Journal articles on the topic 'China – Internet Censorship'
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Wang, Dakuo, and Gloria Mark. "Internet Censorship in China." ACM Transactions on Computer-Human Interaction 22, no. 6 (December 14, 2015): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2818997.
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Yu, Andrew. "The internet’s role in promoting civic engagement in China and Singapore: A confucian view." Human Affairs 32, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 199–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/humaff-2022-0015.
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Abstract This paper discusses the Internet’s role in promoting civic engagement in Asian countries. China and Singapore were selected because they have similar ethnic groups and cultural backgrounds. This paper concludes that the Internet has a limited role in promoting civic engagement due to Internet censorship and people’s political attitudes, which are deeply rooted for Confucian cultural reasons. Moreover the Internet censorship does not bother people in China and Singapore. The argument presented in this paper differs from previous studies that focused only on the Internet censorship system and ignored the cultural and socio-historical dimensions. The paper argues that the cultural and socio-historical dimensions should be considered when studying censorship.
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Gorman, G. E. "China‐bashing in the internet censorship wars." Online Information Review 29, no. 5 (October 1, 2005): 453–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/14684520510628855.
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PurposeTo raise the subject of how most societies carry out internet censorship in some form or another.Design/methodology/approachConcentrates on the sanctimonious views emanating from the USA directed against the PRC. Recommends some authors' work for further reading.FindingsAfter making comparisons between the PRC and the liberal West, feels that one must learn to live with the reality that there are differing national and regional interpretations of what constitutes acceptable content.Originality/valueA strong and thought‐provoking personal view of a contentious subject.
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MUDA MONGGILO, ZAINUDDIN. "Internet Freedom in Asia: Case of Internet Censorship in China." Journal of Government and Politics 7, no. 1 (2016): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026.
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Lyulina, Anastasia G., and Elizaveta S. Efimenko. "Internet censorship in modern China: tight control and a flexible settlement system." RUDN Journal of World History 14, no. 2 (April 29, 2022): 175–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2022-14-2-175-188.
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The article considers the features of Internet censorship in the People's Republic of China, the stages of its formation, origins of specifics and modern problems of controlling information in the media. Material addressed the current theme of the CPC's fight against anti-historical research with reference to the new law on the rights and interests of military personnel; at the same time, it gives some examples of soft selective censorship of Internet user messages in China. The cultural origins of the phenomenon of Chinese censorship reveal many aspects related to the assessment of the CCP's policy towards the media by Chinese and foreigners. The work used research materials of Russian and foreign specialists in the field of state censorship in China, current information of Chinese news websites and legislation in the field of information control.
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Liang, Bin, and Hong Lu. "Internet Development, Censorship, and Cyber Crimes in China." Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 26, no. 1 (January 14, 2010): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043986209350437.
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Nolan, Justine M. "The China Dilemma: Internet Censorship and Corporate Responsiblity." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 4 (2009): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2194607800000375.
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AbstractThe ever increasing nexus between human rights and business and the accompanying vagueness of concepts such as a company's ‘sphere of responsibility’ for human rights can, and has, created anxiety amongst companies. Considerations of human rights traditionally take place in the context of a state-based system of global governance; however, the rise of the corporation as a powerful non-state actor in recent decades has seen increased interest in understanding the emerging relationship between human rights and business and what, if any, responsibility business should assume for protecting human rights. This article considers the role played by U.S. technology companies such as Yahoo, Google and Microsoft in working with the Chinese government to censor internet content and thus intrude on the human rights to freedom of expression and opinion and the right to privacy. It concludes by focusing on the practicalities of protection and how human rights responsibilities might be apportioned between states and business and if so, how, when and why such an obligation might ensue.
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Lin', Do. "Basis of legal regulation and Internet censorship in China." NB: Административное право и практика администрирования, no. 2 (February 2020): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2306-9945.2020.2.33152.
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This article examines the basis of legal regulation and Internet censorship in China. The genesis, development and relevant regulatory basis of legal regulation of Internet in China is examined. The author comes to the conclusion that on the one hand, Internet in China is subject to tight control due to the rapid development of technologies of observation and increase of police access to user data. Currently, China is one of the leaders in engineering and export of automated instruments for monitoring social networks. The citizens face restrictions based on the control of login accounts that give access to the Internet; blockchain apps and their developers are also subject to control and must provide registration of real names of the users; international corporations, such as Apple, Microsoft, Linkedin, are forced to bend to the demands of Chinese authorities and help to determine and punish the users who do not adhere to the censorship requirements in China. On the other hand, Chinese government makes everything possible for the large scale implementation of information technologies into socioeconomic life of the country, namely industrial and commercial sectors. Usage of internet in the sphere of sociopolitical life restricted, since China justifiably sees a threat to political stability and social security of the country.
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Mina, An Xiao. "Batman, Pandaman and the Blind Man: A Case Study in Social Change Memes and Internet Censorship in China." Journal of Visual Culture 13, no. 3 (December 2014): 359–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470412914546576.
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While the internet has been examined as a utilitarian space for social movements, it also acts as a cultural space for personal and community expression about important social issues. While examining the particularities of the memetic form – often catchy humor, simple imagery, and remixing – the author examines meme culture as a vehicle for political and social critique in the context of China’s stringent web censorship and propaganda. She looks at social change memes that have arisen around internet censorship and in support of the blind lawyer activist Chen Guangcheng. First, she considers these memes as visual and creative practices that sidestep the mechanics of internet censorship in China. She then argues for the role of internet memes in challenging hegemonic media environments, and maintains that these actions should be considered important political acts in and of themselves.
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Li, Jeffrey (Chien-Fei). "Internet Control or Internet Censorship? Comparing the Control Models of China, Singapore, and the United States to Guide Taiwan’s Choice." Pittsburgh Journal of Technology Law and Policy 14, no. 1 (February 12, 2014): 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/tlp.2013.131.
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Internet censorship refers to a government’s unjustified scrutiny and control of online speech or government-approved control measures. The danger of Internet censorship is its chilling effect and substantial harm on free speech, a cornerstone of democracy, in cyberspace. This article compares China’s blocking and filtering system, Singapore’s class license system, and the United States’ government-private partnership model and identifies the features of each model. This article also explores the pros and cons of each model under international human rights standards. By finding lessons from each of the models, this article contends that Taiwan should retain its current minimal Internet control model. Further, Taiwan should fix flaws in its current Internet control system, including the private partnership model adopted by the Copyright Act, to be consistent with Article19.3 of the ICCPR.
