Academic literature on the topic 'Child Labor Movement'

Within the antitrafficking community, even legal child or youth work is often pathologized, seen as a “worst form of child labor” or, where movement is involved, as trafficking. Major policy responses thus focus on attempting to protect the young by preventing their movement or policing their work. Using a case study of adolescent labor migrants in Benin who work in artisanal gravel quarries in Nigeria, I provide evidence that suggests that the dominant discourse regarding this kind of labor is inaccurate and that policies based on it may be failing. This is in large part because the labor migration depicted as “trafficking” by the antitrafficking community is not experienced as such by young migrants.

In research was conducted to determine and analyze the causality relationship between poverty variables, child labor variabels and dropout rates variabels in 33 province and how the response of a variable due to the shock of other variables. This type of study is descriptive and associative analysis, with data used are secondary data types, namely panel data in province in Indonesia from 2010 to 2018 with data collection techniques documentation and literature studies obtained from institutions and institutions namely the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) and the Ministry of Women's Empowerment and Child Protection (KemenPPPA). Data analysis used in this study is analysis descriptive and inductive. In the inductive analysis there are several tests that must be performed, namely: (1) Unit root test, (2) Determination of Optimum Lag, (3) Stability Test, (4) Granger Causality Test, (5) Cointegration Test, (6) PVAR Test , (7) IRF test and (8) VD test. The results in this study explain that (1) poverty and child labor do not have a causality relationship only has a one-way relationship while poverty and drop out have a causality relationship. Furthermore, child labor and dropout rates have a causal relationship. The FEVD analysis explains that (4) In the short term child labor and dropout rates do not contribute to influencing the movement of poverty in Indonesia while in the long run child labor shocks and dropout rates affect the variability of poverty in Indonesia. (5) In the short term the variability of child labor is only affected by poverty while in the long run poverty shocks and dropout rates affect the movement of child labor in Indonesia. (6) variability in the number of dropouts in the short and long term is influenced by poverty shocks and dropout rates.

The growing obstetrical aggression as aspiration of the doctors actively to operate by labor in a combination with formal attitudes between the woman and accompanying man in labor have given a pulse to occurrence and increase in the world of alternative movement for home birth. From a position of perinatal psychology it could be considered as a display of a woman self-defence and her protection of the unborn child. The author discusses the significance of the mental factor in labor, and also in a choice of a place of delivery. He comes to the conclusion about an opportunity of parallel functioning of two forms of support of the women in labor: in maternity branch of hospital and home under condition of the legislatively authorized Rules about their interaction

Using the proposed Child Labor Amendment of 1924 as an example of family policy, this article analyzes the reasons for its failure to be ratified in a Massachusetts referendum. This failure had much to do with its later nonacceptance in other states. The discussion begins with the Congressional hearings and the arguments for and against the amendment. The following description of the movement for its ratification in the states and the Massachusetts referendum focuses on the factors involved in the outcome of the political process. After a summary of the political campaign leading to the amendment's loss, the article concludes with its implications for present-day family policy initiatives.

Since the Progressive Era itself, scholars have exhibited strong interest in the connections between progressivism and education. Historical studies have elucidated countless ways that such reformist impulses as the settlement house movement, the country life movement, the progressive education movement, the “cult of efficiency,” and battles against social ills like child labor influenced early twentieth-century education policy.1Indeed, as historian Lawrence Cremin has contended, “the Progressive mind was ultimately an educator's mind, and … its characteristic contribution was that of a socially responsible reformist pedagogue.”2

The Maternal and Child Health Bureau has roots that go back over 80 years to the creation of the United States Children's Bureau on April 9, 1912, when President William Howard Taft approved an Act of Congress that created the Children's Bureau and directed it "to investigate and report on all matters pertaining to the welfare of children and child life among all classes of our people." This was the federal government's first recognition that it has a responsibility to promote the welfare of our nation's children. The Bureau's Chief was to be appointed by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate. Originally placed in the Department of Commerce and Labor, it was transferred to the newly formed Department of Labor in March, 1913. The Children's Bureau was a logical sequel to several child-oriented social and public health activities of the late 19th century: the establishment of milk stations; concern with the spread of communicable disease after compulsory school attendance laws were passed; the movement to outlaw child labor; and, the opening of Settlement Houses. Lillian Wald, organizer of public health nursing, an ardent fighter against child labor, and the founder of the Henry Street Settlement in New York City, was the person who first suggested a federal Children's Bureau. A bill, with the support of President Theodore Roosevelt, was introduced in both houses of Congress in 1906 and annually during the next 6 years. It met with fierce opposition both from states which felt that the federal government was usurping their responsibility for the welfare of children and from those who feared that it would give federal employees the right to enter and regulate the homes of private citizens.

