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Journal articles on the topic 'China – Foreign relations – Maldives'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Fernando, Sithara N. "China’s Relations with Sri Lanka and the Maldives." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 285–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600309.

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China’s contemporary relations with both Sri Lanka and the Maldives have been described as ‘models of good relations between small and big countries’. China has been an important trading partner for Sri Lanka, with a large and growing trade surplus in China’s favour in the last few years. At the same time it has also been a significant source of investment and foreign economic assistance to Sri Lanka. Similarly, while China enjoys a large surplus in its trade with the Maldives as well, it is also a significant source of economic assistance and tourism for the Maldives. Given that India is in many ways the preeminent power in South Asia, China’s relations with Sri Lanka and the Maldives in the South Asian regional context have been analysed in terms of two ‘strategic triangles’: China–India–Sri Lanka and China–India–Maldives. What emerges from this analysis is that the sustenance of the cooperative momentum in the China-India relationship is crucial to the improvement of China’s relations with South Asia as a whole.

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2

Surendra Kumar, S. Y. "China’s Footprints in Maldives: Concern for India?" Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 15, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.39.2.

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China has, in the recent decades, has consolidated its interests in the South Asian region. This change in China’s foreign policy, from a focus on the North-East and South-East Asia, hints at an attempt to sustain China’s own peaceful rise. India, on the other hand, has emphasised on a ‘Look East’ foreign policy in the recent times. Both India and China share an important diplomatic relationship with Maldives. However, China’s growing influence in Maldives might be a serious strategic concern to India. This article is an exploratory study of the relationship that China shares with Maldives and its implications to India.

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3

Yahuda, Michael. "The Foreign Relations of Greater China." China Quarterly 136 (December 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.

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Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges and opportunities to the political identities of its three constituent members and to the conduct of relations between them. Greater China and its possible future trajectory affects and is also affected by the rest of the Asia-Pacific region including the major powers of the United States and Japan as well as those in the immediate vicinity of South-east Asia.

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4

Baginda, Abdul Razak, and Mustafa Izzuddin. "China-Malaysia Relations and Foreign Policy." Contemporary Southeast Asia 38, no. 1 (April 30, 2016): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs38-1k.

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5

Cai, Congyan. "Chinese Foreign Relations Law." AJIL Unbound 111 (2017): 336–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2017.91.

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Curtis Bradley has observed that, apart from in the United States, foreign relations law generally has not been treated as a separate academic field, but that this situation is starting to change. This observation can also find evidence in China. In March 2016, I hosted a conference on “Chinese Foreign Relations Law: A New Agenda” at Xiamen University School of Law, where I am a faculty member. This is the first conference engaging with this field in China. Also in 2016, a Chinese professor of private international law published the first article discussing Chinese foreign relations law in a general way, the main argument of which is that foreign relations law should be a component of the “rule of law” in China.

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6

Ehizuelen, Michael Mitchell Omoruyi, and Hodan Osman Abdi. "Sustaining China-Africa relations." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 3, no. 4 (September 18, 2017): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891117727901.

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China’s “One Belt One Road” (OBOR) Initiative forms the centerpiece of China’s leadership’s new foreign policy. The initiative aspires to put the nations of Asia, Oceania, Europe, and Africa on a new trajectory of higher growth and human development through infrastructural connectivity, augmented trade, and investment. The initiative offers tremendous opportunities for international economic cooperation, especially for African nations. This article examines China-Africa relations, centering on the possibility of expanding the OBOR initiative to cover more African nations. Africa has been the focus of China’s foreign policy since 2013. A study on the implementation of OBOR in Africa will allow for a better understanding of contemporary China-Africa relations, while hopefully providing answers to some of the questions surrounding the issue. In this article, we carefully examine the economic drivers, challenges – with suggestions on ways to navigate those challenges – and opportunities of the OBOR initiative.

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7

Dong-Ryul Lee. "Effects of Chinese nationalism in foreign relations andKorea-China Relations." 중소연구 35, no. 4 (February 2012): 41–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21196/aprc.35.4.201202.002.

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8

Mehrara, Mohsen, and Masoumeh Zirak. "Ranking of Developing Countries Based on the Economic Freedom Index." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 2 (September 2013): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.2.32.

