernity as a tripartite concept and Chinese media spectacles in relation to the thematic structure of the thesis. Chapter Two examines the interplay of the state and the non-state through a case study of the new millennium celebrations. It argues that the interplay produces a rejuvenation millennialism that harbingers China's second coming in the third millennium. This rejuvenation millennialism is a hybrid discourse of nostalgia, nationalism, and utopianism, all of which require a post as their signifier. Chapter Three uses SARS reportage as a case study to examine the intellectual politics of Chinese journalists in their interplay with the state and the society. It shows how journalists use strategies of double-time narration to mediate the different logics that are imposed upon them. It argues that mediation journalism defines and confines contemporary Chinese journalism.
Chapter Four studies media stories about AIDS (the case of Li Jiaming) and SARS (the cases of Sun Zhigang and SMS rhymes about SARS) that are produced, circulated and consumed by Internet and mobile phone users in urban China. It shows how new media users are able to re-configure their subjectivities through the interplay with the state and intellectual/journalist communities. It argues that by allowing the reformation of political subjectivities, talking, linking and clicking has become an important means of exercising citizenship for the subjects of postsocialist China. Chapter Five examines Falun Gong's media campaign war with the state, with the focus on their representations of the body, in order to argue that the contestation between the state and the non-state constitutes a crisis not only for body politics but also for ethics. Falun Gong represents an historical force to split the ethics of the self and the nation from the politics of the state. Representing four aspects of counter narratives of modernity in China, these four media spectacles will inform Chinese politics, culture, society and everyday life in the 21st century.
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Wang, J. "1978 年以来中国媒体追求新闻自由的努力研究 = A study on the quest for freedom of press by Chinese media professionals in China since 1978." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10453/23478.

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University of Technology, Sydney. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences.
本文运用新闻自由相关理论，系统研究1978 年以来中国媒体界对新闻自由的理论探索与具体实践。它以新闻自由与专制的博弈为主要切入角度，通过文献研究和案例解剖，分阶段对中国媒体人争取新闻自由的脉络进行发掘和分析，并对历史传统、正反经验、观念变迁、市场影响、网络发展等因素与新闻自由程度的关系进行梳理，展现中国媒体人争取新闻自由高潮与低谷变换，成功与失败交织的复杂轨迹。文章的结论是：中国媒体虽然处在共产党高度控制下，但中国媒体人中一直存在着一条试图脱离党的控制、对新闻自由进行不懈追求的线。这条线代代相传，从未间断，取得了有限但珍贵的成果，为中国新闻自由的最后实现积累了宝贵的经验。 本文的研究成果同时体现在理论和实践两个层面。新闻自由理论可以理解为现代新闻事业的基本原则，它是指导新闻业务的基本思想，媒体履行正常功能的基本前提，受众享有知情权的基本要求。当代中国新闻自由的实践主要体现在两个方面，一方面是制约新闻事业的政治法律框架的演化，另一方面是媒体人在共产党高度新闻控制的条件下争取新闻自由的努力过程。从理论上说，这项研究丰富了中国新闻自由状况等方面的理论研究成果。特别是，本文对新闻自由与媒体控制这两种理念的历史纠结进行辨析，对近代新闻事业传入中国以后两种理念对中国新闻实践的影响进行了深入探讨。从实证方面说，这项研究挖掘和提供中国媒体界争取新闻自由方面的实证材料。以中国媒体人从1978 年前后到现在的时间段里争取新闻自由的主要事件、主要媒体、部分代表人物为线索，把中国媒体人争取新闻自由的努力的绵延不绝的图像清晰地呈现给世人。此外，这项研究对于中国当代新闻史、中国新闻立法、舆论监督，以及新闻媒体内部改革等方面也有一定的现实意义。 This thesis is a systematic study on the practice and theoretical exploration of the freedom of press in China since 1978. It sets out to uncover the struggles of China’s media professionals at different stages in the reform era of China and evaluate these struggles in the theoretical perspective of the freedom of press. To this end, the thesis provides a critical examination of the theory and practice of the freedom of press in China since 1978, with a focus on the conflicts between the quest for the freedom of press and the reality of China’s totalitarian and post-totalitarian regime. It also carries out analysis of other factors shaping the degree of the freedom of press in China, such as the pre-PRC experiences with the free press, value change in the era of reform and opening to the outside world, the influence of market forces and the spread of the internet. The findings of the thesis demonstrate that, although the Chinese media is still heavily censored by the communist regime, many professionals working in the Chinese media industry have always been determined to break free from the control of the Party and to achieve the freedom of press. This determination and incessant efforts made by generations of journalists have yielded limited but valuable results that have laid down the foundation for the eventual realisation of the freedom of press in China. This study makes an important contribution to the field at both theoretical and empirical levels. At the theoretical level, the thesis enriches the theory of the freedom of press particularly in assessing the impact of the concepts of free press and press control in the development of modern media in China. Empirically, the thesis is an elaborate account of the trajectory of the heroic quest for the freedom of press by Chinese media professionals under the communist rule.
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"Reconsidering the media public sphere: a study of radio phone-in programs in Hong Kong." 2002. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5891211.