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Clark, Carlton, and Lei Zhang. "Grass-mud horse: Luhmannian systems theory and internet censorship in China." Kybernetes 46, no. 5 (May 2, 2017): 786–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/k-02-2017-0056.
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Purpose This paper aims to elucidate the systemic processes underlying the enhanced information-control measures taken by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) under the leadership of President Xi Jinping. The tightening of state information control has stimulated increasingly sophisticated methods of disseminating information on the part of professional and citizen journalists. Drawing on social systems theory as articulated by Niklas Luhmann and others, the authors frame the CCP’s enhanced information-control efforts as a response to the increasing systemic complexity of Chinese journalism, which is part of a self-reproducing, self-regulating (autopoietic) global journalism system. The authors use both subtle and overt protests over Chinese censorship as evidence for the journalism system’s increasing complexity and autonomy. The authors observe that levels of complexity ratchet up as the CCP and Chinese journalism counter each other’s moves. Finally, the authors suggest that the increasing complexity of the CCP’s information-control apparatus may be unsustainable. Design/methodology/approach The authors ground their argument in Luhmannian social systems theory. Findings The CCP's effort to control journalism leads to increased internal complexity in the form of huge bureaucracies that themselves must be overseen in an almost endless proliferation of surveillance. Research limitations/implications This paper contributes to theoretical work in post-humanism. Originality/value To the authors’ knowledge, no studies have examined the tension between CCP censors and Chinese journalism from a Luhmannian systems theory perspective.
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Tai, Yun, and King-wa Fu. "Specificity, Conflict, and Focal Point: A Systematic Investigation into Social Media Censorship in China." Journal of Communication 70, no. 6 (September 30, 2020): 842–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/joc/jqaa032.
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Abstract Internet censorship mechanisms in China are highly dynamic and yet to be fully accounted for by existing theories. This study interrogates postpublication censorship on Chinese social media by examining the differences between 2,280 pairs of censored WeChat articles and matched remaining articles. With the effects of account attributes and article topics excluded, we find that article specificity raises the odds of being censored. Also, an examination on a collection of international trade articles indicates that such articles with textual units disclosing conflicts, even pro-regime messages, are also removed by the censors. This mixed-method study introduces focal point as a theoretical angle to understand China’s contextually contingent content regulation system and offers evidence based on large-scale, nonproprietary, and original social media data to investigate the evolving censorship mechanisms in China.
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Tai, Qiuqing. "China's Media Censorship: A Dynamic and Diversified Regime." Journal of East Asian Studies 14, no. 2 (August 2014): 185–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008900.
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Media censorship is the hallmark of authoritarian regimes, but much of the motivation and practices of autocratic media censorship still remain opaque to the public. Using a dataset of 1,403 secret censorship directives issued by the Chinese propaganda apparatus, I examine the censorship practices in contemporary China. My findings suggest that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is gradually adjusting its censorship practices from restricting unfavorable reports to a strategy of “conditional public opinion guidance.” Over the years, the propaganda apparatus has banned fewer reports but guided more of them. However, this softer approach of regulating news is not equally enforced on every report or by different censorship authorities. First, the party tends to ban news that directly threatens the legitimacy of the regime. In addition, due to the speed with which news and photographs can be posted online, the authorities that regulate news on the Internet are more likely to ban unfavorable reports, compared with authorities that regulate slower-moving traditional media. Lastly, local leaders seeking promotions have more incentive to hide negative news within their jurisdictions than their central-level counterparts, who use media to identify misconduct among their local subordinates. Taken together, these characteristics create a strong but fragmented system of media regulation in contemporary China.
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Pan, Jennifer, and Margaret E. Roberts. "Censorship’s Effect on Incidental Exposure to Information: Evidence From Wikipedia." SAGE Open 10, no. 1 (January 2020): 215824401989406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244019894068.
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The fast-growing body of research on internet censorship has examined the effects of censoring selective pieces of political information and the unintended consequences of censorship of entertainment. However, we know very little about the broader consequences of coarse censorship or censorship that affects a large array of information such as an entire website or search engine. In this study, we use China’s complete block of Chinese language Wikipedia ( zh.wikipedia.org ) on May 19, 2015, to disaggregate the effects of coarse censorship on proactive consumption of information—information users seek out—and on incidental consumption of information—information users are not actively seeking but consume when they happen to come across it. We quantify the effects of censorship of Wikipedia not only on proactive information consumption but also on opportunities for exploration and incidental consumption of information. We find that users from mainland China were much more likely to consume information on Wikipedia about politics and history incidentally rather than proactively, suggesting that the effects of censorship on incidental information access may be politically significant.
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Douglas, Frederick, Weiyang Pan, and Matthew Caesar. "Salmon: Robust Proxy Distribution for Censorship Circumvention." Proceedings on Privacy Enhancing Technologies 2016, no. 4 (October 1, 2016): 4–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/popets-2016-0026.
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Abstract Many governments block their citizens’ access to much of the Internet. Simple workarounds are unreliable; censors quickly discover and patch them. Previously proposed robust approaches either have non-trivial obstacles to deployment, or rely on low-performance covert channels that cannot support typical Internet usage such as streaming video. We present Salmon, an incrementally deployable system designed to resist a censor with the resources of the “Great Firewall” of China. Salmon relies on a network of volunteers in uncensored countries to run proxy servers. Although any member of the public can become a user, Salmon protects the bulk of its servers from being discovered and blocked by the censor via an algorithm for quickly identifying malicious users. The algorithm entails identifying some users as especially trustworthy or suspicious, based on their actions. We impede Sybil attacks by requiring either an unobtrusive check of a social network account, or a referral from a trustworthy user.
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Zhao, Yupei, and Zhongxuan Lin. "Political irony as self-censorship practice? Examining dissidents’ use of Weibo in the 2017 Hong Kong Chief Executive Election." Discourse & Communication 14, no. 5 (May 14, 2020): 512–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481320917578.