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In this paper we’ve ranked developing countries based on the Economic Freedom index. Therefore we are trying to do the analysis how this ranking is done using numerical taxonomic methodology. To do this, by estimating the effects of the determinants of FDI in 123 developing countries from 1997 to 2010, results showed that with regard to the degree of economic freedom or Economic openness, attract foreign direct investment in each country is different. In this study china, Equator, Liberia, Azerbaijan, Angola, Turkmenistan, Cape Verde, Kazakhstan, Panama, Vietnam, Bulgaria, Congo, Maldives, Bahrain, Cambodia, Jordan, Malaysia, Mongolia, Sudan, Trinidad, Belarus, Lesotho, Russian are the top 23 countries have been successful in attracting foreign direct investment thanks to appropriate economic and structures policies.

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9

Ghoble, T. R. "Foreign Relations of the People's Republic of China." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 50, no. 1-2 (January 1994): 143–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492849405000110.

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10

YUAN, Jingdong. "The China Factor in South Korea's Foreign Relations." East Asian Policy 08, no. 01 (January 2016): 157–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930516000131.

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South Korea's foreign relations under President Park are characterised by a carefully crafted and balanced approach in both strengthening the traditional alliance with the United States and promoting a strategic partnership with China. The latter in particular is driven by the need to further expand economic ties and the hope that Beijing can help rein in Pyongyang's behaviours. North Korea's latest provocations threaten to unravel the premise of this approach.

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11

Bo, Čen. "The foreign policy of China." Napredak 1, no. 2 (2020): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2001009b.

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This paper presents a brief outline of the foreign policy aims of the People's Republic of China. Brought into focus is the principle of multilateralism, the basic guiding principle of China, which is aware of the effects of globalization. The principle needs to be applied to the response to the COVID-19 epidemic. Stressed in the paper are the principles that China follows in its relations with the USA, the EU and Serbia, and the importance of the Belt and Road initiative and Cooperation 17+1. The paper states that the question of Kosovo and Metohija should be resolved within the framework of Resolution 1244 passed by the UN Security Council. Hongkong is an integral part of China and the questions regarding this matter are to be resolved by China. Hongkong is a territory with a large degree of autonomy and the recent legislation aims to protect the security of China and Hongkong and do not contradict the policy "One Country - Two Systems", but rather confirm it. The paper also presents new data on the economic development of China and progress made in its economic relations with the EU and the countries participating in the Cooperation 17+1 program.

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12

Hwang, Jaeho. "Evaluation of Korea-China Relations and Korea's Foreign Policy toward China." KRINS QUARTERLY 2, no. 3 (November 30, 2017): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46322/krinsq.2.3.3.

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13

Zhang, Kevin H. "Foreign direct investment in China." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 13, no. 2 (January 2006): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2006.9673427.

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14

Cooper, Richard N., Feng Li, Jing Li, and Daniel H. Rosen. "Foreign Investment in China." Foreign Affairs 78, no. 6 (1999): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049558.

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15

Ranjan, Amit. "THE MALDIVES’ GEOPOLITICAL DILEMMA: INDIA-CHINA RIVALRY, AND ENTRY OF THE USA." Asian Affairs 52, no. 2 (March 15, 2021): 375–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2021.1911159.

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Taranenko, Anna. "BILATERAL UKRAINE-CHINA RELATIONS AT THE CURRENT STAGE." Politology bulletin, no. 81 (2018): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.81.68-74.

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Foreign policy is one of the most important directions of sovereign states’ activity. An especially important place in foreign policy shaping is bilateral relations between states. For Ukraine, such vectors of foreign policy as European, Euro-Atlantic, Eurasian and Asian are traditionally important. In particular, the implementation of the Asian foreign policy vector and the establishment of effective relations with the People's Republic of China as one of the leaders of world economic development is a very important task for Ukrainian diplomacy at this time. The analysis of foreign and Ukrainian sources regarding this topic demonstrates the interest of researchers in bilateral Ukrainian-Chinese relations. One of the important trends in world socio-political development is globalization processes. In this article the author examines the state of bilateral Ukrainian-Chinese relations at the present stage characterized by dynamic globalization rate. In the results of the conducted study one can note that currently there are certain obstacles to the effective development of bilateral relations between Ukraine and China, however at the same time there is sufficient potential for further intensification of bilateral relations between the indicated countries. On the basis of the analysis, one can conclude that among the successes of Ukraine's foreign policy over the past few years, one can identify the establishment of a fairly fruitful relationship with the People's Republic of China: cooperation in the agricultural and trade sectors, transport sphere, cultural exchanges. At the same time, it is necessary to strengthen the effective use of the foreign policy resource for more effective cooperation with the People's Republic of China — one of the most powerful current leaders of world economic development. It is important to avoid controversial military and political issues. It is vital to establish effective international cooperation with this country, which would allow achieving mutually beneficial goals. This is related to further research prospects concerning further development of Ukraine's relations with the countries of the Asia-Pacific region, in particular with the states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation).