MO Kleinman reported "a case of a vaginal septum obstructed during labor." A fleshy septum, thick as a goose feather, going from the anterior wall of the vagina to the posterior wall, prevented the forward movement of the child, who was in the second leg position in the anterior view. When the child was removed, the septum first caught on the gluteal fold, and then on the right axillary cavity; it was cut with scissors between two ligatures.

Abstract The belief that children should earn their keep is one of the most significant differences between past and present concepts of childhood. This article examines child labor in Mexico City during the 1920s and 1930s, a period of rapid change in ideas about children’s economic and social roles. In the decades following Mexico’s revolution, activists in Mexico’s child health and protection movement condemned child labor on the grounds that it harmed young workers and led to crime, while a new slate of laws forbade child labor and restricted the kinds of work that adolescents could perform. In contrast, working-class children and adolescents and their parents saw work as integral to family relations. These conflicting views collided in the arena of the juvenile court, one of the principal institutions to emerge from the broad reform agenda focused on children and youth. Yet, while court founders and officials associated child labor with immorality and family dysfunction, the court also provided a forum for working-class children and parents to argue for a different version of family morality founded on long-standing legal definitions of reciprocal obligations of support. Their accounts of children’s economic contributions to family subsistence also shed light on the power dynamics entangled in family relationships founded on work. The encounters between court officials and clients illuminate the tensions between state goals and established practices of social reproduction during a profound transition in social views of childhood, the family, and work.

In 45-year-old women,I woman in labor, labor was completed by one young doctor with difficult forceps in 1867. Prof. Keith saw her after 2 weeks. Vagina and rectum represented one cavity; the ruptured bowel extended several inches; the edges of the gap seemed uneven, the suppuration was terrible, some parts of the sleeve were close to necrosis. The doctor, who removed the child with forceps, performed the operation, being sick, why the damage was so extensive. After 6 months, the patient did not recover and the feces were spilled out involuntarily with every movement of the patient.

This paper examines the National Child Labor Movement in America at the turn of the 20th century and how it affected collective American social consciousness and civic engagement. One of the first and most important social movements of the Progressive Era led by the National Child Labor Committee, reformers sought to use multiple focal points to unite the American public around the issue of children and the greater good of the nation’s future. In doing so, the movement embedded a new urban social awareness in which Americans finally caught a glimpse into the lives of their fellow citizens, of all classes and backgrounds, and began to develop empathetic practices to initiate social change. Ultimately, this had a significant effect on the future of urban social reform.

