Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Children – government policy – great britain'
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Newton, Michael John. "GCSE music : year nine and ten students' perceptions and enrolment intentions in relation to music education rationale and government educational policy." University of Western Australia. School of Music, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0126.
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The international drive among western countries to shift from industrial to knowledge economies has focussed considerable attention on education. United Kingdom government educational policy, influenced by the global knowledge economy, has shifted responsibility for learning work skills from the workplace to schooling and post-compulsory education. Government policy emphasises the importance of education's role in preparing students with the skills, knowledge and understanding required to enhance the United Kingdom's competitiveness in the global market. In contrast to the work-related emphasis of the wider educational context, music education emphasises the enrichment of experience. The value of music education is related to people's needs, and the functions it performs in their lives. Music education should be transformative, creative, enriching and relevant. Participation in music education is motivated by the intrinsic satisfaction of making music, rather than the extrinsic need for work-related competencies and qualifications. Music education competes for students with other subjects in the educational marketplace when the music curriculum ceases to be compulsory at age fifteen. Therefore, it is important to understand how students relate not only to music education, but also to the wider work-related educational context in which their subject participation choices are made. Therefore, the purposes of this study are twofold: (1) to establish an overview of how students perceive music education and the factors that influence their enrolment intentions, and (2) to establish an overview of how students perceive music within the wider context of education. Statements were chosen that were considered representative of the rationales for education presented by the government and the music education community. Questionnaires and interviews were developed using the statements, and were ii administered to a random sample of Year Nine and Ten (GCSE Music and non - GCSE Music) students Music was not a relevant subject for most students. However, the perceptions of a small percentage of students (mainly Music students) did find music education relevant in the ways the literature suggested it should be. The most common influences on enrolment were perceptions of ability and enjoyment (or lack of). Despite the strong emphasis on work-related skills and qualifications in the wider educational context, students generally agreed that Music was a subject better suited to enhancing life and lifestyle than career options. However, reflecting the wider educational context, Music was perceived as being more careers/future study orientated than transformative, creative, enriching and relevant.
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Rough, Elizabeth Kate. "Nuclear narratives in UK energy policy, 1955-2008 : exploring the dynamics of policy framing." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252274.
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Horne, Fiona. "Explaining British Refugee Policy, March 1938 - July 1940." Thesis, University of Canterbury. History, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1043.
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The twentieth century has aptly been referred to the century of the refugee.1 In the twentieth century, refugees became an important international problem which seriously affected relations between states and refugee issues continue to play an important part in international relations in the twenty-first century. The refugee crisis created by the Nazis in the 1930s was without precedent and the British government was unsure how to respond. British refugee policy was still in a formative stage and was therefore susceptible to outside influences. This dissertation aims to explain the key factors that drove British refugee policy in the period March 1938 to July 1940, and to evaluate their relative significance over time. I divided the period of study into three phases (March-September 1938, October 1938 to August 1939, September 1939 to July 1940), in order to explore how a range of factors varied in importance in a political and international environment that was rapidly changing. In considering how to respond to the refugee crisis, the British government was hugely influenced by concerns over its relations with other countries, especially Germany. There is little doubt that, during the entire period of this study, the primary influence on the formation and implementation of British refugee policy was the international situation. However, foreign policy did not by itself dictate the precise form taken by British refugee policy. The response of the British government was modulated by economic concerns, domestic political factors, humanitarianism, and by the habits, traditions and assumptions of British political culture. Some factors, like anti-Semitism became less important during the period of this study, while others like humanitarianism increased in importance.
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Hilton, Adrian. "Free schools : the role of Conservative and Liberal political thought in shaping the policy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:961415dd-a137-4f0d-b8e7-1b1927835053.
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'The landscape of schooling in England has been transformed over the last five years' (House of Commons Education Committee, 2015:3). More than half of secondary schools in England have become academies, independent of local authorities and funded directly by central government. The programme was begun by New Labour in 2002, and by the time they left office at the 2010 General Election 203 academies had been established. The policy was considerably extended between 2010-2015 by the Conservative and Liberal Democrat coalition, and 'Free Schools' were introduced by Education Secretary Michael Gove: that is, schools 'set up in response to what local people say they want and need in order to improve education for children in their community' (DfE, 2013/2015). By the time of the 2015 general election, there were 4,674 newly-sponsored or converter academies and 252 'Free Schools', representing 64% of secondary school students (47% of all state school students), and 51% of secondary schools (32% of all state schools). This research argues the hypothesis that there is a high degree of philosophical continuity on this policy across the main political parties in England. It also analyses the extent to which the policy-makers invoke historical expressions of conservatism and/or liberalism in their articulation of that convergence. Drawing on past associations with politicians, the principal expositors and key architects of the 'Free Schools' policy were interviewed, and these transcripts have given insight into how the themes of policy are conceptualised and understood. The data suggests that there are convergent philosophical views across the main political parties, and agreement on the course of history of the policy. There are, however, ethical concerns about the pace of reform, the primacy of the 'market', and the extent to which democratic public goods are consistent with schools that are 'free'.
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Powell, Rebecca. "British policy on human trafficking : the role of non-governmental organisations in seeking change." University of Western Australia. Political Science and International Relations Discipline Group, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2009.0193.
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This thesis looks at the role of British anti-trafficking NGOs in the development of the British policy response to human trafficking. Anti-trafficking NGOs are classified as insiders in the policy process which allows them access to the decision makers during policy developments. Through their insider status, NGOs have promoted their policy agenda for a victim-centred, balanced policy response to human trafficking to the government. A balanced policy response to human trafficking that contains a law enforcement approach with adequate and supportive measures for the protection and support of trafficked victims, has been internationally hailed as being required to tackle human trafficking at a national level. Although the British government has welcomed the input of NGOs in policy developments in response to human trafficking in Britain, the government's primary association of human trafficking with illegal immigration has prevented NGOs from achieving influential success. This thesis argues that the government's associations of human trafficking with illegal immigration have prevented it from further developing its human rights response to trafficking. A victim-centred approach to trafficking will support the existing law enforcement response in achieving an increase in successful prosecutions against the traffickers. Further, it is noted that policy developments in Britain are incremental and slow and the development of a policy response to human trafficking is no exception. By looking at the latest stage of British policy developments on human trafficking, the possibility of a balanced response has emerged for the first time. However, although the government has indicated its commitment to achieving such a response, no practical policy initiatives have been developed or implemented to affirm this commitment. This thesis contributes to the existing and growing body of literature on human trafficking policy in the UK. It aims to contribute to an understanding of how British anti-trafficking NGOs have used their status as insiders in the policy making process in order to influence policy developments, and to understand the limited success that they have experienced.
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Goodwin, Mark. "Education governance, politics and policy under New Labour." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1771/.
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This thesis investigates the political management of state schooling under New Labour from 1997-2010. The thesis considers and rejects two mainstream approaches to the analysis of New Labour‟s education strategy which characterise the New Labour education project as either a process of marketisation or as a symptom of a shift to a new governance through networks of diffused power. Instead, the thesis argues that the best general characterisation of New Labour‟s education strategy is as a centralising project which has increased the power and discretion of the core of the core executive over the education sector at the expense of alternative centres of power. The thesis proposes that the trajectory of education policy under New Labour is congruent with a broader strategy for the modification of the British state which sought to enhance administrative efficiency and governing competence. Changes to education strategies can then be explained as the result of changing social and economic contexts filtered through the governing projects of strategic political actors. The thesis argues that New Labour‟s education strategy was largely successful in terms of securing governing competence and altering power relations and behaviour in the sector despite continuing controversy over the programmatic and political performance of its education policies.
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Phillips, Jenna Frances. "British policy during the Korean War 1950-1951." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648129.