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YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50." East Asian Policy 14, no. 02 (April 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.

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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.

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18

Nick Pay, Vahid, and Piotr Buszta. "China in the UK’s Foreign Policy." European Journal of East Asian Studies 21, no. 3 (October 27, 2022): 372–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-02103004.

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Abstract In the post-Brexit environment, at a time when the United Kingdom is looking to redefine its international positioning under the ‘Global Britain’ policy, one of the most urgent priorities for London proves to be to restructure its relations with key global players like China. The objective of this study is to examine factors influencing the development of London’s policy towards Beijing in the period 2015–2022 and to verify whether the growing salience of a progressive liberal posture in the UK’s foreign policy vis-à-vis China could account for the deterioration of bilateral relations that has been experienced. The research attempts to investigate whether the UK’s initial modus vivendi liberal economic engagement with China gave way to a renewed emphasis on progressive liberal internationalist convictions manifested by the UK’s firm stance on Chinese investments in British critical infrastructure and by an amplified criticism of China’s repressive domestic record and aggressive global posture.

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19

KASHINA, Evgenia V. "AUSTRALIA–CHINA RELATIONS: 1930-1937." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 2(55) (2022): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-2-2-55-291-306.

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The article is devoted to the development of relations between the Australian Union and China in the period from 1930 to 1937. The author analyzes changes in migration and economic policy towards China and explores the views of the Australian public on the Japanese expansion in China since 1931, as well as the position of the official authorities on this issue are revealed. The growth of international contradictions in the 30s of the XX century and the degree of independence in making Australian foreign policy from the former metropolis could affect Australian-Chinese relations.

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20

Zhang, Shiyu. "Diversification propaganda work with foreign audiences." Век информации (сетевое издание) 4, no. 4(13) (September 30, 2020): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33941/age-info.com44(13)4.

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Over the past decade, bilateral relations between China and Russia have attracted the attention of the whole world. As neighbors and rapidly developing countries, China and Russia are becoming increasingly important in the international arena. The strategic partnership and interaction between China and Russia occupy a significant place in the politics of both countries. Cooperation is developing dynamically in various fields, primarily in politics. After 2012, a change of government took place in China and Russia, which brought new changes to international relations. Studying the involvement of the media in this process can clarify their impact on international relations, in particular, their role in the relationship between China and Russia.

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Zhang, Shiyu. "Diversification propaganda work with foreign audiences." Век информации (сетевое издание) 4, no. 4(13) (September 30, 2020): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33941/age-info.com44(13)4.

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Over the past decade, bilateral relations between China and Russia have attracted the attention of the whole world. As neighbors and rapidly developing countries, China and Russia are becoming increasingly important in the international arena. The strategic partnership and interaction between China and Russia occupy a significant place in the politics of both countries. Cooperation is developing dynamically in various fields, primarily in politics. After 2012, a change of government took place in China and Russia, which brought new changes to international relations. Studying the involvement of the media in this process can clarify their impact on international relations, in particular, their role in the relationship between China and Russia.

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22

Amin, Julius A. "Sino-Cameroon Relations: A Foreign Policy of Pragmatism." African Studies Review 58, no. 3 (November 23, 2015): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2015.72.

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Abstract:Based on primary sources, including documents obtained from Cameroon’s Ministry of External Relations, oral interviews conducted in Cameroon, and local newspapers, and a variety of secondary sources, this article examines Cameroon’s foreign policy and economic relations with China. It argues that Cameroon’s engagement with China has resulted in short-term benefits for consumers but undermined long-term, sustainable economic development. The article concludes that unless China genuinely pursues its promised policies of “mutual respect” and “win–win gain,” voices of protest will only grow louder in Cameroon and other African nations.