El período de crecimiento económico que aquí analizaremos se caracteriza por el foco que pondrá el Estado en el desarrollo de la política industrial, su influencia en el impulso de ciertos sectores considerados estratégicos y también en el papel como agente económico que adquirirá una vez iniciado el proceso. A partir de las reflexiones acerca del período realizadas tanto por economistas de la época como Pinto (1959) y Mamalakis (1976), y también contemporáneos como Meller (2016), parecería que se trató de un proceso fracasado, por la imposibilidad de perpetuar en el tiempo el desarrollo del sector industrial. Con el foco puesto en el crecimiento, la deuda, la inflación, el desarrollo del sector industrial y el estancamiento de la agricultura, la mayor parte de los estudios se han propuesto analizar las limitaciones del período industrializador (Bértola, 2011; Dornbusch & Edwards, 1992; Kaldor, 1971; Mamalakis, 1976; Pinto, 1959). En esta investigación queremos ampliar los elementos de análisis que existen sobre este momento, incorporando no sólo nuevos datos si no presentando un elemento transversal al proceso de crecimiento del período: las/os trabajadoras/es y sus salarios. El interés por los salarios no es injustificado, ya que han sido un elemento principal en el estudio de las ventajas y limitaciones de la industrialización desde fines del siglo XIX en Europa y su centralidad en el análisis histórico y económico hace que continúen los esfuerzos por generar o mejorar series históricas de salarios (Margo, 2000; Scholliers, 1989; Scholliers & Zamagni, 1995). Las remuneraciones, además de su contribución a la comprensión de fenómenos sociales y económicos, han sido objeto de estudio en sí mismas, por el papel que juegan en la historia de los trabajadores y en el estudio de las condiciones del mercado laboral (Goldin & Margo, 1992; Hatton & Thomas, 2010; Margo, 2000; Rosenbloom, 1998). Esta tesis se enmarca en las transformaciones del modelo de crecimiento producto de las políticas industrializadoras, pero también en las posibilidades (y limitaciones) que estos cambios entregaron al sector obrero. En ese sentido, el principal objeto de esta investigación es entregar nuevas series de salarios nominales y reales, y analizar el comportamiento de los salarios en el contexto del desarrollo industrial y económico chileno en el período de crecimiento hacia adentro. Con esto queremos contribuir al debate acerca de las características que tuvo este proceso llevado a cabo en América Latina, centrándonos en un espacio que ha sido central en los debates sobre la industrialización en otras regiones: los salarios. Junto a esto, esperamos aportar a los debates sobre los salarios en general al evaluar el desempeño salarial en un contexto de cambio estructural, a partir del potencial explicativo de variables económicas e institucionales. Los años que abarca la industrialización dirigida por el estado son complejos económica y socialmente. Hemos recorrido estos cuarenta años desde distintas miradas y perspectivas a través de las series de salarios nominales y reales. Se han presentado también series de salarios para espacios olvidados por las estadísticas oficiales, en el caso de la desagregación por sector, la rama agrícola y con una nueva serie de remuneraciones para un sector generalmente olvidado en las estadísticas históricas: las mujeres trabajadoras. El primer resultado de esta investigación son las series de salarios medios nominales, es decir, la serie total del sector obrero, las series por sector y las series desagregadas por género. Y a través de ellas, se aprecia que la Gran Depresión deja una clara huella en la curva de salarios nominales. La desagregación por rama permite ver que las remuneraciones en la etapa de industrialización fueron bajas, ya que la construcción – un sector de baja calificación y precariedad – es el que se mueve durante todos estos años en torno a la media. La evidencia de bajos salarios que nos entregan los salarios nominales se verifica si observamos los salarios ajustados por el costo de vida. La primera conclusión que podemos extraer de la curva de salarios reales es que antes de los sesenta, los incrementos de salarios responden exclusivamente a períodos de recuperación de lo perdido. El análisis de la serie de salarios medios reales se realiza en función de la productividad, la inflación, el desempleo, y la sindicalización y la huelga, como expresión del movimiento obrero. Este análisis permite observar que en los primeros años de la serie el crecimiento de la productividad tiene un papel en el bajo crecimiento de salarios, pero que luego se separa ostensiblemente del rumbo que toma el aumento salarial generando una brecha a partir de mediados de los años cuarenta, tomando el producto por trabajador una velocidad de incremento mayor. Asimismo, la inflación que a primera vista es uno de los elementos que más claramente parecen afectar los salarios parecen tener un rol preponderante pero no exclusivo en el bajo crecimiento de los ingresos, dado que especialmente en la crisis inflacionaria de los años cincuenta, estos disminuyen incluso si son ajustados por el deflactor del PIB como índice alternativo. El desempleo marca su influencia más importante en la crisis de la Gran Depresión, generando altos niveles de desocupación que motivan en gran parte la pérdida de poder adquisitivo de la población en esa época. Finalmente, vemos que la debilidad del movimiento obrero afectado por una gran represión a partir de fines de la década de los cuarenta es una de las variables que explica el estancamiento y la vulnerabilidad de las remuneraciones a los eventos inflacionarios, los que no parecen afectar al crecimiento y se concentran casi exclusivamente en la capacidad de compra del sector obrero. Así, la historia de los salarios en Chile durante el período industrializador dirigido por el Estado se ve fuertemente afectado por los bajos salarios y las pocas posibilidades de incremento que nos muestra la serie salarial media así como las series desagregadas. La curva de la productividad por otra parte, muestra que si existió en ese período espacio para el crecimiento de los salarios obreros que no se realiza principalmente como consecuencia de la represión de que fue objeto la organización sindical. Bibliografía citada en este documento Bértola, L. (2011). Bolivia, Chile y Perú desde la Independencia: una historia de conflictos, transformaciones, inercias y desigualdad. En Institucionalidad y desarrollo económico en América Latina. Santiago: Cepal. Dornbusch, R., & Edwards, S. (1992). Macroeconomía del populismo en la América Latina. Fondo de Cultura Económica. Goldin, C., & Margo, R. A. (1992). Wages, Prices, and Labor Markets before the Civil War. En Strategic Factors in Nineteenth Century American Economic History: A Volume to Honor Robert W. Fogel (pp. 67–104). National Bureau of Economic Research. Hatton, T. J., & Thomas, M. (2010). Labour markets in the interwar period and economic recovery in the UK and the USA. Oxford Review of Economic Policy, 26(3), 463– 485. Kaldor, N. (1971). Los Problemas Económicos de Chile. En Ensayos sobre Política Económica. Madrid: Tecnos. Mamalakis, M. (1976). Growth and Structure of the Chilean Economy: From Independence to Allende. New Haven: Yale University Press. Margo, R. A. (2000). Wages and Labor Markets in the United States, 1820-1860. National Bureau of Economic Research. Meller, P. (2016). Un siglo de economía política chilena (1890-1990) (2a. ed). Chile: Uqbar. Pinto, A. (1959). Chile, un caso de desarrollo frustrado. Santiago de Chile: Editorial Universitaria. Rosenbloom, J. L. (1998). The Extent of the Labor Market in the United States, 1870–1914. Social Science History, 22(3), 287–318. Scholliers, P. (1989). Real Wages in 19th and 20th Century Europe: historical and comparative perspectives. Berg Publishers Limited. Scholliers, P., & Zamagni, V. (1995). Labour’s Reward: Real Wages and Economic Change in 19th and 20th century Europe. Edward Elgar Publishing.
This thesis looks to contribute, through new wages series, with the debate about the problems and limitations of the import substitution period in Chile. The series that exist now do not comprehend the entire period or are calculated from different sources with various methodologies. For that, the first goal is to estimate a new average wage series, sector and gender series for the period of 1927/1928-1973. The new series show that the average wages of this period are low and that they don’t grow until the sixties. The prior three decades were marked by almost no growth and wages crisis as result of inflation peaks. But the analysis also shows that there was space for growth due to a growing gap between productivity and wages after the forties, even after adjusting wages by the product deflator. In this scenario, labour movement history and data about unionization and strikes shows that the relationship between the governments and the labour unions, with long periods of repression, had an important role in the weakness and slight capacity of workers to demand for better wages.