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This research examines the knowledge constructed in political ironic discourses, which is associated with different models of practicing self-censorship, taking a case study of the 2017 Hong Kong Chief Executive Election via social media Weibo. Critical discourse analysis, the verbal irony principle and semi-structured interviews were employed to compare participants from mainland China and Hong Kong, including opinion leaders and casual users. This research suggests a three-stage analytical framework that clearly emphasizes the act of rhetorical discourse and the practice of self-censorship. As such, it reveals citizens’ intrinsic motivation related to self-efficacy, resistance or empowerment. This research argues that dissidents’ shared knowledge and ideology are structurally represented in the ‘binary opposition’ mode of rhetorical discourse, concerning the discursive construction of Hong Kong identity. The proliferation of rhetorical discourse, evolving shoulder to shoulder with Internet self-censorship, results from the complexity of politics, history and digital technology development within China.
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SHAN, Wei. "Social Control in China: Towards a “Smart” and Sophisticated System." East Asian Policy 10, no. 01 (January 2018): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930518000041.
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To guarantee a “successful” 19th Congress of the Communist Party, the Chinese regime had mobilised all its resources to maintain stability in 2017. With sophisticated internet censorship, artificial intelligence and big data technology, social control mechanism in the country has become “smarter”, more effective and more successful in reducing social unrest. In the long term, however, it may face challenges due to value changes in society.
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Lin, Jian, and Jeroen de Kloet. "Platformization of the Unlikely Creative Class: Kuaishou and Chinese Digital Cultural Production." Social Media + Society 5, no. 4 (October 2019): 205630511988343. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305119883430.
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This article studies the platformization of cultural production in China through the specific lens of Kuaishou, an algorithm-based video-sharing platform targeting second- and third-tier cities as well as the countryside. It enables the forming of an “unlikely” creative class in contemporary China. Kuaishou’s platform business fits into the Party State’s socio-economic agenda of “Internet+” and “Mass Entrepreneurship and Innovation,” and is also folded into the state’s demand for cultural censorship and social stability. As we will show, this state-commerce relationship largely shapes Kuaishou’s interface and its affordances as encoded in its algorithm. Nevertheless, Kuaishou enables the diverse, often marginalized, Chinese living outside the urban centers of the country to become “unlikely” creative workers, who have become self-employed creative, digital entrepreneurs. For these “grassroots individuals,” creativity, life, and individuality are constantly mobilized and calculated according to the workings of the platform. This grassroots entrepreneurship, in tandem with the institutional regulation and censorship of the Internet, contributes to the transformation of Chinese economy and the production of social stability and a digital culture permeated with contingency and negotiation.
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Xu, Wenqian, and Hongchao Hu. "Government Regulation on the Flourishing Network Audio-Visual Entrepreneurship." Journal of Media Management and Entrepreneurship 1, no. 2 (July 2019): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jmme.2019070101.
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The network audio-visual entrepreneurship in China has achieved great progress and engendered conspicuous negative externalities in the early development stage. Few studies have investigated how media entrepreneurship coordinates with government regulation and the influence of government regulation on media entrepreneurship. This study aims at investigating government regulation on the flourishing network audio-visual entrepreneurship. This study performs semi-structured interviews with 14 respondents who are experienced in government regulation of the network audio-visual sector. It is found that license management and content censorship are principal approaches to regulating entrepreneurship. The media companies have been constrained by limited government support and social resources, and therefore endeavored to legitimate their business by collaborating with Internet conglomerates. Strict rules of content censorship discourage users from producing audio-visual content, and impose restrictions on Internet companies and other producers producing and displaying audio-visual content.
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Holmes, Ros. "Meanwhile in China … Miao Ying and the Rise of Chinternet Ugly." ARTMargins 7, no. 1 (February 2018): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00199.
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This article examines a series of internet artworks by the artist Miao Ying (b. 1985). Contextualizing her digital collages in relation to China's online culture and media spheres, it situates the contemporary art world's engagement with internet art in relation to anti-aesthetics and the rise of what has been termed Internet ugly. Interrogating the assumption that internet art emerging from China can only belatedly repeat works of Euro-American precedent, it argues that Miao's work presents a dramatic reframing of online censorship, consumerism and the unique aspects of vernacular culture that have emerged within China's online realm. Demonstrating a distinctly self-conscious celebration of what has often disparagingly been labeled The Chinternet, Meanwhile in China can be seen to emerge out of the broader contradictions of internet art practices that parody the relationships between The Chinternet and the World Wide Web, global capitalism and Shanzhai [fake or pirated] aesthetics, online propaganda and media democracy, and the art market's relationship to the virtual economies of an art world online.
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Chen, Yuyu, and David Y. Yang. "The Impact of Media Censorship: 1984 or Brave New World?" American Economic Review 109, no. 6 (June 1, 2019): 2294–332. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20171765.
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Media censorship is a hallmark of authoritarian regimes. We conduct a field experiment in China to measure the effects of providing citizens with access to an uncensored internet. We track subjects’ media consumption, beliefs regarding the media, economic beliefs, political attitudes, and behaviors over 18 months. We find four main results: (i) free access alone does not induce subjects to acquire politically sensitive information; (ii) temporary encouragement leads to a persistent increase in acquisition, indicating that demand is not permanently low; (iii) acquisition brings broad, substantial, and persistent changes to knowledge, beliefs, attitudes, and intended behaviors; and (iv) social transmission of information is statistically significant but small in magnitude. We calibrate a simple model to show that the combination of low demand for uncensored information and the moderate social transmission means China’s censorship apparatus may remain robust to a large number of citizens receiving access to an uncensored internet. (JEL C93, D72, D83, L82, L86, L88, P36)
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Tanmay Munjal. "end of all taxation and censorship using blockchain technology." International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 9, no. 08 (August 8, 2021): 604–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v9i08.ec01.
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Large scale censorship and control over the free flow of information on the internet that was already implemented on a large scale in many authoritarian countries in China in the past few decades has started to work its way through the more liberal and western countries including India, US etc. especially in the last decade raising concerns over privacy issues and the possibility of a dystopian future of tyrannical governments empowered by the use of digital surveillance technology to increase their power and make them essentially undefeatable on a level unforeseen in the history of humanity among many great thinkers in our era. In this paper, we wish to outline a method to not only combat but to completely eliminate both the possibility and current usage of all censorship and control over flow of information on the internet, hence heralding an era of free flow of information throughout the world and destroying practically all mind control that tyrannical governments can hold over their people, in essence ending the era of propaganda and tyranny from the face of this earth forever, using blockchain technology.
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Ye, WeiMing, and Luming Zhao. "“I know it's sensitive”: Internet censorship, recoding, and the sensitive word culture in China." Discourse, Context & Media 51 (February 2023): 100666. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.dcm.2022.100666.