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23

Portyakov, V. Ya. "Foreign Economic Relations of the People’s Republic of China." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 90, no. 6 (November 2020): 670–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331620060076.

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24

Vladimir PORTYAKOV. "Foreign Economic Relations of the People's Republic of China." Far Eastern Affairs 47, no. 004 (December 31, 2019): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/fea.56992456.

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25

Yahuda, Michael B. "The People's Republic of China at 40: Foreign Relations." China Quarterly 119 (September 1989): 519–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100002292x.

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In its 40th year the People's Republic of China has achieved a position in its foreign relations to which its leaders had long aspired. For the first time they can now claim to operate in a relatively peaceful international environment that is conducive to the attainment of their domestic goals of economic development.

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26

QINGSONG, TIAN, and IRINA ZELENEVA. "JAPAN’S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS CHINA (2001-2006)." Sociopolitical Sciences 12, no. 3 (June 28, 2022): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2022-12-3-105-112.

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The article considers the dynamics of Japan’s foreign policy towards China at the beginning of the millennium. Its study was the purpose of this article. Its achievement presupposed the solution of the corresponding tasks: consideration of Japan’s multilateral diplomacy in other countries, characterization of the economic policy of the Koizumi cabinet in China. On the basis of the analysis carried out, appropriate conclusions were drawn. Since becoming Prime Minister of Japan, Junichiro Koizumi has made significant changes to his China policy. On the one hand, Koizumi believes that China’s economic growth and internal stability play a positive role for the Japanese economy. On the other hand, he sees China as a rising power that threatens Japan’s external environment and at the same time shakes its dominance in Asia. During Koizumi’s rule, Sino-Japanese relations generally showed a deteriorating trend: he actively deepened economic exchanges with China, but at the same time took a tough stance towards China in the field of foreign policy and security. Koizumi’s repeated visits to the Yasukuni Shrine seriously damaged Sino-Japanese relations, leading to the suspension of high-level visits between China and Japan. And Sino-Japanese relations have deteriorated to their lowest point since 1972.

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27

Jha, Prem Shankar. "China–India Relations under Modi." China Report 53, no. 2 (April 21, 2017): 158–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517696630.

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The sweeping changes in the foreign policy of Narendra Modi’s government in India reflect several departures from previous year. Most prominent shift was from non alignment that was designed to steer India clear of involvements that could harm the country by diverting its resources from development and social consolidation into militarisation and war. Another shift is from the policy of equidistance which was not a refusal to get involved but an assertion that India would choose when, where and how to get involved, reflecting the rise of India’s soft power. These shifts have ramifications on bilateral relations of India and China and carry substantial impact on future trends of engagements between the two.

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Soyibova, Dilovar. "GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES OF FOREIGN ECONOMIC ACTIVITYOF CHINA." GEOGRAPHY: NATURE AND SOCIETY 1, no. 4 (April 30, 2020): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-0834-2020-4-8.

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This article describes the geographical features of the foreign economic activityof the People’s Republic of China. Among the important areas of foreign economic relations are the importance of foreign trade and investment in country’s economy

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Boot, W. J. "Maxims of Foreign Policy." Itinerario 24, no. 2 (July 2000): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300013024.

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In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.

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Boot, W. J. "Maxims of Foreign Policy." Itinerario 24, no. 2 (July 2000): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300044508.

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In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.

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31

Nekhoroshkov, Vladimir, and Alyona Aroshidze. "Foreign Trade Cooperation Between the Novosibirsk Region and China." Russian and Chinese Studies 4, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 308–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2587-7445.2020.4(4).308-315.

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The imposition of sanctions and the retaliatory measures taken by the Russian Federation affect its foreign economic relations. Difficulties with the development of relations with foreign trade partners naturally arose at the regional level. The Novosibirsk region also had to adapt to the new conditions of foreign economic activity. The region has traditionally had a significant foreign economic potential, and it is notable that the non-CIS countries account for the larger share of exports and imports. The Asian vector of foreign trade development is mainly represented by cooperation with China.

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ZHENG, Yongnian, and Liang Fook LYE. "China's Foreign Policy: Pursuing a More Active Foreign Policy while Upholding its National Interests." East Asian Policy 06, no. 01 (January 2014): 20–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930514000026.