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Davies, Matthew William. "Elected Police and Crime Commissioners : an experiment in democratic policing." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:72bf870f-4ce8-4cf6-9e5c-5564d4273100.
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In this thesis, I explore the ways in which Police and Crime Commissioners (PCCs) have met a declared policy intention to create greater democratic accountability around policing and crime. I conceptualise PCCs as a piece of a broader democratic puzzle and explore both how they have been positioned and shaped within the broader policing and crime nexus across England and Wales. In considering the positioning of PCCs, I use data from case studies and interviews with 32 (out of 41) PCCs to identify how they have begun to develop relationships with the public and local, regional and national partners. The findings suggest that with the exception of their abilities to join up local crime reduction services, PCCs occupy an awkward space - not local enough to be meaningfully representative of the public they serve, but not outwardly-facing enough to manage wider co-ordination of policing. Subsequently, I investigate the shape of the PCC model to deliver greater accountability by focusing on the ways in which PCCs have begun to envisage the role and develop relationships with other key stakeholders. Varied responses from PCCs across the country reflected the broad-ranging nature of the role, which in some cases appeared to undermine their ability to fully perform all aspects of the job. I argue that this became particularly accentuated in emerging relationships with chief constables and Police and Crime Panels, where the single PCC model exposes accountability to dangers of personalities and politics. I conclude by arguing that while many PCCs have facilitated various components of democratic accountability within the management of policing and crime-reduction services, the PCC model appears to be misplaced and misshaped to effectively complete the puzzle of democratic policing.
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Babij, Orest. "The making of Imperial Defence policy in Britain, 1926-1934." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fb422556-884e-4d47-9705-92d9ff36181d.
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Although the period between 1926 and 1934 was relatively peaceful, Imperial Defence policy-making in Britain focused on threats along the periphery of the Empire. This included a short-lived, but serious concern over Communist expansion in China and Afghanistan and a fear that American naval construction would undermine the Royal Navy's position in the world. The first threat receded by 1928 and the second was met by negotiating the highly successful London Naval Conference of 1930. Throughout these years, the need to reorient the Imperial Defence system to meet a perceived Japanese threat in the Far East, and the Treasury's opposition to the very idea, remained constants within policy-making circles. The world-wide depression led to serious defence cutbacks which the services met largely by cutting back even further on war reserves and mobilization potential. The Japanese assault on Manchuria in 1931, and then in Shanghai in 1932, exposed the inability of the Imperial Defence system to meet a Far Eastern threat. This led to pressure from the navy, in particular, for an increase in service estimates, but the economic situation and the World Disarmament Conference kept the government from agreeing to any significant change in policy. From 1931-193, Imperial Defence concerns were centred on the Far East, but Hitlerâs rise to power in March 1933 turned attention hack toward Europe. Nevertheless, the first large-scale review of Imperial defence deficiencies, the Defence Requirements Sub-Committee, presented a report which balanced the needs of European and Far Eastern defence. In the spring of l934. however, the Cabinet found itself unable to come to a consensus on the DRC's recommendations and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Neville Chamberlain, stepped forward with his own defence vision. He discounted the need for Far Eastern defence and re-oriented defence policy toward homeland defence. It was his intervention that set the tone for British rearmament in the 1930s.
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McLaughlin, Janice. "Discursive strategies within Thatcherism : family and market representations in its rhetoric and Community Care Documents /." Thesis, This resource online, 1993. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-06302009-040329/.
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Thacker, Scott. "Reducing the risk of failure in interdependent national infrastructure network systems." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:02e7313c-0967-47e3-becc-2e7da376f745.
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Infrastructure network systems support society and the economy by facilitating the distribution of essential services across broad spatial extents, at a range of scales. The complex and interdependent nature of these systems provides the conditions for which localised failures can dramatically cascade, resulting in disruptions that are widespread and very often unforeseen. This systemic vulnerability has been highlighted multiple times over the previous decades in infrastructures systems from around the world. In the future, the hazards to which infrastructure systems are exposed are set to grow with increasing extreme event risks caused by climate change. The aim of this thesis is to develop methodology and analysis for understanding and reducing the risk of failure of national interdependent infrastructure network systems. This study introduces multi-scale, system-of-systems based methodology and applied analysis that provides important new insights into interdependent infrastructure network risk and adaptation. Adopting a complex network based approach; real-world asset data is integrated from the energy, transport, water, waste and digital communications sectors to represent the physical interconnectivity that exists within and between interdependent infrastructure systems. Given the often limited scope of real-world datasets, an algorithm is presented that is used to synthesise missing network data, providing continuous network representations that preserve the most salient spatial and topological properties of real multi-level infrastructure systems. Using the resultant network representations, the criticality of individual assets is calculated by summing the direct and indirect customer disruptions that can occur in the event of failure. This is achieved by disrupting sets of functional service flow pathways that transcend sectorial and operational boundaries, providing long-range connectivity between service originating source nodes and customer allocated sink nodes. Kernel density estimation is used to integrate discrete asset criticality values into a continuous surface from which statistically significant infrastructure geographical criticality hotspots are identified. Finally, a business case is presented for investment in infrastructure adaptation, where adaptation costs are compared to the reduction in expected damages that arise from interdependency related failures over an assets lifetime. By representing physical and geographic interdependence at a range of scales, this analysis provides new evidence to inform the targeting of investments to reduce risks and enhance system resilience. It is concluded that the research presented within this thesis provides new theoretical insights and practical techniques for a range of academic, industrial and governmental infrastructure stakeholders, from the UK and beyond.
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Williamson, Adrian. "Conservative economic policymaking and the birth of Thatcherism, 1964-1979." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708031.
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Moffatt, Rowena. "An appeal to principle : a theory of appeals and review of migration status decision-making in the United Kingdom." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:95a2afbc-835e-4de9-84b4-2e65598bfd4b.
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The question asked by this thesis is when and why, as a matter of principle, should there be judicial scrutiny on the merits of administrative decisions on migration status ('migration status decisions') in the United Kingdom? It argues that this is a moral question, engaging concerns of fair treatment. The first two chapters examine the question theoretically. It is argued that access to justice is not a gift of citizenship and that migration status decision-making should be reviewable on the merits to avoid the appearance and/or occurrence of injustice in the light of the effects of migration control on individual migrants and the nature of migration status decision-making as 'very imperfect procedural justice' (save where a decision is not based on the judgment discretion of an administrator). The latter five chapters apply the normative claims to the United Kingdom constitutional context, including the relevant European regimes (European Convention on Fundamental Rights and European Union). First, as background to the argument, a history of recourse from migration status decision-making in the UK from the initial establishment of a review system in 1905 is sketched out. The history demonstrates the absence of a coherent or principled account of migration status appeals. The history is followed by a three-part critique of the current system of recourse in the UK. First rights of appeal in three case studies (deportation, offshore visitors and students) are examined. Secondly, the three standards of review available under judicial review (rationality, anxious scrutiny and proportionality) are critiqued, and thirdly, the contribution of European and international norms is considered. In general terms the thesis concludes that the current UK system of recourse is deficient in certain respects and suggests reform to the current appeals system.
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Whitworth, Adam. "Work, care and social inclusion : lone motherhood under New Labour." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670080.
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Scott, Sarah. "British foreign policy towards Syria : its importance, its distinctiveness and its relations to the policy of other actors in the region." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/9903.