This dissertation investigates the emergence and impact of social movements in Chile since the reinstatement of democracy in 1990. Seeking to make an important contribution to the understanding of the reconstruction of collective action in post-transition Chile, I focus on two cases which have been particularly successful in questioning the benefits of market-friendly policies introduced by the military regime (1973-1989) and continued to a great extent by the Concertación governments (1990-2010). The first case is the 2006 Pingüino movement, named after the secondary school students’ penguin-like black and white school uniforms, which forced a substantial discussion on the education system’s segregating effects and its neoliberal underpinnings. The second case is the 2007 Contratista movement, composed of subcontracted workers of CODELCO – Chile’s main state-owned copper-extracting company. The Contratistas repoliticised a long-dormant debate on labour issues and revitalised a trade union movement which had been in decline in previous decades. I draw on the Contentious Politics approach, which stresses social movements’ interaction with the institutional terrain, and explain the emergence of the Pingüinos and Contratistas as the result of three distinct but intertwined processes: the opening up of the structure of political opportunities involved in the rise of President Bachelet; the deeply felt discontent with the education and labour reforms introduced by the military regime and kept largely intact by the Concertación governments; and the movements’ adoption of non-hierarchical organisational forms as a way of reconstructing collective action ‘from below’. In terms of political impact, I show that both the students and the contract workers were successful in introducing issues onto the public agenda that were not there before the emergence of the movements. The extent to which this was translated into bills that reflected the concerns of the movements, however, depended on their capacity to continue to exert pressure on the government and to forge political alliances. In this way, I argue that the impact of the movements was indirect and followed a two-stage process through which first the Pingüinos and Contratistas influenced aspects of their external environment, namely, public opinion and political alliances, and then the latter influenced policy. Overall, my research shows the links between processes at the micro-level (the development of organisational resources and grievance interpretation) and their subsequent impact at the macro-level (agenda-setting and policy impact) – a development that has undoubtedly acquired greater relevance and analytical urgency since the wide range of protests that have taken place around the world since 2011.