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President Xi Jinping has been quick to make his mark on China's foreign policy compared to his predecessor, especially in fostering a positive momentum in China-US relations. China is also leveraging on its economic strength by engaging in mutually beneficial cooperation with other countries. Nevertheless, China's Air Defence Identification Zone and its expressed determination to administer the waters within the nine-dotted lines have cast doubts on China's professed policy of good neighbourly relations.

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Pradana, Hafid Adim. "Persepsi Suharto dan Perubahan Kebijakan Luar Negeri Indonesia terhadap Cina pada Awal Orde Baru." Indonesian Perspective 1, no. 1 (June 2, 2016): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ip.v1i1.10427.

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Leadership change from Sukarno to Suharto had given impact to Indonesia foreignpolicies. One of many changes of Indonesia foreign policies in Suharto regime is the severance ofdiplomatic relations with China. This paper aim to explain the Indonesia’s foreign policy change inthat time, especially the severance of diplomatic relations with China in 1967. Despite it becomes ahistorical relic, a case study of Indonesia’s foreign policy under Suharto remains important sincethere have been no specific research focusing on the severance of diplomatic relations betweenIndonesia and China. Using Perception Theory from Ole R. Holsti as the tool of analysis, thispaper concludes that the deteriorating relations between Indonesia and China in 1967 wasinfluenced by Suharto’s perception considered that China is a threat to Indonesia following theattempted coup in 1965.Keywords: Suharto’s perception, Indonesia’s foreign policy, China

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Tanner, Murray Scot. "China in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (January 2016): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.19.

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Surveying China in 2015, this article focuses on how the Xi leadership dealt with several of the most complex economic and security challenges it faced during the year, in particular: sustaining economic growth; responding to social unrest; confronting environmental problems; managing foreign relations in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea; reforming and modernizing the People’s Liberation Army; and managing cross-Strait relations.

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Pheakdey, Heng. "Cambodia-China Relations: A Positive-Sum Game?" Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 31, no. 2 (June 2012): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341203100203.

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China has re-emerged to become a dominant foreign player in Cambodia. Politically, Cambodia is one of China's oldest and closest allies. Economically, China is Cambodia's top foreign investor, a major donor, and an increasingly important trading partner. Culturally, Chinese values are deeply embedded in many aspects of Cambodian society. However, China's dominance is surrounded by renewed controversies. While the government warmly welcomes Chinese aid, saying that it comes with no strings attached, many experts are concerned that China is providing aid for more nefarious reasons. Critics also accuse Chinese investment and aid of having exacerbated corruption, weakened governance and harmed human rights, and of ruining Cambodia's natural resources and environment. With such controversies, it is relevant and significant to assess the roles that China has played and continues to play in Cambodia's socio-economic development. Using expert interviews, media analysis and an extensive literature review, this paper uniquely contributes to the existing discussion on China–Cambodia relations by closely examining the controversies of China's investment and aid, critically analysing China's interests in Cambodia, and asking if the relationship between the two nations is a positive-sum game.

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Lee, Dong-Yoon. "ASEAN’s Foreign Relations toward Power State : Between U.S. and China." Journal of International Politics 17, no. 1 (March 31, 2012): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.18031/jip.2012.03.17.1.179.

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37

Liu, Z. "Foreign Policy of China and Prospects of Chinese-Russian Relations." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2004): 84–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2004-9-84-90.

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38

Tumurchuluum, G. "Mongolia’s Foreign Policy Revisited Its Relations with Russia and China." Mongolian Journal of International Affairs 2 (May 1, 2015): 26–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v2i0.436.

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39

Chung, Sun Wook. "Industrial relations (IR) changes in China: a foreign employer’s perspective." Employee Relations 38, no. 6 (October 3, 2016): 826–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-06-2015-0120.