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This thesis explores the dynamics involved in shaping the Anglo-Syrian relationship. It argues that to understand UK relations towards Syria over the past century, they have to be viewed in the broader context of British policy on Middle East regional issues, and wider foreign policy priorities. With no direct interests invested in Syria, it is both Britain's continued involvement in Middle East affairs and Syria's standing as a key regional power that assures a continuing relationship. Consequently, the stance of leading UK politicians on the issues of post-World War regional order, international terrorism, military interventionism, arms sales, dictatorship and democratisation have circumscribed UK policy options in relation to Syria. Using the tools of Neoclassical realism this study considers British foreign policy behaviour, in terms of Britain's attempt to mobilize the power to protect its interests. It reviews Britain's international behaviour in part by how it is affected by changes in the international system, as Britain has declined from being a great imperial power, to a European power. Alliances are a key tool Britain has used to manage its decline, and this study identifies the impact that this has had on Anglo-Syrian relations with particular reference to the US and EU. Finally, it demonstrates that understanding how the foreign policy process works in Britain is key to understanding its international behaviour. In this it takes into account elite perceptions both of what these interests are and how best Britain can achieve them. This adds a layer of understanding as to why foreign policy outcomes do not always conform with what would be predicted purely in terms of the pursuit of the national interest.
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Makin, Dorothy. "Policy making in secondary education : evidence from two local authorities 1944-1972." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f976f873-c5c2-493a-87ab-1fa7ef8e4e19.
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The 1944 Butler Act laid the legal foundations for a new secondary education system in England, one which would see all children entitled to free and compulsory schooling up to the age of 15. The Act therefore represented a bold step forward in the pursuit of a fairer society: expanding access to training and qualifications, while promoting a more equal distribution of educational opportunities. This thesis explores the process of constructing and delivering secondary education policy in England following the 1944 Butler Education Act. It offers a close examination of two Local Education Authorities- Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire- exploring how they interpreted and implemented 'secondary education for all' after the Second World War. The dissertation is composed of two parts: Part One looks at how selective secondary schooling was developed and operated in the respective areas between 1945 and 1962; Part Two explores the response of both authorities to the prospect of reforming secondary education after 1962. By exploring the process of policy implementation after 1944, Part One of this thesis highlights the problems of delivering secondary education for all in an era of resource constraint. It is demonstrated in this thesis that Local Authority capacity to build new schools was firmly tethered to Ministerial control. The relatively low priority accorded to education created a decade-long delay between the announcement of policy change and its eventual delivery. The implications of this delay at the Local Authority and school level are explored in chapters three and six. Chapters four and seven question how resources were distributed between selective and non-selective school sectors, while chapters five and eight evaluate the treatment of selective education within each authority, asking how policy makers conceived of, and operated, the grammar school and secondary modern sectors. Part Two of this thesis turns to the question of secondary organisation. Debates surrounding the question of comprehensive rather than selective systems of secondary schooling dominated discussions about secondary education policy in the later twentieth century. When it came to comprehensive re-organisation, Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire opted for different paths: Oxfordshire adopted comprehensive schooling relatively early with a remarkable degree of county-wide consensus, while Buckinghamshire fiercely resisted external and internal pressure to reform. Chapter ten of this thesis is devoted to identifying the drivers of comprehensive reform in Oxfordshire. Chapters eleven and twelve explore the Buckinghamshire story establishing how and then why this county successfully held-out against wholesale policy change.
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Cramsie, John R. "Crown finance and governance under James I : projects and fiscal policy, 1603-1625." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14268.
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This thesis is a fundamental reassessment of Jacobean crown finance and its importance in the early-modern English polity. The concurrent focuses are the Jacobean conceptualization of crown finance in terms of projects and the analysis of fiscal policy. Fiscal policy was dominated by attempts to balance the consumptive demands of the patronage culture with the fiscal needs of meeting the state's responsibilities of governance. The introduction describes the origins of projects and their relationship to the Jacobean patronage culture; it also discusses the importance of fiscal policy as a jumping-off point for a reassessment of the Jacobean polity. The structures of policymaking are examined in Chapter 1 with special emphasis on the process of counsel and the central role of James I in the responsibilities of governance. The conceptualization of crown finance in terms of entrepreneurial-like projects is fully explored in chapter 2 as is the importance of the doctrine of necessity in fiscal policy. Chapter 3 examines the nature of projects using a case-study of fishing fleet initiatives. The most significant challenge to the project basis of finance occurred in the parliament of 1621; the consequences of these events, long misunderstood as an attack on monopolies, are re-examined in Chapter 4. Origins of opposition to projects in popular culture, among James' ministers, and in parliament preface this chapter. The three chapters making up section II of the thesis seek to rehabilitate fiscal policy with a focus on policymaking and governance. Robert Cecil's project for fiscal refoundation would have established a precedent of public taxation to support the crown. Its collapse is subjected to a reinterpretation in Chapter 5 which challenges Revisionist orthodoxy on Jacobean parliamentary politics and political philosophy. Chapter 6 examines a number of attempts through conciliar policymaking (1611-1617) to meet ongoing financial challenges which ultimately influenced fiscal policy for the rest of James' reign. The concluding chapter recreates Lionel Cranfield's formulation and application of the abstract ideal of the public good in fiscal policy. Cranfield represents the sharpest Jacobean example of a minister seeking to balance the demands of serving the king and the state in their own rights; and the challenges of so doing. The conclusion places the thesis into a wider perspective of early- modern governance and our understanding of the Jacobean polity.
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Hartridge, Stephen Paul. "Thatcherism and the restoration of governability." Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/80088.
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Mrs Thatcher's third electoral victory in the summer of 1987 appeared to confirm and consolidate both the success and the popularity of the political and economic experiment attempted during her eight years in office. Thatcherism is perhaps most remarkable for guiding Britain out of the dark decades of the 1960's and 1970's when relative economic decline was the chief cause of a governmental and institutional paralysis that inevitably led to policy failures, "u-turns'', and defeats at the hands of the trade union movement. At a time when governmental effectiveness had been diluted, the hold of public expectations, symbolic of "consensus" or "Butskellite'' politics, showed no sign of loosening; despite the fact that welfare statism retained it's grip over the British public, years of economic decline and governmental ineffectiveness (symbolised by Heath's defeat by the miners and the "winter of discontent" under Callaghan), meant that fiscally, government commitments, both old and new, were outreaching their grasp and ability to deliver. It was speculated by many of the period's more prolific writers that public recognition of successive governments' inability to manage the demands of a modern economy was leading to severe, if immeasurable, credibility and legitimation problems.
To what extent have the Thatcher policies solved these seemingly intractable problems? Has Thatcherism found a solution to the demands of social democratic Britain? What is the real extent of Britain's economic recovery? Is there a "new consensus" that underpins the Thatcher challenge to the "mal Anglais''? These questions will be central to this paper's analysis of the extent of the restoration of British governability in the Thatcher years.Master of Arts
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O'Neill, Michael A. "Safe with us vs the sacred trust : policy change under Conservative government : health policy under Britain's Thatcher and Canada's Mulroney." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1996. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/78609/.
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This research explores the link between New Right ideology and the making of public policy. Taking the Thatcher and Mulroney Governments as examples of the New Right in government this research considers the areas of policy convergence and divergence between them using health as a case study. This study concludes that these 1990s variants of Conservativism differed both in terms of their rhetoric and their ability to chart new public policies. This study finds that the Thatcher Government was a more effective agent of change than the Mulroney Government with institutional differences as the main explanatory variable. Other research themes raised in this research include: The applicability of the incremental policy making model to the study of Canadian and British health policies; the role of interest groups in the development of health policies; and the thesis of the irreversibility of the welfare state. It was found that the incremental model could not account for the rapid and large changes in British health policy but could serve as a theoretical framework to explain health policy developments in Canada. Interest groups for their part were found to have reacted in differing ways to the challenges posed to them by New Right government, seeking to form advocacy coalitions in Canada while remaining resolutely independent in Britain. Finally, this research concludes that the irreversibility of the welfare state thesis as presented by Therborn and Roebroek remains valid. that is that the political popUlarity of national health insurance continue to isolate this sector of social policy from dramatic rollback.