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Han, Rongbin. "Defending the Authoritarian Regime Online: China's “Voluntary Fifty-cent Army”." China Quarterly 224 (October 14, 2015): 1006–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741015001216.
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AbstractRecent studies on internet politics in China have gone beyond the once dominant control–liberalization perspective and directed intellectual attention to the varieties of online activism. Based on extensive in-depth online ethnographic work, this project explores the pluralization of online expression in Chinese cyberspace. Following a constituency of internet users who identify themselves as the “voluntary fifty-cent army,” the paper explores how these users acquire and consolidate their identity and combat criticism that targets the authoritarian regime. Analysis of the confrontational exchanges between the “voluntary fifty-cent army” and their opponents suggests that a perspective that goes beyond state censorship and regime-challenging activism is required in order to gain a better understanding of online expression in China. Close examination of why and how internet users may voluntarily defend the authoritarian regime also reveals how the dynamics in online discourse competition may work to the authoritarian regime's advantage.
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KING, GARY, JENNIFER PAN, and MARGARET E. ROBERTS. "How Censorship in China Allows Government Criticism but Silences Collective Expression." American Political Science Review 107, no. 2 (May 2013): 326–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055413000014.
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We offer the first large scale, multiple source analysis of the outcome of what may be the most extensive effort to selectively censor human expression ever implemented. To do this, we have devised a system to locate, download, and analyze the content of millions of social media posts originating from nearly 1,400 different social media services all over China before the Chinese government is able to find, evaluate, and censor (i.e., remove from the Internet) the subset they deem objectionable. Using modern computer-assisted text analytic methods that we adapt to and validate in the Chinese language, we compare the substantive content of posts censored to those not censored over time in each of 85 topic areas. Contrary to previous understandings, posts with negative, even vitriolic, criticism of the state, its leaders, and its policies are not more likely to be censored. Instead, we show that the censorship program is aimed at curtailing collective action by silencing comments that represent, reinforce, or spur social mobilization, regardless of content. Censorship is oriented toward attempting to forestall collective activities that are occurring now or may occur in the future—and, as such, seem to clearly expose government intent.
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Zheng, An Ka, Ping Song, Bing Xia Han, and Min Jiao Zheng. "Reflection of the Nation Cybersecurity's Evolution." Applied Mechanics and Materials 347-350 (August 2013): 2553–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.347-350.2553.
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Cybersecurity, as stated in the 2010 National Security Strategy of America, threats represent one of the most serious national security, public safety, and economic challenges we face as a nation. This paper examines the cybersecurity situation that the nation faces. Based on this, the vulnerabilities present in information systems and systems supporting critical infrastructure to cyberattacks are discussed. The argument is presented that Chinas internet censorship techniques have improved that nations Cybersecurity, which could affect the outcome of a conflict in cyberspace. The key future features of the Cybersecurity in China are put forth at the end of the treatise. The author believes such analysis can credibly help the establishment of the national Cybersecurity strategy.
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Guo, Steve, and Guangchao Feng. "Understanding Support for Internet Censorship in China: An Elaboration of the Theory of Reasoned Action." Journal of Chinese Political Science 17, no. 1 (November 29, 2011): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11366-011-9177-8.
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Cai, Yongshun, and Titi Zhou. "Online Political Participation in China: Local Government and Differentiated Response." China Quarterly 238 (March 12, 2019): 331–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741019000055.
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AbstractChinese citizens commonly take to the internet to voice complaints concerning their daily lives. The political hierarchy in China dictates that local governments are primarily responsible for addressing such grievances. This study investigates how local governments deal with online complaints and finds that they respond in a variety of ways and that their choice of a particular form of response is shaped by the pressure generated by the complaint and the cost of resolving it. This study contributes to the understanding of government responsiveness in China by directly assessing the quality of governmental responses and by measuring the pressure and costs faced by the government when dealing with online complaints. It also explains how the Chinese government, without having to rely on censorship, shields regime legitimacy from media exposure.
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Song, Lin. "Desire for sale: Live-streaming and commercial DIY porn among Chinese gay microcelebrities." Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies 27, no. 6 (September 30, 2021): 1753–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13548565211047341.
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This paper examines a nascent network of commercial DIY gay porn production by microcelebrities in China against the background of platformization, commodification, and illiberal cultural landscapes. Informed by queer Marxist theories, the paper looks at how the career trajectories of live-streamer-turned DIY gay porn actors/producers are shaped by the intertwining forces of platform capitalism, technological affordances, and state internet governance. Reflecting on the critical potential of these DIY porn production practices, it suggests that they paradoxically showcase both a willing submission to the ever-expanding logics of capitalism and means of creative negotiation with commodification and state censorship.
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Yang, Guobin, and Shiwen Wu. "Remembering disappeared websites in China: Passion, community, and youth." New Media & Society 20, no. 6 (September 23, 2017): 2107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444817731921.
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Disappeared websites are the missing pages of web history. We examine over 140 memory narratives of disappeared websites in China, in which 176 disappeared websites are remembered. We find that memories of disappeared websites rarely treat websites as dead objects, machines, or even as media, but more often as people whose death is mourned and memories cherished. They not only narrate the biographies of the websites but also the autobiographies of the story-tellers. The main biographical plot in these narratives of disappeared websites is a lovely life that was tragically cut short. Disappeared websites are most remembered for the passion, community, and sense of youthful idealism which they had inspired. Remembrances of disappeared websites are both retrospective and prospective. They resuscitate a lost golden age while expressing voices of protest at Internet censorship. They both highlight and repair a web history marked by disruption and disappearance.
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Hassid, Jonathan. "China's Responsiveness to Internet Opinion: A Double-Edged Sword." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 44, no. 2 (June 2015): 39–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261504400203.
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Despite its authoritarian bent, the Chinese government quickly and actively moves to respond to public pressure over misdeeds revealed and discussed on the internet. Netizens have reacted with dismay to news about natural and man-made disasters, official corruption, abuse of the legal system and other prominent issues. Yet in spite of the sensitivity of such topics and the persistence of China's censorship apparatus, Beijing usually acts to quickly address these problems rather than sweeping them under the rug. This paper discusses the implications of China's responsiveness to online opinion. While the advantages of a responsive government are clear, there are also potential dangers lurking in Beijing's quickness to be swayed by online mass opinion. First, online opinion makers are demographically skewed toward the relative “winners” in China's economic reforms, a process that creates short-term stability but potentially ensures that in the long run the concerns of less fortunate citizens are ignored. And, second, the increasing power of internet commentary risks warping the slow, fitful – but genuine – progress that China has made in recent years toward reforming its political and legal systems.