The research undertaken represents an in-depth study of gender and economics from a multi-disciplinary perspective. By drawing on economic, social policy and political science literature it makes an original contribution to the disciplines of economics and feminist economics by advancing ideas on a feminist theory of policy change and institutional design. Equally, the study develops a framework for a multi-method approach to feminist research with applied policy focus by establishing a pragmatic feminist research paradigm. By espousing multiple research philosophies, it extends understanding of gender differences in policy outcomes by connecting theories from feminist economics, feminist historical institutionalism and ideational processes. Jointly funded by the Economic and Social Research Council UK and the Scottish Government, this project attempts to answer three key questions: What is the relative position of men and women in the Scottish economy and how do childcare responsibilities influence these? Which institutions, structures and processes have been instrumental in embedding gender in Scottish economic policy? To what extent and how is the Scottish Government’s approach to economic policy gendered? Quantitative analysis reveals persistently disproportionate differences in men and women’s position in the labour market. Women remain over-represented in part-time employment and in the public sector in the 10years under investigation. Using panel data, the multinomial logistic regression estimation of patterns in labour market transitions equally reveal disproportionate gendered patterns, with families with dependent children 0-4years at a disadvantage to those without. Qualitative analysis indicates that these differences are partly explained by the fact that the unpaid economy still remains invisible to policymakers despite changes in the institutional design, policy processes and the approach to equality policymaking undertaken in Scotland. Unpaid childcare work is not represented as policy relevant and the way gender, equality and gender equality are conceptualised within institutional sites and on political agendas pose various challenges for policy development on unpaid childcare work and gender equality in general. Additionally, policymakers in Scotland do not integrate both the paid and unpaid economies in economic policy formulation since social policy and economic policy are designed separately. The study also establishes that the range of institutions and actors that make-up the institutional setting for regulating and promoting equality, influence how equality issues are treated within a national context. In Scotland, equality regulating institutions such as parliament, the Scottish Government, equality commission and the law are instrumental variables in determining the range of equality issues that are embedded in an equality infrastructure and the extent to which equality issues, including gender, are consequently embedded in public policy and government budgets. Significantly despite meeting all the attributes of an equality issue, unpaid care is not classified as a protected characteristic in the Equality legislation. These institutions can ameliorate, sustain or perpetuate the delivery of unequitable policy outcomes for men and women in the mutually dependent paid and unpaid economy. Thus, economic, social and political institutions are not independent from one another but are interrelated in complex ways that subsequently have material consequences on men and women in society. In summary, there are interlinkages between the law, labour market, the unpaid economy, the welfare state and gendered political institutions such that policy or institutional change in one will be dependent on or trigger change in another. These institutions are gendered, but are also interlinked and underpin the gender structure of other institutions to the extent that the gendered norms and ideas embedded in one institution, for example legislation or political institutions, structure the gendered dimensions of the labour market, welfare state, and the unpaid economy. By shedding light on institutional and political forces that regulate equality in addition to macroeconomic forces, the analysis reveals the important role of institutions, policy actors and their ideas as instrumental forces which constantly define, redefine and reconstruct the labour market experiences of men and women with significant material consequences.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
From 1851 to 1954, under various names, the Indiana Cotton Mills was the dominant industry in the small town of Cannelton, Indiana, mostly employing women and children. The female industrial laborers who worked in this mill during the middle and end of the nineteenth century represent an important and overlooked component of midwestern workers. Women in Cannelton played an essential role in Indiana’s transition from small scale manufacturing in the 1850s to large scale industrialization at the turn of the century. In particular, this work will provide an in-depth exploration of female operatives’ primary place in Cannelton society, their essential economic contributions to their families, and the unique tactics they used in attempts to achieve better working conditions in the mill. It will also explain the small changes in women’s work experiences from 1854 to 1884, and how ultimately marriage, not industrial work, determined the course of their later lives.