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Partos, Rebecca. "'Campaigning in poetry, governing in prose?' : the development of Conservative Party immigration policy in government and in opposition since 1945." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2017. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/68773/.
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Jeffares, Stephen Ruari. "Why public policy ideas catch on : empty signifiers and flourishing neighbourhoods." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2008. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/193/.
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Asking the question ‘why do ideas catch on in public policy’ reveals the inadequacy of ideational accounts to compete with the predominance of mainstream models of policy analysis. This thesis reasserts ideational accounts through the application of the political discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe. The approach posits ideas as demands operating in governing discourses and understands how general equivalent demands then become empty signifiers. This thesis develops current understanding on how general equivalents and empty signifiers function through an application to urban governance. It develops a qualitative account of governing in Birmingham using interviews between 2003-2005, and documents and media archives from the past twenty years. The thesis examines how mainstream ideational, rational, institutional and interpretative accounts understand the emergence of policy ideas and their role in coalitions, policy change and agency of actors. Discourse theory is revealed as a comprehensive approach for understanding these questions of ideas. The thesis develops a framework for the empirical application of discourse theory in Birmingham, exploring the relationship between two taken-for-granted governing discourses: renaissance and size. It shows how actors were motivated to reiterate and protect discourses from dislocation with development of the empty signifier of ‘flourishing neighbourhoods’. The thesis traces the credibility and emergence of flourishing neighbourhoods and contributes to a research agenda around hegemonic policy analysis.
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Yang, Yin. "The economic geography of urban water infrastructure investment and governance : a comparison of Beijing and London." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:838a382b-a050-4467-9ec1-42923e0f5c56.
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Urban infrastructure is the key physical asset for successful functioning of modern cities. Yet the building and maintaining infrastructure networks require robust institutions, either expressed explicitly in rules and regulations or implicitly in social norms and mutual expectations, which are crucial for governing the complex relationships among all stakeholders including governments, regulators, investors, utilities and consumers that underpin the production of infrastructure services. Although there are more and more studies focusing on infrastructure, the underlying institutions that sustain the 'sink' of long-term accumulation of finance, technology, organisational and geopolitical power for shaping urban landscape have often been neglected. In particular, few studies have investigated the uneven geographical phenomenon of urban infrastructure investment and governance. As such, this thesis compares and explores how and why political, institutional and governance frameworks in Beijing and London influence urban water infrastructure investment and service delivery differently. The findings from the comparative study of the thesis should assist better understanding of 'variegated capitalism', especially state capitalism versus liberal capitalism. Through case study and close dialogue methodology, this thesis compares and investigates the investment models, governance frameworks, pricing systems and infrastructure contracts for urban water infrastructure in Beijing and London from the perspective of economic geography. Based on the theories of institutional and relational economic geography, this thesis organizes the study into four substantive chapters: Chapter Three compares the investment models employed in Beijing and London for water infrastructure investment and the underlying institutions; Chapter Four explores the effects of different governance frameworks on urban water infrastructure investment and service delivery in Beijing and London; Chapter Five investigates the effects of different pricing systems in the two cities for coordinating the intrinsic, market and investment value of urban water infrastructure; Chapter Six analyses different infrastructure contracts for financing large-scale water infrastructure projects in the two cities. The thesis finds that institutions are embedded in time and space for harnessing the flows of capital and producing the configurations of infrastructure provision, thus shaping the heterogeneous landscape of the material, economic, social and geopolitical fabric of contemporary cities. Therefore, in contrast to the statement 'form follows function', this thesis argues that infrastructure functions are inherently geographical in nature. The thesis has made the following contributions: firstly, it has compared the various trajectories of urban water infrastructure investment and governance in different political economic contexts, especially the dialogue between Global North and South, making original contribution in the 'geography of infrastructure'; secondly, the thesis employs cases studies to compare and investigate institutions empirically - issues that have been neglected for much too long in mainstream economic geography, contributing to 'variegated capitalism'; finally, in practical terms this research provides information for governments, regulators, investors, infrastructure providers and other stakeholders on in-depth understanding of urban water infrastructure investment and governance in different institutional and relational contexts.
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Hull, Andrew J. "Passwords to power : a public rationale for expert influence on central government policy-making : British scientists and economists. c.1900-c.1925." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1994. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1287/.
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The aim of the study is to explore and compare the rhetoric produced for public consumption by British scientists and economists in the period from c. 1900 to c. 1925, which was aimed at securing executive influence over government policy-making for these expert groups. I argue that members of each group followed characteristic strategies and produced distinctive rhetorics, but that they shared a common aim: the formalisation of influence over policy. I am testing the hypothesis, first put forward by Frank Turner in relation to natural scientists that a new type of public scientific rhetoric emerged from circa 1870 and was voiced by a sizeable minority of scientists in the Edwardian period. The key feature of this new rhetoric (which Turner dubs 'Public Science') was a call for scientists to be involved in government policy-making, on the basis of the transferability of scientific method to the areas covered by policy problems. I apply this model to scientists and to economists beyond the period initially considered by Turner. I argue that important sections of the economic and scientific communities actively pursued executive influence over policy in this period. I trace the course of the public arguments noting how they change over time in response to perceptions of the attitude of the State towards outside expertise and the changing context of national concerns. I examine the rhetoric in action in a case study of the Food (War) Committee of the Royal Society, which contained both scientists and economists. I argue that such a study of rhetoric is of great importance as a prerequisite for a correct understanding of the relations between experts and government in this period. Rhetoric must be recognised for what it is, a changing partisan account of the importance of science and scientific method.
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Rose, David Christian. "Nature in a changing climate : knowledge and policy for conservation, England 1990-2011." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709441.
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Redman, Lydia Catherine. "Industrial conflict, social reform and competition for power under the Liberal governments 1906-1914." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708257.
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Chung, Chik-leung, and 鍾藉良. "Privatization of public housing in Hong Kong: a comparison with the privatization of council housing in the UK." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B43894471.
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Street, Sarah. "Financial and political aspects of state intervention in the British film industry, 1925-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:aeedf404-aa82-4a7e-a1b7-feb626ffff81.
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During this period the state's interest in the film industry took several different forms. The area of films policy explored in this thesis is the economic protection of the commercial film industry against the high percentage of American films screened in Britain and the Empire. I begin in 1925 because it was not until then that active steps were taken by the government, in response to agitation from producers and those who saw film as a bond of Empire and advertisement for British goods and 'way of life', leading to the Cinematograph Films Act, 1927. This proposed, for political, cultural, moral and economic reasons, that renters and exhibitors should acquire and show a percentage of British films. There was no subsidy for producers or a heavy duty levied on American film imports. The origins, impact and character of official film policy are explored in the thesis with particular attention to financial and political aspects. An attempt is made to explain why policy was limited to film quotas together with an assessment of their impact on the industry's economic development. Details are also given on how the film industry's affairs became caught up in wider debates on tariff policy in the 1920s and in Anglo-American relations ten years later. The first three chapters deal with the evolution, promulgation and initial impact of the Cinematograph Films Act, 1927. Chapter 4 examines the deliberations of the Moyne Committee, established in 1936 to review the film industry's progress. The last three chapters analyse the three major influences on policy during the making of the 1938 Films Act: the campaigns of British film trade interests; the state of Anglo-American relations and film finance. In the final assessment the major influences that shaped policy are outlined together with conclusions on the industry's position and problems on the eve of the Second World War.
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Çetin, Elif. "Political debates, policy objectives and outcomes in British and Italian immigration politics, 1997-2010." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708065.