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Adelaide Nga-yan Lau.
Thesis submitted in: December 2001.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 152-158).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Introduction --- p.p. 1 -4
Theoretical Framework --- p.p.5-25
The Habermasian public sphere
Chapter ■ --- Universal access
Chapter ■ --- Topics of public concern
Chapter ■ --- Rational discussion
Gatekeeping in production
Chapter ■ --- Individual gatekeeping
Chapter ■ --- Organizational gatekeeping
Chapter ■ --- Impact of commercialization
Phone-in Programs as Media Public Spheres --- p.p.26-46
Factors for developing public sphere
Chapter ■ --- Capitalism
Chapter ■ --- Freedom of expression
Media and political communication in Hong Kong
Political and social contexts of radio phone-in programs
Chapter ■ --- Period of germination
Chapter ■ --- Period of recognition
Chapter ■ --- Period of flourishing
Three radio phone-in programs in Hong Kong
Chapter ■ --- RTHK's Talkabout
Chapter ■ --- Commercial Radio's Teacup in a Storm
Chapter ■ --- Metro Radio's Metropolitics
Methodology --- p.p.47-55
Data collection
Chapter ■ --- The Robert Chung case
Data analysis
Chapter ■ --- Content analysis
Chapter ■ --- Discourse analysis
Analysis I - Universal Access --- p.p.56-76
Technologies enhance accessibility
Equal opportunity for callers
Selecting calls
Chapter ■ --- Screening in Talkabout
Chapter ■ --- Screening in Teacup in a Storm
Chapter ■ --- Screening in Metropolitics
What is universal access?
Analysis II - Topics of Public Concern --- p.p.77-96
Topics initiated by the public
Handling of topics initiated by the public
Characteristics of pre-set discussion topics
Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Talkabout
Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Teacup in a Storm
Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Metropolitics
Who sets the media agenda?
Analysis III - Rational Discussion --- p.P. 97 -114
Opinions with grounds
Discourse analysis of discussion on the Robert Chung case
Chapter ■ --- Period of reticence
Chapter ■ --- Period of development
Chapter ■ --- Period of investigation
Chapter ■ --- Period of conclusion
What is rational discussion?
Conclusion and Discussion --- p.P.115-128
Interpretations of three main criteria in the media public sphere
Organizational gatekeeping in the media public sphere
Chapter ■ --- Political economy of Talkabout
Chapter ■ --- Political economy of Teacup in a Storm
Chapter ■ --- Political economy of Metropolitics
One additional criterion 一 Pluralism
Reconsidering the media public sphere
Appendices --- p.P.129-151
Bibliography --- p.P.152-158
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Books on the topic "China – Media freedom"

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The fog of censorship: Media control in China. [New York]: Human Rights in China, 2008.

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Media commercialization and authoritarian rule in China. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2012.

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Guo, Yi. Freedom of the Press in China. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463726115.