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Purpose Although studies on Chinese industrial relations (IR) have examined topics such as unionization and collective bargaining, little is known about employers’ reactions to recent IR changes. In particular, researchers have not thoroughly considered foreign employers’ labor relations strategies. Amidst this background, the purpose of this paper is to investigate how a foreign employer perceives and responds to the recent IR changes in China. Design/methodology/approach This paper conducted an exploratory, inductive study of the Chinese subsidiary of one multinational corporation. The data were collected through the author’s extensive fieldwork at its headquarters and Chinese subsidiary. Findings This paper shows that the union of a foreign firm in China serves three major functions – a collective voice, a monopoly, and an external affairs function – and that the firm’s interpretation of these functions has changed within China’s dynamic IR environment. Further, this paper finds that an employer has initiated its own compliance strategies, such as forming a friendly union, decoupling the union’s functions, de-collectivizing employment relations through effective HR practices and stricter policies, and scaling down in size to reduce administrative burden. Originality/value By introducing an employer perspective regarding recent IR changes, this paper provides a nuanced understanding of unionization and collective bargaining implementation in China. In addition, this paper identifies an emerging pattern of employer perception and response in China, highlighting unique features that have not been addressed in the existing literature on employers’ anti-union behavior. This study’s contributions also facilitate further research encompassing different contexts.

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Izzuddin, Mustafa. "China–Malaysia Relations and Foreign Policy by Abdul Razak Baginda." Contemporary Southeast Asia: A Journal of International and Strategic Affairs 38, no. 1 (2016): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/csa.2016.0011.

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SINGH, Bhubhindar. "Japan-Southeast Asia Relations Amid US-China Competition in East Asia." East Asian Policy 13, no. 03 (July 2021): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930521000210.

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Japan has emerged as a critical strategic actor in East Asia amidst intensifying US-China structural competition since 2010. Southeast Asia/ASEAN is an important dimension of Japan’s foreign policy expansion. This paper argues that Japan’s foreign policy is driven by the aim of becoming an alternative source of strategic stability in Southeast Asia/ASEAN as opposed to the United States and China. This is explained by analysing Japan’s foreign policy in regional balance of power and ASEAN-led multilateralism.

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Freire, Maria Raquel. "China-Russia relations in a framework of strategic containment." Relações Internacionais, special issue 2021 (2021): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2021.sia04.

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This article analyses Russian foreign policy in its Asian dimension, placing Russia’s relationship with China in the broader framework of Russia’s foreign policy “Asia Pivot” strategy. The study concludes with a cautious reading of this relationship, anchored in the notion that, underneath the layer of greater closeness and intensified collaboration, lies a relationship of double strategic containment, both regarding the US and the West, and between these two giants. For Russia, the relevance of China in political and economic terms is evident and clearly assumed, but the fear of imbalances resulting from substantive differences between the two has held back a number of actions, while encouraging others in a logic of much-needed refocusing and rebalancing for Moscow.

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Hussain, Zakir. "Rene Rieger, Saudi Arabian Foreign Relations :." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 5 (December 1, 2021): 69–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i5.81.

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Sitting on the largest oil reserve, and being the largest oil producer and economy in the Arab world, Saudi Arabia’s role in maintaining regional peace and stability becomes decisive. The global powers such as the US, European countries, China and India also look upon Riyadh to undertake regional responsibilities and work towards stabilizing the region. Over the period, Saudi Arabia has evolved and tested some of the tools and approaches to handle international and intra-regional problems. Partially, this is shaped by its own national objectives and partially by its determination and ambition to play a role in global and regional affairs. However, most of the region experts believe that the Middle East will remain under turmoil till at least three issues remain at the helm; first, the region continues to be the top supplier of modern fuel and keep influencing the hydrocarbons driven lifestyle in the world; second, Israel-Palestine issue remains unsolved; and third, continuation of the non-representative government in the region.

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Kucherenko, Grigory N. "The Taiwan Factor in Cambodian-China Relations." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2(51) (2021): 220–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-2-2-51-220-231.

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Cambodia has been developing relations with China for decades, now both countries are perceived as stable partners, the kingdom supports Beijing on a number of international issues, including the status of Taiwan, but this state of affairs was not always the case. From its independence until 1997, Cambodia made several attempts to establish relations with Taipei in pursuit of its foreign policy goals. This article examines the specifics of relations between Cambodia and the PRC through the prism of interaction between Cambodia and Taiwan.

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Janes, Jack. "The Ampel Coalition's Foreign Policy Challenges." German Politics and Society 40, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2022.400405.