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Sheldon, Nicola. "School attendance 1880-1939 : a study of policy and practice in response to the problem of truancy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b7dc1538-a888-43b6-99e0-c57ab1567dc0.
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The thesis covers two sides of the truancy problem in the period following compulsory school attendance - the truanting children and their parents, and the local authorities charged with enforcing the law. The introduction covers current concerns about truancy and school attendance, which have increased in prominence since the 1980s. Chapter 2 reviews the historiography, which has mainly debated working-class attitudes towards compulsory schooling in the nineteenth century. This study draws instead on the insights of development economists into household decision-making over children's schooling to investigate the effectiveness of enforcement in several contrasting localities - rural and urban, industrial and agricultural, and in a seaside resort. The thesis brings together evidence to show that local authorities could make an impact on attendance levels, even in unpropitious local circumstances. Chapter 3 considers the success of measures to improve attendance up to 1900. Chapter 4 offers a detailed case study of a sample of truants and their families from Coventry in the period 1874-99. Chapters 5 to 7 cover 1900-39 and demonstrate changes in the enforcement of attendance, within the context of growing local government services related to child welfare and the family. Attendance officers' local knowledge of working-class families supported the delivery of child welfare legislation in the period after 1906, including special education, assessment of families for free school meals, assistance with medical treatment and the policing of restrictions on children's street trading. Attendance officers also supervised children deemed at risk of offending, who were committed to institutions. These additions to the enforcement role led increasingly to a remedial, rather than punitive, approach to truancy during the 1920s and 30s. The conclusion returns to contemporary policy issues over truancy and sets in context the historical reasons why it has proved such a long-standing problem for government and schools.
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Barry, John Richard. "Overspill and the impact of the Town Development Act, 1945-1982." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709166.
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Norris, Maria. "Contesting identity and preventing belonging? : an analysis of British counter terrorism policy since the Terrorism Act 2000 and the selective use of the terrorism label by the British Government." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3348/.
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In 2013, Lee Rigby was murdered in Woolwich. In retaliation, there were several attacks on the Muslim community. Both series of events fall under the Terrorism Act 2000 legal definition of terrorism. Nonetheless, only Rigby's murder was treated as an act of terror by the government. This begs the question, as terrorism is defined in a broad and neutral way legally, what explains the selective use of the label of terrorism by the UK government? Answering this question begins by looking at terrorism from the perspective of Critical Terrorism Studies, approaching the label of terrorism as an act of securitization. As such, the thesis goes beyond the legal definition of terrorism, seeking to unearth the official policy narrative of terrorism on the UK. In order to do this, it analyses the three versions of Contest: The United Kingdom’s Strategy for Countering Terrorism, the government’s official terrorism policy papers. The analysis reveals an official policy narrative of terrorism which securitizes Islam, Muslims and Muslim identity, by constructing a causal story that places ideology and identity at the heart of the explanation for terrorism. Moreover, the concern with identity gives the narrative a strong nationalist characteristic. This is further deconstructed using the boundary-security nexus. The boundarysecurity nexus incorporates boundary and nationalism theory into securitization, which better helps to understand and explain how discursive constructions of security and identity work in a dialectic relationship. Once the nexus is introduced, it becomes clear how the selective use of the terrorism label by the government may not just further securitize Islam and the Muslim Community, but also act as a way of protecting and reinforcing the bounded community of the nation state.
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Vo, Quyen. "The scope of British refugee asylum, 1933-93." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609586.
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Eiser, David. "Regional economics and constitutional change in the UK." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/26053.
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The UK, traditionally one of the more fiscally centralised of OECD countries, is currently in the midst of an extensive programme of tax decentralisation. This is most evident in Scotland. Ten years ago the Scottish Government was almost wholly reliant on a block grant from the UK Government to fund its spending, and debate was focussed on how the determination of this grant should be reformed. Today the Scottish Government has far greater fiscal autonomy. Income tax was almost fully devolved to the Scottish Parliament in April 2017, and around half of VAT revenues will be assigned to Scotland by 2020. As a result, the devolved Scottish budget will in future be linked much more closely to Scotland’s economy, and Scottish politicians will be able to deviate from UK policy on the setting of income tax and various smaller taxes. The objective of this PhD is to examine the economic and political motivations for and implications of greater fiscal decentralisation, with a particular focus on the Scottish case. Its key over-arching questions include: • Which fiscal powers are more and less suitable for decentralisation, and what might constraints might a devolved government face in exercising devolved tax powers? • To what extent are the objectives of fiscal decentralisation compatible with the goal of inter-regional equity in public good provision? • To what extent is fiscal decentralisation likely to enhance the incentives faced by politicians in a devolved parliament to pursue particular types of policy? And to what extent does the answer to this question depend upon the way in which supporting fiscal institutions, notably including the design of block grant arrangements, influence this? • What factors determine regional economic performance, and to what extent can devolved governments be held accountable for (or face the budgetary consequences of) those trends? • To what extent might fiscal decentralisation assuage or accentuate demands for Scottish independence? This PhD consists of four academic papers covering aspects of regional economics and constitutional change in the UK, with a particular focus on Scotland. Each of the four papers is preceded by an abstract. An introductory chapter provides theoretical and policy context within which the four papers are situated. A concluding section to the PhD is provided in Chapter 6. The four papers cover the following topics: • Paper 1 (Chapter 2) was published in the immediate aftermath of the Scottish independence referendum of 2014, and considers the issues and constraints involved in devolving further fiscal powers to the Scottish Parliament. • Paper 2 (Chapter 3) considers the scope for replacing the Barnett Formula (used to allocate funding to the Scottish Government) with a form of spending-needs assessment, based on a comparative analysis of formulae used within England and Scotland to allocate health funding to territorial health boards. • Paper 3 (Chapter 4) examines how regional labour markets in the UK responded to the 2008/9 recession and its aftermath, and considers which factors may have influenced regional resilience to the recession. • Paper 4 (Chapter 5) examines the factors that determine differential growth in regional income tax revenues, and considers the extent to which it is reasonable to hold devolved governments wholly to account for differential economic performance. • Chapter 6 concludes.
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Lauro, Giovanna. "Preventing forced marriage : a comparative analysis of France and Great Britain." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:34224256-4817-49fb-8b4c-4e5e9acb708c.
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This study aims at ascertaining via a cross-country/cross-city comparison why different national contexts characterized by allegedly opposite ideologies concerning the incorporation of immigrants (namely, the British Race Relations/multicultural model and French republicanism) have led to the adoption of similar policy tools in the prevention of forced unions amongst young people of ethnic minority background. In order to do so, the study will examine French republican and British multicultural rhetoric and policies aimed at the prevention of forced marriage at different institutional levels, with a focus on the preventive role played by the educational sector and within a historical institutionalist theoretical framework. The comparison begins with a consideration of French and British national rhetoric and policies against forced marriage from 1997 to 2008 to develop an adequate framework for the analysis of the preventive role attributed to educational policies in four major localities (the capital cities, Paris and London, and the second two largest cities per population size, Lyon and Birmingham). Despite differences in the policies and rhetoric adopted by multicultural Britain and republican France to tackle forced unions, the study hypothesizes a common trend in the ways French and British public authorities conceptualize the practice of forced marriage - intended mainly as the product of cultural difference. Similarities in the conceptualization of the practice, in turn, have contributed to the identification of similar policy tools despite dissimilar institutional contexts. Such a hypothesis contrasts with one of the key claims of historical institutionalism, according to which dissimilar institutions lead to different policy outcomes across different countries. The study will introduce the role of ideas – in the form of frames (Bleich 2003) – as a tool to explain the reasons why French and British policies aimed at the prevention of forced unions have led to similar policy outcomes despite dissimilar institutional contexts.