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Western commentators have often criticized the state of press freedom in China, arguing that individual speech still suffers from arbitrary restrictions and that its mass media remains under an authoritarian mode. Yet the history of press freedom in the Chinese context has received little examination. Unlike conventional historical accounts which narrate the institutional development of censorship and people’s resistance to arbitrary repression, Freedom of the Press in China: A Conceptual History, 1831-1949 is the first comprehensive study presenting the intellectual trajectory of press freedom. It sheds light on the transcultural transference and localization of the concept in modern Chinese history, spanning from its initial introduction in 1831 to the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. By examining intellectuals’ thoughts, common people’s attitudes, and official opinions, along with the social-cultural factors that were involved in negotiating Chinese interpretations and practices in history, this book uncovers the dynamic and changing meanings of press freedom in modern China.
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Media freedom in China: Roundtable before the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, One Hundred Seventh Congress, second session, June 24, 2002. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2002.

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United States. Congressional-Executive Commission on China. Media freedom in China: Roundtable before the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, One Hundred Seventh Congress, second session, June 24, 2002. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2002.

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Human Rights in China (Organization), ed. Zhongguo zheng fu ru he kong zhi mei ti: Zhongguo ren quan yan jiu bao gao = Media control in China : a report by human rights in China. New York: Zhongguo ren quan, 2003.

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Commission, U. S. China Economic and Security Review. China's state control mechanisms and methods: Hearing before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, One Hundred Ninth Congress, first session, April 14, 2005. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2005.

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U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission. China's state control mechanisms and methods: Hearing before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, One Hundred Ninth Congress, first session, April 14, 2005. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2005.

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China's state control mechanisms and methods: Hearing before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, One Hundred Ninth Congress, first session, April 14, 2005. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2005.

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Sun, Hsü-pʻei. An orchestra of voices: Making the argument for greater speech and press freedom in the People's Republic of China. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "China – Media freedom"

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Guo, Yi. "Introduction." In Freedom of the Press in China. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463726115_intro.

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Observers of the media landscape in China often express the criticism that individual speech still suffers from arbitrary restriction and that mass media is run in an ‘authoritarian mode.’ Yet how did the state of press freedom in China end up like this? Was this an inevitable outcome, or are there historical antecedents that predate the communist system? To answer these questions, we need to conduct a comprehensive inquiry into China’s history of press freedom because today’s conception of press freedom is fundamentally related to its past. In the case of China, this conceptual history has so far received little attention. This chapter delineates theoretical backgrounds and methodological issues relating to the conceptual history of press freedom in China.
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"CHINA, NEWS MEDIA FREEDOM AND THE WEST: PRESENT AND FUTURE PERSPECTIVES." In The European Union and China, 207–24. Brill | Rodopi, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789042027428_014.

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"Observing the Observers at Tiananmen Square: Freedom, Democracy, and the News Media in China's Student Moveme nt." In Culture and Politics in China, 273–98. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203794104-22.

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Weiss, Charles. "The Internet and Social Media." In The Survival Nexus, 155–72. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190946265.003.0010.

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This chapter traces the challenges to the Internet’s founding values of freedom of information, communication, and innovation back to its first years. The issues of security, privacy, and misinformation raised by the Information and Communications Revolution have roots in early decisions, taken either as conscious choices or as products of the pioneers’ libertarian spirit, and later reinforced by democratic governments’ determination to keep the Internet free of censorship and open to innovation. Despite early hopes that controlling information flows would be technically impossible, measures by authoritarian governments have become more sophisticated and effective, especially in China. At the same time, democracies agree on basic principles but disagree over privacy and data localization. These tensions were resolved pragmatically: an independent NGO operates the Internet, advised by both governments and a freewheeling forum. The spread of Chinese 5G technology is likely to challenge U.S. dominance of Internet operation, governance, and embodied values.
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LaMay, Craig L. "The World Cup and Freedom of Expression in Qatar." In Sport, Politics and Society in the Middle East, 107–22. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190065218.003.0007.

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This chapter elaborates on the effects of the upcoming 2022 FIFA World Cup on Qatar’s restrictive media system, seeking to answer the question: how does the World Cup affect rights of expression and publication in a country that criminalizes, for example, blasphemy and criticism of the emir? Our analysis is based on conversations that we have had with newspaper editors in Qatar, assessing internationally known indices of press freedom and the growing body of academic literature on Qatari sport and media politics. Being home to news broadcaster Al Jazeera, Qatar is the most progressive member of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) on matters of free expression, but ranks low on international indicators. Qatar’s successful bid to host the 2022 World Cup has brought the country both new attention and criticism, with the latter focusing especially on the kafala labor system. Neither China nor Russia’s media regimes changed after hosting the Olympics in 2008 and 2014 respectively, but despite this trend, this chapter argues that Qatar has been relatively open to its critics, and the award of the World Cup has advanced conversations about sensitive subjects within the country.
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Frankel, James D. "Islamisation and Sinicisation: Inversions, Reversions and Alternate Versions of Islam in China." In Islamisation, 495–514. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474417129.003.0024.