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Wang, Weiyu. "How Lesbian Internet Celebrities Establish and Maintain Connection With the Audience: An Analysis of the Lesbian Internet Celebrity-Audience Relationship on Xiaohongshu (Little Red Book)." Asian Journal of Social Science Studies 7, no. 7 (August 1, 2022): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/ajsss.v7i7.1241.
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This paper explores the connection between lesbian internet celebrities and their audiences. Under the circumstance of the burgeoning market on social media platforms in mainland China, I take Xiaohongshu (Little Red Book), a social media platform that is permeated by female users as a study target. In addition, I use Manxue, Maxxxx, and Quanjiaofu as lesbian internet celebrities' examples. I examined whether previous studies shed light on the internet celebrity-audience relationship still suits lesbian internet celebrity-audience relationships. Considering that in the context of mainland China, homosexuals such as lesbians are not welcomed by mainstream media and undergo serious censorship when posting content on social media. This study invited 26 female users who identified themselves as lesbians or bisexuals to participate in online and offline interviews. Former studies centered on T-style (Tomboy style) fandom enlightened the direction of this study. Although the appearance of lesbian internet celebrities is evaluated by the audience when they make decisions if they will start to follow or not, the essential part which prolongs the connectedness between them and the lesbian internet celebrity is the genuine attitude they believe they are receiving from the internet celebrity. Similar life backgrounds such as being a sexual minority or outrageous performance might have a chance to win the glances of users when they scroll the screen. According to the interview results, sincere life sharing and self-disclose storytelling bring the two sides closer and cultivate intimacy and affinity which help to strengthen the bond between lesbian internet celebrities and audiences.
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Hiraoka, Leslie S. "Evolution of the Search Engine in Developed and Emerging Markets." International Journal of Information Systems and Social Change 5, no. 1 (January 2014): 30–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijissc.2014010103.
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The search engine has evolved into a dynamic, information and marketing channel in both developed and emerging countries because of its ability to provide relevant and useful information to the searcher. However, due to language, cultural, and government-imposed barriers, major U.S. search engines, compared to their counterparts in multinational manufacturing, encountered considerable difficulty in competing for Asian markets against indigenous firms that provided censored links to websites approved by the government. This has become critical for these high-tech firms that need to expand abroad because their markets are maturing at home. The dispute on Internet censorship between the United States and China has reached the highest diplomatic offices in both countries and this could lead to bilateral negotiations whereby U.S. search engines are permitted to establish unfettered commercial operations in China.
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Chu, C. Y. Cyrus, and Po-Ching Lee. "E-commerce mercantilism-practices and causes." Journal of International Trade Law and Policy 19, no. 1 (February 28, 2020): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jitlp-08-2019-0054.
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Purpose This paper aims to highlight in particular one commercially influential but subtle constituent of China’s mercantilist stratagem – asymmetrical internet access. The wider aim of the paper is to provide a solid basis of real-world facts and knowledge to the e-commerce discussions at the World Trade Organization and the ongoing plurilateral e-commerce negotiations. Design/methodology/approach This paper uses an empirical approach to reflect the general experiences of consumers connecting from China to e-commerce platform websites in other countries and vice versa consumers connecting from other countries to China’s e-commerce platform. Findings The empirical data show that Chinese potential customers trying to connect to the websites of foreign internet retailers in 17 other sample countries are faced with prohibitively long waiting times. In contrast, the average waiting time that it takes for customers in those other 17 countries to link up to China’s major internet retail platforms is much shorter. Practical implications The hard evidence presented here serves to strengthen the arguments that such internet censorship is used by China to establish unfair e-commerce advantage. This paper further argues that the General Agreement on Trade in Services is restrained from providing systemic solutions to the digital mercantilism problem. It is essential, therefore, that the ongoing plurilateral e-commerce negotiations address this issue. Originality/value This paper is the first to publish detailed results of a systematic survey designed to analyze the impact of asymmetrical internet access in China. It is also the first to examine the extent and effect of differing internet connection speeds in the context of international trade. The outcome of the survey provides a factual base for future rule-making at the multilateral level.
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Shaw, Gareth, and Xiaoling Zhang. "Cyberspace and gay rights in a digital China: Queer documentary filmmaking under state censorship." China Information 32, no. 2 (October 30, 2017): 270–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x17734134.
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Owing to China’s austere censorship regulations on film media, directors of films and documentaries engaging with lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender themes have struggled to bring their work to domestic attention. Working outside of the state-funded Chinese film industry has become necessary for these directors to commit their narratives to film, but without approval of China’s State Administration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film and Television, these artists have had little chance of achieving widespread domestic distribution of their work. However, advancements in new media technology and Web 2.0, ranging from digital video formats to Internet-based distribution via social media networks and video-hosting platforms, provide opportunities for Chinese audiences to access films and documentaries dealing with LGBT themes. This empirical study assesses how production, promotion and consumption of queer documentary films are influenced by the development of social media within Chinese cyberspace. Through close readings of microblogs from SinaWeibo, this study combines analysis of contemporary research with digital social rights activism to illustrate contemporary discourse regarding film-based LGBT representation in China. Finally, the study comments on the role that documentary filmmaking plays in China’s gay rights movement, and discusses the rewards (and challenges) associated with increased levels of visibility within society.
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Han, Rongbin. "Manufacturing Consent in Cyberspace: China's “Fifty-Cent Army”." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 44, no. 2 (June 2015): 105–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261504400205.
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Studies on public expression in China tend to focus on how the state and internet users (netizens) struggle over the limits of online expression. Few have systematically traced discourse competition within state-imposed boundaries, particularly how the authoritarian state has adapted to manage, rather than censor, online expression. This paper explores and evaluates the state's attempts to manipulate online expression without resorting to censorship and coercion by examining the role of internet commentators, known as the “fifty-cent army”, in Chinese cyberspace. To cope with the challenge of online expression, the authoritarian state has mobilized its agents to engage anonymously in online discussions and produce apparently spontaneous pro-regime commentary. However, due to a lack of proper motivation and the persistence of old propaganda logic, this seemingly smart adaptation has proven ineffective or even counterproductive: It not only decreases netizens’ trust in the state but also, ironically, suppresses the voices of regime supporters.