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Lightowler, Claire. "Policy divergence and devolution : the impact of actors and institutions." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/16785.
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The creation of the National Assembly for Wales and the Scottish Parliament in 1999 was accompanied with an aspiration that these new institutions would allow Scotland and Wales to develop their own policies, better suited to local needs than those designed in Westminster or Whitehall. This thesis explores policy-making in the first terms of the devolved institutions in Scotland and Wales, focusing on where the policies developed by these institutions diverged from those pursued at Westminster. Policy divergence is examined by studying the development of the financing long-term care for the elderly policies. The aim of this thesis is to identify why policy divergence occurred in the long-term care case, considering the impact of actors (or agents) and the institutional setting in which they operate, as suggested by Scharpf's model of actor-centred institutionalism. As actor-centred institutionalism suggested, both actors and institutions played a major role in shaping policy responses. In the Scottish case a range of actors cooperated and lobbied together for the introduction of free personal care, spurred on by the First Minister, who created an opportunity for those in favour of free personal care to pressurise his government to introduce the policy. In contrast, in Wales, actors were divided and never built up the same momentum to ensure the introduction of a more generous long-term care package. The institutional setting in which these actors operated was a major factor in shaping their policy preferences and the strategies they adopted to achieve them. This thesis considers the impact on policy-making of the devolved institution's electoral system, financial and legislative powers, design of the institutions, and the place of these institutions in a UK setting. The different institutional structures in Scotland and Wales provided different incentives and resources for actors, encouraged different styles of policy-making from Westminster and affected the way in which issues were framed. Examining the roles of actors and institutions in the formation of distinctive policies highlighted that in the real world these two elements are mutually dependent and cannot be separated. As a result it is impossible, and pointless, to determine whether actors or institutions were most influential on the development of distinctive policies. Instead this thesis explores how the difference between the configurations of actors and institutions in Scotland and Wales contributed to the creation of policies which were distinctive both from each other and the UK Government.
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Nicholds, Alyson. "Building capacity for regeneration : making sense of ambiguity in urban policy outcomes." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3495/.
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UK regeneration exists amid a ‘burgeoning’ literature which states the ongoing desire to improve the outcomes of urban policy. However, concern about the symbolic nature of regeneration policy and its re-production in the form of ‘linguistic debates’, can latterly be witnessed in the context of more ‘discursive’ concerns rooted in shifting patterns of governance. Drawing empirically from research with fifty UK regeneration professionals and Laclau & Mouffe’s (2001) theory of socialist hegemony to explore reasons for the persistence of such ambiguity, three rival discourses emerge in the form of ‘Building City Regions’; ‘Narrowing the Gap’; and ‘Building Community Capacity’. What a critical analysis suggests is that by ‘deconstructing’ rather than ‘deciphering’ the goals of regeneration policy, a temporary ‘discursive’ form of regeneration emerges in which the contradictions and tensions within the discourse are represented in the form of ‘nodal points and floating signifiers’ and articulated through the notion of lack. This can be linked to the bureaucratic struggles which emerge as a result of a ‘new right’ hegemony, which commodifies all aspects of work and social life to bring market-informed ways of seeing and doing to every aspect of regeneration practice. Actors seek to manage such complexity through emotional investment.
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Goranova, D. "The impact of public funding on Olympic performance and mass participation in Great Britain." Thesis, Coventry University, 2014. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/04ee3427-db50-45a2-944a-891c7e837842/1.
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There is a rising tendency among countries to prioritise some sports over others and make higher investments of money and resources in their elite development (Green and Oakley, 2001). Such policies and strategies are adopted in the UK, too. Some sports are considered more likely to bring Olympic medals than others and therefore, they are targeted to receive higher funding. Those placed outside the selection are more likely to face challenges in practices to develop their winning potential. Following further research in this occurrence, authors have sought evidences for an inter-relation between funding and performance (Garrett, 2004; Green, 2005; De Bosscher, et.al 2006). In addition, some have explored other influential factors and have stressed on the importance of participation in sport, as the quality and quantity of the talent pool plays a vital role in elite athletes’ development (Sam, 2012; Girginov and Hills, 2008; Shibli, 2012). As a result of an in-depth research, an extensive academic knowledge on Elite Sports policies and sport development has been built, as well as on each of the concepts of funding, performance and participation. There are many studies focused on the case of the UK in particular (Houlihan, 2004; Green, 2006). However, fewer authors have studied these concepts in pairs (mainly funding and performance), and none have examined the relationship and impacts of all three (Grix and Phillpots, 2011; Vayens, et.al 2009; Martindale, et.al 2007). This research will aim to establish if such relationship exists between Olympic sports funding distribution, Olympic performance, and national participation numbers. It will provide a critical review of the British sport system and relevant policies, and it will explore where the written policies do not reflect the relevant actions undertaken. Using mixed methods the impacts of the applied policies will be critically discussed. The gap this study aims to fulfil will contribute to the existing knowledge on elite sport development by providing a better understanding on how funding, performance and participation are related and the impacts some taken-for-granted assumptions have caused.
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Weeks, Douglas M. "Radicals and reactionaries : the polarisation of community and government in the name of public safety and security." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3416.
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The contemporary threat of terrorism has changed the ways in which government and the public view the world. Unlike the existential threat from nation states in previous centuries, today, government and the public spend much of their effort looking for the inward threat. Brought about by high profile events such as 9/11, 7/7, and 3/11, and exacerbated by globalisation, hyper-connected social spheres, and the media, the threats from within are reinforced daily. In the UK, government has taken bold steps to foment public safety and public security but has also been criticised by some who argue that government actions have labelled Muslims as the ‘suspect other'. This thesis explores the counter-terrorism environment in London at the community/government interface, how the Metropolitan Police Service and London Fire Brigade deliver counter-terrorism policy, and how individuals and groups are reacting. It specifically explores the realities of the lived experience of those who make up London's ‘suspect community' and whether or not counter-terrorism policy can be linked to further marginalisation, radicalism, and extremism. By engaging with those that range from London's Metropolitan Police Service's Counterterrorism Command (SO15) to those that make up the radical fringe, an ethnographic portrait is developed. Through that ethnographic portrait the ‘ground truth' and complexities of the lived experience are made clear and add significant contrast to the aseptic policy environment.
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Tilley, Sara. "Ageing and mobility in Britain : past trends, present patterns and future implications." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4471.
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Over the next decade the ‘Baby Boomer' cohort will increasingly contribute to the proportion of those aged 60 and over in Britain. The issue of how the mobility of older people has changed for different cohort groups has not been considered in a historical context. Ryder (1965) argued that cohort groups could be important in determining behaviour as have other social structural factors, such as socioeconomic status. This thesis merges the disciplines of transport geography and population studies using a novel approach of cohort analysis, which has not been used widely for studying mobility trends. Using National Travel Survey data from 1995-2008, the mobility trends of older people in Britain are explored by creating pseudo cohorts. Pseudo cohorts are artificially created datasets which are constructed from using repeated cross-sectional data (McIntosh, 2005, Uren, 2006). This technique can differentiate ‘age', ‘period' and ‘cohort' effects in mobility trends. Age effects are differences in behaviour between age groups i.e. changes in mobility associated with age itself. Period effects relate to changes in behaviour in all age groups over a period of time. Cohort effects are those associated with behaviour common to particular groups born around the same time (Glenn, 2005, Yang, 2007). The influence of the Scottish concessionary travel policy on the mobility of older people at the aggregate level is also considered using Scottish Household Survey data from 1999-2008. This policy is very blunt and based on assumptions about older age. As cohorts differ, these assumptions may no longer hold and therefore the policy may not be effective. This thesis argues, using a longitudinal demographic perspective, that structural effects shape mobility of cohorts differently over time. The findings reveal although mobility amongst older people is rising in general, there would actually be declining mobility were it not for the Boomer cohort. Amongst younger cohorts mobility is lower. The analysis also shows that women travel further than men, a fundamental break with the past, specific to this generation. This thesis illustrates the importance of cohort membership in explaining mobility change.