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In the People’s Republic of China (PRC), religious freedom is guaranteed by the constitution, but is hardly taken for granted. Media fanning public fears about the spread of radical Islam is a recent development, as seen on the front page of the Hong Kong daily Ming Pao, which juxtaposed an infl uential Islamic community in Yunnan province with the Charlie Hebdo attacks in Paris.1 Such editorial skew is largely motivated by the interest in playing upon popular prejudice to help sell newspapers, a motivation shared by both Western and Eastern media. But the underlying preconception is strikingly similar. Fear among non-Muslims of Islamisation – the spread of Islamic extremism, or simply of Islam – has made its way to China.
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Yan, Mei Ning. "The Impact of New Media on Freedom of Expression in China and the Regulatory Responses." In Free Speech and Censorship Around the Globe, 381–408. Central European University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9789633860571-021.

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Gong, Wengao. "Government Monitoring of Online Media and its Influence on Netizens’ Language Use in China." In Computer-Mediated Communication across Cultures, 155–72. IGI Global, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-60960-833-0.ch011.

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In the last 15 years, China has witnessed the world’s fastest growth in terms of Internet infrastructure construction and number of Internet users. In order to realize its ambition in maximizing the economic value of the Internet while minimizing its destabilizing and disruptive potential, the Chinese government has adopted a policy that encourages the technological development of the Chinese Internet. The government, however, also maintains a very tight control over the Chinese people’s online activities. In order to avoid or break through the government’s regulatory effort, netizens in China have worked out many interesting ways of expressing ideas online. Among the various linguistic strategies adopted by Chinese netizens, five are particularly prominent and arguably more effective. They are using homophony, dismantling Chinese characters, using sarcasm, extending the semantic sense of words, and using English or Pinyin initials. This chapter examines how government monitoring of online media in China is employed to restrict people’s freedom of expression and how Chinese netizens are using certain features inherent in their language and culture to exercise their right of free expression in such a context.
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Wu, Guoguang. "Spread of Information versus Spread of Virus." In Covid-19 in Asia, 73–84. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197553831.003.0005.

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This chapter investigates how three Chinese societies—namely, China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong—in their different performances during the first months of the Covid-19 crisis, have revealed how the free or unfree flow of information via mass media and social media critically affects a society’s ability to fight the pandemic. The initial outbreak of SARS-CoV-2 in China is to a great extent attributed to the harsh and often effective governmental censorship of media communication. In contrast, both Taiwan, as a democratic society with a high degree of free flow of information, and Hong Kong, where citizens have residual freedoms—primarily freedom to information—have achieved remarkable effectiveness in containing the spread of Covid-19 in their jurisdictions. Instead of attempting to provide a comprehensive study of the three jurisdictions, this chapter provides a snapshot of the early days of the Covid-19 pandemic in the three cases and serves as a starting point for future research. It also critically reflects on the experience of societies at or near the epicentre of the global crisis in a way that highlights, from a political science perspective, the relevance of information flow to human ability in fighting pandemics and its lessons for the governance of public health emergencies.
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Yuan, Yuan. "A Gradual Political Change?" In Using New Media for Citizen Engagement and Participation, 198–218. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-1828-1.ch011.

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In order to understand the contradiction of freedom versus control regarding the internet use in an authoritarian rule, this study is designed to explore a gradual political effect by investigating the agenda-setting effect of internet activism on government political agenda in China from 1994 to 2011. In total, 144 internet activism cases and 526 articles from official newspapers are collected for the analysis and discussion. The results suggest a bottom-up agenda-setting effect from online activism on political agenda, and this agenda-setting effect includes a potential transition from issue level to attribute level. This study also finds that the development of online activism itself obtained a stronger attention from official media, and the continuous growth of activism in forms and scopes generated constant pressure that finally gradually brought about the change of government behavior and strategy.
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