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Abstract German-American relations have been impacted by the war in Ukraine for reasons that have to do with domestic and foreign policy challenges. Germany is struggling with its responsibilities to increased expectations in Washington and within the European Union. The responses in Berlin to the Russian invasion of Ukraine have resulted in tensions within Europe as Germany tries to shape its policies around what Chancellor Olaf Scholz has called the Zeitenwende (turning point) of German foreign policy. The u.s. has also signaled its expectations that Germany needs to be a partner in sharing the burden of confronting Russian threats in Ukraine and Europe. Another challenge for German-American relations is emerging around relations with China, which may generate friction across the Atlantic as the United States seeks to confront China on the global stage while Germany remains tightly connected to China as its largest trade partner. How and why Germany and the United States need each other is in transition.

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Zagoria, Donald, and Michael D. Swaine. "China: Domestic Change and Foreign Policy." Foreign Affairs 74, no. 5 (1995): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047355.

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SHIRK, SUSAN L. "Changing Media, Changing Foreign Policy in China." Japanese Journal of Political Science 8, no. 1 (March 14, 2007): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109907002472.

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China has undergone a media revolution that has transformed the domestic context for making foreign policy as well as domestic policy. The commercialization of the mass media has changed the way leaders and publics interact in the process of making foreign policy. As they compete with one another, the new media naturally try to appeal to the tastes of their potential audiences. Editors make choices about which stories to cover based on their judgments about which ones will resonate best with audiences. In China today, that means a lot of stories about Japan, Taiwan, and the United States, the topics that are the objects of Chinese popular nationalism. The publicity given these topics makes them domestic political issues because they are potential focal points for elite dis-agreement and mass collective action, and thereby constrains the way China' leaders and diplomats deal with them. Even relatively minor events involving China' relations with Japan, Taiwan, or the United States become big news, and therefore relations with these three governments must be carefully handled by the politicians in the Communist Party Politburo Standing Committee. Because of the Internet, it is impossible for Party censors to screen out news from Japan, Taiwan or the United States that might upset the public. Common knowledge of such news forces officials to react to every slight, no matter how small. Foreign policy makers feel especially constrained by nationalist public opinion when it comes to its diplomacy with Japan. Media marketization and the Internet have helped make Japan China' most emotionally charged international relationship.

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Farooq, Sobia, and Zahid Yousaf. "MEDIA FRAMING AND FOREIGN POLICY- DECISION MAKING: AN ANALYSIS OF PAK CHINA RELATIONSHIP (MEDIA PERSPECTIVE JAN 2012 TO DEC 2013)." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 02 (June 30, 2022): 1058–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i2.601.

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The present research Media Framing and Foreign policy- Decision Making: An analysis of Pak China relationship (Media perspective Jan 2012 to Dec 2013) is related and focused on the Pak China foreign relations, its media framing and impact of media framing on policy formulation. Basically, this study analyses the role of both foreign policy makers on media how they make them to interpret the policies through editorials and of Media how they help in formulating the policies or in decision makings. This article analysis the relationship study of China with Pakistan with respect to mutual and national interest. It explores how china and Pakistan take stands on certain issues and formulates foreign relationship with each other according to its diplomatic relations and requirements. The study is the result of the content analysis of newspapers of Pakistan and China, the study emphasis on the editorial coverage of selected newspaper, it examines the content of selected editorials according to the selected categories, and it helps in analyzing the relationship between media content and foreign policy in the china and Pakistan. Keywords: Framing, national interest, foreign policy, Pakistan, China, democracy, and diplomatic relations.

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Dalelkhan, Aibolat, and Dana Turekulova. "The Trump factor in American-Chinese relations." Public Administration and Civil Service, no. 1(80) (March 30, 2022): 148–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.52123/1994-2370-2022-632.

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This article discussed Trump's foreign trade and economic policy and the impact of the Trump administration's tax policy on the development of the US economy. Also studied the impact of the optimal tax policy on US foreign trade relations, in particular the impact on trade and economic relations between China and the United States. It also analyzes the consequences of the tariff war for the Chinese economy based on Chinese academic research. The article explains the reasons for the economic tension between the US and China from the point of view of the foreign policy and economic interests of the countries. In order to achieve the goals of the study, the historical-comparative, statistical, structural analysis and systematization methods were used.

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Poudel, Purushottam. "Book Title: Nepal India China, Relations in the 21st Century." Asian Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 1 (December 31, 2021): 192–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ajia.v1i1.44766.

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