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Sehrawat, Samiksha. "Medical care for a new capital : hospitals and government policy in colonial Delhi and Haryana, c.1900-1920." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670191.
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Tanrikulu, Osman Goktug. "A Dissatisfied Partner: A Conflict - Integration Analysis of Britain's Membership in the European Union." PDXScholar, 2013. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1064.
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Since 2009, the European Union has faced the worst economic crisis of its history. Due to the devastating impact of the Eurozone crisis on their economies, European countries realized the need to deepen the integration. Without a fiscal union, the Monetary Union would always be prone to economic crises. However, the efforts to reinforce the Union’s economy have been hampered by the UK due to its obsession with national sovereignty and lack of European ideals. In opposing further integration, the UK officials have started to speak out about the probability of leaving the EU.
The purpose of this paper is to present benefits and challenges of Britain’s EU membership and to assess the consequences of leaving the Union both for the UK and for the EU. This study utilizes Power Transition theory to analyze British impact on European integration. With the perspective of this theory, the UK is defined as a dissatisfied partner. By applying the conflict– cooperation model of Brian Efird, Jacek Kugler and Gaspare Genna, the effect of the UK’s dissatisfaction is empirically portrayed.
The empirical findings of the conflict– integration model clearly show that Britain’s dissatisfaction has a negative impact on European integration and jeopardizes the future of the Union. Power Transitions analysis indicates that the UK would become an insignificant actor in the international system and lose the opportunity for the Union’s leadership if it leaves the EU. On the other hand, although Britain’s departure would be a significant loss in terms of capability, economic coherence is more important for the EU. Without enough commitment for the Union, increasing the level of integration with the UK would raise the probability of conflict with the integration process in the future.
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Hall-Matthews, David Nicolas John. "Famine process and famine policy : a case study of Ahmednagar District, Bombay Presidency, India 1870-84." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5e072387-d56c-496a-a90a-2ee2f31c29dd.
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Ahmednagar District, in Bombay Presidency, was affected - along with much of South India - by a major drought in 1876-78, leading to famine relief by the Government of Bombay and considerable emigration and mortality. Recent literature, however, has suggested that famine is a complex, human and long-drawn-out process, rather than a sudden, natural phenomenon. This thesis seeks to identify that process among poor peasants in Ahmednagar between 1870 and 1884. It does so by examining their factors of production - land, capital and, to a lesser extent, labour - as well as markets in credit and the cheap foodgrains they produced, in order to locate both their chronic food insecurity and forces increasing their vulnerability over time. In this context, emphasis is given to the relationship of the British colonial state to the peasantry. The agrarian policies and agendas of the Government of Bombay are explored with regard to peasant vulnerability. It is argued that it failed to invest in production and infrastructure, while forcing peasants into competitive markets in which they were ill-equipped to compete. Despite a laissez-faire philosophy, it intervened to first promote, then penalise, usurious moneylenders, reducing the availability of credit. It also taxed peasants directly through the inflexible ryotwari land revenue system. In the crisis, peasants were not treated as famine victims and discouraged from accepting relief. The state can therefore be said to have contributed to the process of famine. It is argued that the propriety of colonial famine policies - and especially of other policies in the agricultural sector that undermined peasant food security - was widely discussed at different levels within the British state, from assistant collectors in Ahmednagar to secretaries of state in London. Attention is given to the way these debates were conducted and the process of policy-making analysed, concluding that the colonial hierarchy made it difficult for officers to be responsive to local problems.
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Dunn, Nicholas Roger. "The castle, the custom house and the cabinet : administration and policy in famine Ireland, 1845-1849." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e2df9d8d-27b3-4785-afce-453ec8984d21.
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It is the contention of this thesis that the activities of, and the influences on, the senior administrators based in the Castle and the Custom House in Dublin during the Great Irish Famine are an essential element to understanding the formulation and execution of Irish Famine relief policy. The principal aim of the study is to articulate the role played by these administrators in the formulation of relief policy. Emphasis is also given to the debates in the Cabinet over Irish relief policy and the influence of the administrators on those debates. The subject of the first chapter is the Science Commission. It examines in turn Peel's motivations for establishing the Science Commission, the chronology of events leading up to its establishment and the activities of the Commissioners both in England and Ireland. The second chapter concerns the Scarcity Commission established by Peel and Graham. It explores the motivations behind the selection of individual Commissioners and the relationships between the Commissioners. It also considers and contrasts the tasks that were officially assigned to the Commissioners and the limited use to which their conclusions were put by the Government. Chapters three and four deal with the Board of Works and in particular its influence on the formulation and administration of relief policy of Richard Griffith, Thomas Larcom, and Harry Jones. The activities of the Commissioners after the reconfiguration of the Board of Works by Act of Parliament in 1846 are examined and the fourth chapter seeks to establish in detail the political context surrounding-the decision to abandon relief by public employment as revealed in the Cabinet discussions at the time. The final chapter examines the actions of Edward Twisleton in Ireland during the Famine and his influence, or lack of it, on the formulation of relief policy. A detailed account is offered of the political context of the Poor Law Extension Act. Twisleton's relationships with both the Treasury and Clarendon, and the motives underlying his resignation in March 1849, are investigated.
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Leggett, Gemma. "A changing picture of health : health-related exercise policy and practice in physical education curricula in secondary schools in England and Wales." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2008. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/5757.
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This thesis documents and explores health-related exercise (HRE) policy and practice within selected secondary schools in England and Wales, and examines the impact of the National Curriculum for Physical Education (NCPE) revisions (DfEE/QCA and Welsh Assembly, 1999) on the status and expression of HRE in the curriculum. It also considers the factors affecting teachers' approaches to change and their consequent decisions and behaviours. Specifically, the research makes comparisons between the policy and practice in schools at the time of data collection (2000) and that reported by Harris (1997). The methodology incorporated both qualitative and quantitative approaches. Case studies were completed in 2001 in five strategically selected mixed sex state schools, three of which were located in one Local Education Authority (LEA) in England and two of which were in one LEA in Wales. One of the English schools was a specialist sports college (SSC). Case study data analysis focused on the status and expression of health within each school, with particular attention to HRE policy and practice prior to and following the National Curriculum revisions. This analysis also explored the factors influencing the delivery of HRE in each department. The case study element of the research included the lesson observation of a unit of work on health-related aspects of PE in one school from the English LEA. This allowed an examination of the translation of school level policy into practice. A survey of all the secondary schools in the two case study LEAs in 2001 elicited questionnaire responses from 67.5% of heads of PE departments (PE HoDs). Analysis employed the Statistical Package for Social Scientists (SPSS). The findings revealed that delivery of HRE in case study schools was based on a fitness for sports performance perspective, utilising fitness testing and training. This was despite many teachers reporting a philosophy for physical education that reflected a fitness for life perspective with pupils adopting active lifestyles as its goal. Case study schools reported that the NCPE had influenced HRE delivery, however, limited change had resulted from the 1999 revisions.
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Wasserman, Justin. "Democracy and disorder: Electoral violence and political modernisation in England and Wales, 1857-1880." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2002. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1642.