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Ensafi, Roya, Philipp Winter, Abdullah Mueen, and Jedidiah R. Crandall. "Analyzing the Great Firewall of China Over Space and Time." Proceedings on Privacy Enhancing Technologies 2015, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/popets-2015-0005.
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AbstractA nation-scale firewall, colloquially referred to as the “Great Firewall of China,” implements many different types of censorship and content filtering to control China’s Internet traffic. Past work has shown that the firewall occasionally fails. In other words, sometimes clients in China are able to reach blacklisted servers outside of China. This phenomenon has not yet been characterized because it is infeasible to find a large and geographically diverse set of clients in China from which to test connectivity. In this paper, we overcome this challenge by using a hybrid idle scan technique that is able to measure connectivity between a remote client and an arbitrary server, neither of which are under the control of the researcher performing measurements. In addition to hybrid idle scans, we present and employ a novel side channel in the Linux kernel’s SYN backlog. We show that both techniques are practical by measuring the reachability of the Tor network which is known to be blocked in China. Our measurements reveal that failures in the firewall occur throughout the entire country without any conspicuous geographical patterns.We give some evidence that routing plays a role, but other factors (such as how the GFW maintains its list of IP/port pairs to block) may also be important.
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Yang, Yike. "Disagreement Strategies on Chinese Forums: Comparing Data From Hong Kong and Mainland China." SAGE Open 11, no. 3 (July 2021): 215824402110368. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440211036879.
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Prior research on disagreement has mainly focused on its negative impact, suggesting that disagreement should be avoided in communication. Consequently, disagreement is rarely studied in computer-mediated communication, particularly in the Chinese context. Adopting the interactional approach, this project pioneers the investigation of disagreement strategies on online forums in Hong Kong and mainland China, in hopes of providing insights into a better understanding of disagreement in the Chinese online context and shedding light on politeness theory in intercultural communication among Chinese people. Two threads on a similar topic were selected, from which 400 comments were collected and annotated for further analysis. Our results showed that, instead of being a face-threatening act, disagreement maintained and enhanced the interlocutors’ face and advanced the communication of information within each thread. Moreover, although the distribution of the five disagreement strategies was similar in the two sites, there were notably more disagreement tokens and negative comments on the Hong Kong forum. The observed divergence has been attributed to the different degrees of collectivism–individualism in the two regions, the internet censorship in mainland China and the nature of the two forums selected, which remain to be confirmed in future studies.
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hockx, michel. "virtual chinese literature: a comparative case study of online poetry communities." China Quarterly 183 (September 2005): 670–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100500041x.
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this article looks at the practices of communities that employ internet technologies in order to produce, distribute, consume and value chinese poetry. the article is in three parts. the first part provides a brief general overview of the current state of research about the chinese internet. i take issue with the dominant tendency of english-language research to focus almost exclusively on questions of censorship. the second part looks at the development of “web literature” (wangluo wenxue) in china, briefly outlining the meaning of the term and the content of a protracted debate about web literature that took place in 2001. the debate illustrates the limited extent to which web literature is able to distinguish itself from conventionally published literature. paradoxically, this has led to “web literature” becoming a recognized genre within print culture. in the final part, i compare a prc online poetry community with a similar community based in the usa. i conclude by arguing that previous scholarship's biased focus on the transformative aspects of cyber culture has made it difficult to gain a clear insight into the many positive and culture-specific features of chinese web literature.
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AARONSON, SUSAN ARIEL. "What Are We Talking about When We Talk about Digital Protectionism?" World Trade Review 18, no. 4 (August 6, 2018): 541–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745618000198.
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AbstractFor almost a decade, executives, scholars, and trade diplomats have argued that filtering, censorship, localization requirements, and domestic regulations are distorting the cross-border information flows that underpin the internet. Herein I use process tracing to examine the state and implications of digital protectionism. I make five points: First, I note that digital protectionism differs from protectionism of goods and other services. Information is intangible, highly tradable, and some information is a public good. Secondly, I argue that it will not be easy to set international rules to limit digital protectionism without shared norms and definitions. Thirdly, the US, EU, and Canada have labeled other countries policies’ protectionist, yet their arguments and actions sometimes appear hypocritical. Fourth, I discuss the challenge of Chinese failure to follow key internet governance norms. China allegedly has used a wide range of cyber strategies, including distributed denial of service (DDoS) attacks (bombarding a web site with service requests) to censor information flows and impede online market access beyond its borders. WTO members have yet to discuss this issue and the threat it poses to trade norms and rules. Finally, I note that digital protectionism may be self-defeating. I then draw conclusions and make policy recommendations.
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Chen, Lu. "Differentiating good from bad." Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 12, no. 2 (October 3, 2016): 166–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-08-2016-0011.
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Purpose The paper aims to reveal how the Chinese government has tried to regulate transnational cultural flows by applying cultural policies. Design/methodology/approach The paper compares the dissemination of different foreign television programmes in China since the 1980s. The documents of cultural policy released since 1990s, news reports and the statistics of imported dramas since 2000s will be analyzed. Findings The research finds that the Chinese government has treated cultural products from different countries in unequal ways. Political-diplomatic relationships and the need for ideological control, influence the making of cultural policy. Restricting the quota of imported dramas, censorship and propaganda are measures taken by the Chinese government to regulate transnational cultural flows. Research limitations/implications The paper mainly focuses on platforms such as state-owned television stations and internet. The role of pay-cable channel in disseminating imported dramas should be taken into consideration in the future research. Practical implications The paper provides a systematic understanding on the development of Chinese cultural policy. Originality/value The paper offers an alternative approach to explore the policy-oriented dissemination of transnational cultural flows other than market-oriented dissemination.
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Calzolari, Fabio. "THE PANOPTICON’S CONUNDRUM." Asia Proceedings of Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (April 18, 2019): 71–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31580/apss.v4i1.588.
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In the People Republic of China (PRC), ideological apparatuses, and censorship exert strong influence over Internet’ users experiences. Allegedly, the aim of the government is to manufacture (Foucauldian) “docile bodies.†This would explain why, in the last decades, en entire corpus of empirical research has been built around organizational citizenship behavior. Although the PRC has the right to determine its own domestic policies on the principle of (cybers-) sovereignty, a variety of NGOs, and other non-state actors, have criticized its growing restrictions on grassroot activisms, and bottom-up governance (Wright, 2006). Per contra, proponents of the status quo points to the benefits of security, and of stability. An argument that seems to be validated by the country’ extraordinary economic rise (Li, 1998).