The dissertation traces events that contributed towards a climate where the status of children changed from property to that of person status with the concomitant recognition of children's rights. Social conditions in England, America and France from late preindustrial times to the early twentieth century were investigated. The United Nations' role in establishing children rights documentation and an evaluation of these d~μrpents in terms of the educational implications thereof were described and discussed. The African perspective towards international children's rights documents events was outlined while the attempts of Africa to address the unique needs of the African child were detailed. In the light of the changing social orientation in the Republic of South Africa, children's rights advocacy in South Africa was reviewed. Criteria for evaluati-ng documents addressing the needs of children were proposed and based on the findings of the study, recommendations regarding the direction of children's rights advocacy were advanced.
M. Ed. (History of Education)

AbstractChapter 10.1007/978-3-030-91971-9_3 examined the gendered nature of a migrant division of labour. In this chapter we turn to family migration, traditionally associated with women as dependents and followers of men. The term is used to categorise the international movement of people who migrate due to new or established family ties. People moving for family reasons constitute the largest group of migrants entering OECD countries, ahead of labour and humanitarian migration (OECD, 2019). To move for family reasons may encompass an array of different kinds of migration trajectories, from the adoption of a foreign child to family members accompanying migrant workers or refugees, as well as people forming new family units with host country residents or family reunification (when family members reunite with those who migrated previously).

The national movement to abolish child labor, led by reformer Owen Lovejoy, entered its peak political and cultural phase at the height of the Progressive Era. This chapter reveals that the movement’s embrace of federal authority became increasingly religious in nature as it joined forces with the Social Gospel movement. Pointedly, this turn paid particular attention to girls in the age of Mueller v. Oregon and the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire. This approach led to many victories, including the Keating-Owen Act of 1916. During World War I, however, the movement shifted as it joined forces with the American toy industry and modern child welfare campaign, setting the stage for the rise of a consumerist ethos and a secular bureaucratic approach to child welfare.

The conclusion discusses the final phase of the national child labor movement, which occurred during President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal. After the Supreme Court declared the National Recovery Administration (NRA) unconstitutional, reformers secured the federal child labor provisions of the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) in 1938. However, reformers continued to push for a child labor amendment and once again were defeated by opponents. Ultimately, reformers were disappointed by the federal child labor provisions of the FLSA. These provisions were limited and reflected the legacy of a new imaginary Mason-Dixon Line within capitalist society.

In the age of industrialization and American imperialism, the child labor issue was remade into a symbol of the collapse of the prevailing racial order in the South when the region’s textile industry increasingly employed poor white children. Led by Southern Progressive reformer Edgar Gardner Murphy, reformers redefined the child labor issue as a crisis of white racial deterioration and founded the National Child Labor Committee in 1904. On the basis of saving the South’s poor white children, Northern reformers justified expanded federal authority in the market, but Southern reformers rejected this approach, calling instead for local control of the issue. A split in the movement left in its wake a growing opposition to national child labor reform in the South.

Abstract This chapter considers the surprising durability of the intimacy ideal in the face of the “discovery” of family violence in white middle-class families in the 1970s. This chapter explores influential exposés of the routineness of middle-class family violence produced by antipsychiatrists, second-wave feminists, and activists associated with the battered women’s refuge movement. It reveals that the mother-child relationship took on even greater emotional significance as the basis for a fulfilling private life despite political movements that attempted to destabilize other traditional normative views of gender roles. This chapter demonstrates the enduring preoccupation with emotional relationships in this era of privacy, especially spotlighting the intensified importance of mothers’ emotional labor and presumed natural capacity for emotional connection even though intimacy in families was increasingly exposed as having a dangerous dark side.

The crowning achievement of feminists during the interwar years—securing the right to vote for women—would hardly have been possible without its far-more-despised constitutional companion, the Eighteenth Amendment on Prohibition. So argues Julie Suk, Professor of Law, Fordham University School of Law, in an essay that highlights the unexpected interplay between these two constitutional provisions—both the product of lengthy, popular, grass-roots struggles propelled by women; both revolutionary in their own way. Other constitutional moments during this era include the repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment; the unsuccessful proposed amendments to secure equal rights for women and to prohibit child labor; and the unbridled growth of the power of the federal government. In addition to women’s rights, the primary sources highlight the suppression of free speech during World War I, the eugenics movement, and the internment of Japanese Americans in World War II.