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The thesis analyses mid-nineteenth century electoral violence in England and Wales in order to contribute to our understanding of the character of Victorian electoral politics, and to assess the pace of political modernization as it has recently been defined. Historians have long acknowledged the presence of physical violence, rioting and intimidation during British elections from at least the Middle Ages to the turn of the twentieth-century, and yet the precise nature, frequency and scale of this phenomenon has remained somewhat obscured by a lack of statistical data on the subject. Therefore, by compiling a numerical sample of violence, based on strict definitional parameters, this research corrects the quantitative void in which discussions of English and Welsh election violence have largely been conducted.
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Szeto, Siu-wai Jerry, and 司徒紹威. "An examination of the social policy content considered in the urban regeneration policy for Hong Kong: lessonsfor urban planning." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B43893715.
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Yiu, Wai-hang Jenny, and 姚惠嫻. "Sustainable development in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31966706.
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Van, Blerk Daryl Anthony. "The experiences of learning support unit managers and students in London." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50151.
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Thesis(MEdPsych)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Following the United Kingdoms of Great Britain Government's commitment to social inclusion in the 1990s, dramatic changes have taken place in education policy. A large amount of time and money has been invested into the development of inclusive practices, one of the more recent programmes being the Learning Support Unit (LSU). The LSU programme is seen as a way forward for social inclusion and now it is playing a growing role in the context of national strategies to improve behaviour and attendance. As little evaluation research has been done, this study aims to verify good practice in relation to the guidelines set out by the Department for Education and Skills (DfES, 2002b) and identify whether the LSU programme is truly an inclusive model. Given the commitment to inclusive education the world over, this study also seeks to assess whether the LSU programme would work within the South African Inclusive Education and Training Policy. An interpretive approach was applied to the research undertaking a programme evaluation. The qualitative techniques of interviewing, observations and discussions were used for data collection. Interviews were conducted with LSU managers and their pupils, which were then triangulated with data obtained from observations, informal and focus group discussions. Using an interpretive approach allowed me to become immersed in the research process and develop an intuitive feel for the subject. This enabled more effective verification of good practice in use. Interpreting the experiences and beliefs of LSU managers and their pupils in the London Borough of Hillingdon has verified a range of good practices. It is particularly important that LSUs are an extension of, and fully integrated into, whole school behaviour policy. The LSU programme promotes social inclusion by offering in-school support to pupils with behavioural, social and emotional development needs. These needs are addressed through a short-term fixed period stay in the LSU while the pupils still engage in the curriculum and their reintegration back into class facilitated. The LSU programme could compliment the South African Inclusive Education and Training Policy by offering a viable programme to address challenging behaviour in an inclusive manner. In conclusion, the LSUs have proved to be effective in introducing social inclusion in schools. This is achieved through their uniqueness, which allows them to target the greatest needs in their school.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Onderwysbeleid in die Verenigde Koninkryk het dramatiese veranderinge ondergaan ná die regering van die Verenigde Koninkryk se verbintenis tot sosiale insluiting in die negentigerjare van die vorige eeu. 'n Groot hoeveelheid tyd en geld is bestee aan die ontwikkeling van inklusiewe praktyke. Een van die jongste programme is die Leerondersteuningseenheid (LSE). Die LSE-program word gesien as 'n stap vorentoe in die rigting van sosiale insluiting en dit speel tans toenemend 'n rol in die bepaling van nasionale strategieë vir die verbetering van gedrag en bywoning. Aangesien min evalueringsnavorsing tot dusver gedoen is, beoog hierdie navorsing om goeie praktyk in die lig van die riglyne soos uiteengesit deur die Departement van Onderwys en Vaardighede van die Verenigde Koninkryk (DfES, 2002b) te ondersoek en om te vas te stelof die LSE-program 'n waarlik inklusiewe model is. Met inagneming van die verbintenis tot inklusiewe onderwys wêreldwyd, poog hierdie navorsing ook om te bepaal of die LSE-program binne die Suid-Afrikaanse inklusiewe Onderwys- en Opleidingsbeleid met sukses aangewend sou kon word. 'n Interpretatiewe benadering is gevolg met betrekking tot die navorsing waartydens 'n evaluering van die programme gemaak is. Die kwalitatiewe tegnieke van onderhoudvoering, waarneming en bespreking is gebruik vir die insameling van data. Onderhoude is gevoer met Leerondersteuningseenheid-bestuurders en hulle leerders, wat dan weer getrianguleer is met data wat uit waarnemings, informele besprekings en fokusgroep-besprekings verkry is. Die gebruik van 'n interpretatiewe benadering het die navorser in staat gestelom verdiep te raak in die navorsingsproses en 'n intuïtiewe aanvoeling vir die onderwerp te ontwikkel. Dit het doeltreffender verifikasie van goeie praktyk wat tans gebruik word, moontlik gemaak. Die interpretasie van die ervaringe en oortuigings van Leerondersteuningseenheidbestuurders en hulle leerlinge in die distrik Hillingdon, Londen, het bewys gelewer van 'n reeks goeie praktyke. Dit is veral belangrik dat die LSE-program 'n uitbreiding is van geheelskool- gedragsbeleid, en ook ten volle daarin geïntegreer is. Die LSE-program werk sosiale insluiting in die hand deur inskoolse ondersteuning aan leerlinge met gedrags-, sosiale en emosionele ontwikkelingsbehoeftes te bied. Daar word tydens 'n vasgestelde korttermynbywoning van die LSE na hierdie behoeftes omgesien terwyl die leerlinge steeds by die kurrikulum betrokke is en hulle heropname in die klas gefasiliteer word. Die LSE-program sou as aanvulling tot die Suid-Afrikaanse Beleid van Inklusiewe Onderwys en Opleiding kon dien deurdat dit 'n lewensvatbare program aanbied waardeur uitdagende gedrag op 'n inklusiewe wyse aandag kry. Ten slotte kan genoem word dat die LSE-program as doeltreffend bewys is by die invoer van sosiale insluiting in skole. Dit is vermag deur hulle eensoortigheid waardeur die grootste behoeftes in die besondere skool bereik kan word.
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Kök-Kalaycı, İrem. "Politics of transparency : contested spaces of corporate responsibility, science and regulation in shale gas projects of the UK and the US." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:79f34c61-709d-44f1-ae1c-c298cd4cb07c.
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This thesis presents a political geography of transparency, regulation and resource making in shale gas projects in the United Kingdom (UK) and the United States (US). The emergence of shale gas as a politically and economically desirable resource occupied national political aspirations, most notably in the US and to some extent in the UK, for reasons of energy security and economic development. Although shale gas has become a globally desirable resource, this thesis shows that the resource is not same everywhere. Following knowledge making practices in distinct regulatory regimes of the UK and the US, I trace how making of shale gas resource is subjected to contestation in a range of technical fields, such as law, economics, geosciences and environmental impact assessment. The study is based on in-depth analysis of technical and policy documents, and interviews with a wide range of actors (i.e. regulators, gas companies, investors, scientists, landowners), and field visits in the US (New York, Pennsylvania and Texas) and the UK (Lancashire, Litchfield and London). Drawing on theoretical insights from the Science and Technology Studies (STS), legal and resource geographies, I empirically showed that both regulatory practices and resource materialities matter in encapsulating making of shale gas projects in different national contexts. Documenting how information production and its contestation is entangled with assemblages of materials and technologies, as well as regulatory, geoscientific and market interventions in the context of the UK and the US, this thesis offers an alternative account of the geography of transparency and regulation regarding the development of shale gas policies. The political viability of shale projects depends on how these informational spaces are generated, contested and transformed in nationally specific scientific practices and regulatory regimes.
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Berger, Michael Andrew. "How resisting democracies can defeat substate terrorism : formulating a theoretical framework for strategic coercion against nationalistic substate terrorist organizations." Thesis, St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/889.
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