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Salmon, Nolwenn. "Requalification par les journalistes chinois de leur rôle dans la construction des problèmes publics environnementaux." Sur le journalisme, About journalism, Sobre jornalismo 11, no. 2 (December 16, 2022): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.25200/slj.v11.n2.2022.492.
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FR. Alors que les journalistes militants ont été un rouage essentiel à la construction de l’environnement comme problème public en Chine, les jeunes journalistes cherchent au cours des années 2000 à se distinguer de leurs aînés en se faisant reconnaitre par la mise en avant d’un professionnalisme et d’une expertise indépendante et objective. Pourtant ce discours entre en contradiction avec leur aspiration à l’engagement. Ils continuent à jouer, dans les limites de ce que permet la censure, un rôle engagé et critique, même si la nature et la forme de leur engagement ont changé et qu’il s’accompagne d’investigations et d’analyses plus approfondies. Ce désir d’engagement devient en revanche difficile à assumer lorsqu’ils sont en situation de réflexivité. Il se heurte à la fois à l’influence du modèle du journalisme à l’américaine et à la volonté de se forger une identité nouvelle fondée sur des valeurs qui les tiennent loin de l’image de militant de leurs aînés dont l’impartialité et les compétences ont publiquement été remises en cause par des scientifiques pro-barrages dans les années 2000. Dans le sillage des réflexions menées sur la subjectivité journalistique par Cyril Lemieux, cet article prend au sérieux les contradictions qui existent au niveau de l’individu. Ce faisant, il entend apporter un nouvel éclairage sur les mécanismes d’évolution du rôle des journalistes dans la construction des problèmes publics. Il cherche à rendre compte du rapport complexe qu’ils entretiennent à leur mission ainsi que des difficultés qu’ils ont à accorder leurs différentes aspirations et à faire concorder discours de légitimation et pratique. Il montre que le flou d’un continuum entre journalistes, militants et internautes est à l’origine d’une crise de légitimité qui participe à la transformation de la rhétorique journalistique. Cherchant à s’éloigner des contraintes que représente pour eux le politique, ils s’engagent en fait dans un processus de requalification des rapports entre journalisme et politique qui affecte leur manière de penser et de mettre en œuvre leur mission et leur implication dans la construction des problèmes publics. L’analyse se base sur des entretiens semi-directifs avec des journalistes chinois couvrant le domaine environnemental ainsi que des observations participantes dans une association environnementale pékinoise dont l’objectif principal est la formation des journalistes de l’environnement. Elle se nourrit également d’un corpus d’articles de journaux, de sites internet, forums et réseaux sociaux. *** EN. While activist journalists have been an essential cog in framing environmental issues as a public concern in China, young journalists in the 2000’s seek to distance themselves from their predecessors by emphasizing higher levels of professionalism as well as an independent and objective expertise. Yet this discourse contradicts with their aspiration of activism. They continue to play, within the limits of what censorship allows, an engaged and critical role, even if the nature and form of their involvement has changed and is accompanied by more in-depth investigation and analysis. The will to engage, however, becomes difficult to sustain when they are in a reflexive situation. It collides with both the influence of the American-style journalism models and the aspiration to build a new identity based on values that keep them away from the militant image of their predecessors, whose impartiality and competence were publicly questioned by pro-dam scientists in the 2000s. In line with Cyril Lemieux's work on journalistic subjectivity, this article considers contradictions present at the individual level. In doing so, it aims at casting a new light on the mechanisms underlying the evolution of the role of journalists in the construction of public problems. It attempts at exposing the complex relationship journalists have with their mission, as well as the difficulties they have in harmonizing different aspirations and in reconciling discourse of legitimization with practice. It demonstrates that the blurring of a continuum between journalists, activists and internet users is at the origin of a crisis of legitimacy that participates in the transformation of journalistic rhetoric. Seeking to distance themselves from the constraints posed by politics, they are in fact engaging in a process of re-qualification of the relationship between journalism and politics that affects how they think and implement their mission and their involvement in the construction of public problems. The study is based on semi-structured interviews with Chinese journalists working on environmental issues, as well as participant observation in a Beijing environmental association whose main purpose is the training of environmental journalists. It also draws on a corpus of newspaper articles, websites, forums and social networks. *** PT. Embora os jornalistas militantes tenham sido uma engrenagem essencial na construção do meio ambiente como uma questão pública na China, os jovens jornalistas nos anos 2000 procuravam se distinguir dos profissionais mais velhos promovendo o profissionalismo e a experiência independente e objetiva. Entretanto, este discurso contradiz suas aspirações de engajamento. Eles continuam a desempenhar, dentro dos limites do que a censura permite, um papel engajado e crítico, mesmo que a natureza e a forma de seu engajamento tenha mudado e venha acompanhada de investigações e análises mais profundas. No entanto, este desejo de engajamento torna-se difícil de assumir quando eles estão em uma situação de reflexividade. Ela esbarra tanto na influência do modelo jornalístico de estilo estadunidense quanto no desejo de forjar uma nova identidade baseada em valores que os mantêm longe da imagem militante dos colegas mais velhos, cuja imparcialidade e competência foram publicamente questionadas pelos cientistas pró-damas nos anos 2000. Na esteira das reflexões de Cyril Lemieux sobre a subjetividade jornalística, este artigo leva a sério as contradições que existem em nível individual. Ao fazer isso, pretende lançar luz sobre os mecanismos de evolução do papel dos jornalistas na construção dos problemas públicos. O trabalho procura dar conta da complexa relação que esses profissionais têm com sua missão, bem como das dificuldades que eles têm em conciliar suas diferentes aspirações e em conciliar a legitimação do discurso e da prática. Mostra que a indefinição de um continuum entre jornalistas, ativistas e internautas está na origem de uma crise de legitimidade que participa da transformação da retórica jornalística. Procurando distanciar-se das restrições que a política representa para eles, esses jornalistas estão de fato engajados em um processo de requalificação da relação entre jornalismo e política que afeta sua forma de pensar e implementar sua missão e seu envolvimento na construção dos problemas públicos. A análise é baseada em entrevistas semi-estruturadas com jornalistas chineses cobrindo o campo ambiental, bem como observações dos participantes em uma associação ambiental de Pequim, cujo objetivo principal é a formação de jornalistas ambientais. Ela também se baseia em um corpus de artigos de jornais, sites, fóruns e redes sociais. ***
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Bertolini, Elisa. "Internet Governance and Terrorism in the Context of the Chinese Compression of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms." Global Jurist 18, no. 1 (November 15, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/gj-2017-0018.
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AbstractThe Article analyzes the Internet governance in the Chinese context, with a particular focus on the Xinjiang Uighur Special Administrative Region. China is characterized by a tamed version of the Internet, whose governance is founded on the interaction between a highly sophisticated set of censorship tools and psychological self-censorship. In the Xinjiang Uighur Region, this architecture bonds with the war on Islamic terror. Indeed the censorship grip is stronger in the Islamic region, resulting in frequent cut off from the national Internet and in a slow connection speed. Moreover, the Xinjiang has turned into a laboratory for new censorship tools, which further compress rights and freedoms. Here the infringements affect, besides first generation rights (as in the rest of China), also second generation rights, towards which the government usually shows a great commitment. The result is a censorship that creates two different Internet, thus creating a discrimination between Uighur Chinese and Han Chinese.
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Nolan, Justine M. "The China Dilemma: Internet Censorship and Corporate Responsiblity." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 4, no. 1 (January 6, 2009). http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1932-0205.1160.
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Zhang, Chong. "Who bypasses the Great Firewall in China?" First Monday, March 22, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5210/fm.v25i4.10256.
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The blockage of foreign Web sites, which is often called the “Great Firewall (GFW)”, serves an important part of the Internet censorship in mainland China. This study investigated the inequality of bypassing the GFW in mainland China, and the possible difference in some “capital-enhancing” uses of the Internet (using the Internet for work, learning and political expression) between GFW-bypassing netizens and those still suffer from strict Internet censorship. This study used data from the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS). Although there is no direct measurement of netizens’ GFW bypassing, a variable measuring the ownership of Facebook accounts was used as a proxy of the status of GFW bypassing. Firstly, the results of bivariate analyses and multiple correspondence analysis (MCA) suggest that mainland Chinese netizens who can bypass Internet censorship and access blocked foreign Web sites are more socio-economically better off (higher social class, well-educated and urban residing) and younger. Moreover, the results of ordinary least squares (OLS) regression and logistic regression models tell that in general bypassing the GFW is related to more activeness in using the Internet for learning and political expression. After controlling socio-economic and demographic characteristics, GFW bypassing is no longer found to be related to online learning, but is still related to an expression of political views online.
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Sun, Taiyi, and Quansheng Zhao. "Delegated Censorship: The Dynamic, Layered, and Multistage Information Control Regime in China." Politics & Society, May 6, 2021, 003232922110131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00323292211013181.
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How does internet censorship work in China, and how does it reflect the Chinese state’s logic of governing society? An online political publication, Global China (海外看世界), was created by the authors, and the pattern and record of articles being censored was analyzed. Using results from A/B tests on the articles and interviews with relevant officials, the article shows that the state employs delegated censorship, outsourcing significant responsibility to private internet companies and applying levels of scrutiny based on timing, targets, and stage of publication. The dynamic, layered, multistage censorship regime creates significant variation and flexibility across the Chinese internet, most often in decisions about what to censor. This approach aims to maintain regime stability and legitimacy while minimizing costs. Rather than blocking all information and players, the state recognizes its technical and bureaucratic limits but also realizes the benefits of a degree of toleration. Delegated censorship utilizes both power control and power sharing and offers a new understanding of authoritarian state-society relations.
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Miletello, Emily C. "The Page You Are Attempting to Access Has Been Blocked in Accordance with National Laws: Applying a Corporate Responsibility Framework to Human Rights Issues Facing Internet Companies." Pittsburgh Journal of Technology Law and Policy 11 (April 1, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/tlp.2011.61.
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According to the OpenNet Intiative, at least 40 countries engage in some degree of Internet censorship. 1 While censorship may be considered justifiable for various reasons—including national security, blocking child pornography, or protecting intellectual property—some authoritative states, most notably China, censor the Internet in order to control the activities of political dissidents, international human rights groups, or those who may be otherwise critical of the government. Potentially more troubling, both authoritative nations and liberal democracies alike frequently request user-data information from Internet companies, which may infringe on individual rights to privacy and free speech, and may even lead to arbitrary detention and torture.
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Lu, Yingdan, Jack Schaefer, Kunwoo Park, Jungseock Joo, and Jennifer Pan. "How Information Flows from the World to China." International Journal of Press/Politics, August 8, 2022, 194016122211174. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/19401612221117470.
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Government censorship—internet shutdowns, blockages, firewalls—impose significant barriers to the transnational flow of information despite the connective power of digital technologies. In this paper, we examine whether and how information flows across borders despite government censorship. We develop a semi-automated system that combines deep learning and human annotation to find co-occurring content across different social media platforms and languages. We use this system to detect co-occurring content between Twitter and Sina Weibo as Covid-19 spread globally, and we conduct in-depth investigations of co-occurring content to identify those that constitute an inflow of information from the global information ecosystem into China. We find that approximately one-fourth of content with relevance for China that gains widespread public attention on Twitter makes its way to Weibo. Unsurprisingly, Chinese state-controlled media and commercialized domestic media play a dominant role in facilitating these inflows of information. However, we find that Weibo users without traditional media or government affiliations are also an important mechanism for transmitting information into China. These results imply that while censorship combined with media control provide substantial leeway for the government to set the agenda, social media provides opportunities for non-institutional actors to influence the information environment. Methodologically, the system we develop offers a new approach for the quantitative analysis of cross-platform and cross-lingual communication.
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Liu, Hong Yu. "The role of the state in influencing work conditions in China's internet industry: Policy, evidence, and implications for industrial relations." Journal of Industrial Relations, January 24, 2022, 002218562110684. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00221856211068488.
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While there is growing scholarly interest in work conditions in China's internet industry, many studies have focused exclusively on corporate employment relations strategies. By contrast, the article demonstrates the Chinese government's significant role in shaping the collective work experience in business reality. Drawing on three months of fieldwork in China, the findings suggest that the state's quest for technology supremacy has resulted in internet companies that compete ferociously, which in turn causes extreme working hours and burnout. The censorship of online labour activism and the ambiguity in court decisions also lower the interest of tech workers in organising and defending their labour rights. This study opens up an evidence-based debate on industrial relations in contemporary China and calls for more discussions on the state's role in shaping worker well-being and protection.