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Journal articles on the topic 'Chester (England) Church history'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Lockley, Philip. "Church Planting and the Parish in Durham Diocese, 1970–1990: Church Growth Controversies in Recent Historical Perspective." Journal of Anglican Studies 16, no. 2 (March 20, 2018): 103–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355318000025.

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AbstractThis article unearths the forgotten history of the first modern church planting scheme in the Church of England: an attempt to restructure parish ministry in Chester-le-Street, near Durham, in the 1970s and 1980s. This story of rapid growth followed by decline, and of an evangelical church’s strained relations with their liberal bishop, David Jenkins, has pertinence for contemporary Anglican antagonisms over ‘fresh expressions’ and other church planting programmes. A culture of mistrust is arguably apparent both then and now, between liberals and conservatives in ecclesiology, even as the same line divides those of the reverse tendency in broader, doctrinal theology: conservatives from liberals. Developments, decisions and, indeed, debacles in the story of Chester-le-Street parish point to the urgent need for liberals and conservatives in Anglican ecclesiology and theology to overcome their mistrust of each other by recognizing the other as valuable for the mutual strengthening and renewal of the Church.

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2

McGuigan, Neil. "Cuthbert’s relics and the origins of the diocese of Durham." Anglo-Saxon England 48 (December 2019): 121–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675121000053.

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AbstractThe established view of the Viking-Age Northumbrian Church has never been substantiated with verifiably contemporary evidence but is an inheritance from one strand of ‘historical research’ produced in post-Conquest England. Originating c. 1100, the strand we have come to associate with Symeon of Durham places the relics and see of Cuthbert at Chester-le-Street from the 880s until a move to Durham in the 990s. By contrast, other guidance, including Viking-Age material, can be read to suggest that Cuthbert was at Norham on the river Tweed and did not come to Durham or even Wearside until after 1013. Further, our earliest guidance indicates that the four-see Northumbrian episcopate still lay intact until at least the time of Æthelstan (r. 924–39). The article ends by seeking to understand the origins of the diocese of Durham and its historical relationship with both Chester-le-Street and Norham in a later context than hitherto sought.

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3

Pickvance, Christopher. "THE TRACERY-CARVED, CLAMP-FRONTED MEDIEVAL CHEST AT ST MARY MAGDALEN CHURCH, OXFORD, IN A COMPARATIVE NORTH-WEST EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE." Antiquaries Journal 94 (April 16, 2014): 153–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581514000237.

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The St Mary Magdalen chest is striking because of its carved facade and has attracted the attention of historians over the last century. There has been debate about its age, culminating in the recent suggestion that it either dates to the fourteenth century or is a later copy. This paper makes a detailed study of all the elements of the chest, constructional and decorative, and compares them with features of related medieval chests in England and Continental north-western Europe. It concludes that the chest has gone through a major reconstruction involving replaced front stiles but that it shares at least four features with chests in north Germany and Sweden dating from around 1320–30 that are not found in English chests, suggesting that it is an imported chest or was made by craftsmen working in that tradition. Numerous areas for future research into the features of English and Continental medieval chests are identified.

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4

Orme, Nicholas. "Church and Chaple in Medieval England." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 6 (December 1996): 75–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679230.

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In Emlyn Williams's play,The Corn is Green(1938), an Englishwoman arriving in Wales is asked an important question: ‘Are you Church or Chapel?’ Since the seventeenth century, when non-Anglican places of worship made their appearance, this question has indeed been important, sometimes momentous. ‘Church’ has had one kind of resonance in religion, politics and society; ‘chapel’ has had another. Even in unreligious households, people may still opt for ‘church’ when the bread is cut (the rounded end) or ‘chapel’ (the oblong part). The distinction is far older than the seventeenth century, however, by at least five hundred years. There were thousands of chapels in medieval England, besides the parish churches, when religion is often thought of as uniformly church-based. Although these chapels differed in some ways from those of Protestant nonconformity, notably in worship, they also foreshadowed them. Locations, architecture, social support and even religious diversity are often comparable between the two eras. Arguably, the creation of chapels by non-Anglicans after the Reformation marked a return to ancient national habits.

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5

Engel, Arthur J., William J. Baker, and Eric H. F. Smith. "Oxford and the Church of England." History of Education Quarterly 25, no. 3 (1985): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/368277.

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6

Gregory, Jeremy. "REFASHIONING PURITAN NEW ENGLAND: THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND IN BRITISH NORTH AMERICA,c. 1680–c. 1770." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 20 (November 5, 2010): 85–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s008044011000006x.

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ABSTRACTThe position of the Church of England in colonial New England has usually been seen through the lens of the ‘bishop controversy’ of the 1760s and early 1770s, where Congregational fears of the introduction of a Laudian style bishop to British North America have been viewed as one of the key factors leading to the American Revolution. By contrast, this paper explores some of the successes enjoyed by the Church of England in New England, particularly in the period from the 1730s to the early 1760s, and examines some of the reasons for the Church's growth in these years. It argues that in some respects the Church in New England was in fact becoming rather more popular, more indigenous and more integrated into New England life than both eighteenth-century Congregationalists or modern historians have wanted to believe, and that the Church was making headway both in the Puritan heartlands, and in the newer centres of population growth. Up until the early 1760s, the progress of the Church of England in New England was beginning to look like a success story rather than one with in-built failure.

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7

HAIGH, CHRISTOPHER. "WHERE WAS THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND, 1646–1660?" Historical Journal 62, no. 1 (January 21, 2018): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000425.

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AbstractWhen parliament abolished episcopacy, cathedrals, and the Book of Common Prayer, what was left of the Church of England? Indeed, as contemporaries asked between 1646 and 1660, ‘Where is the Church of England?’ The episcopalian clergy could not agree. Some thought the remaining national framework of parishes and congregations was ‘the Church of England’, though now deformed, and worked within it. Others thought that only those ministers and parish congregations who remained loyal in heart to the church as it had been qualified as ‘the church’: most of them continued to serve a parish church and tried to keep the old practices going. A third category of hard-liners thought ‘the Church of England’ was now restricted to a recusant community that worshipped with the Prayer Book in secret and rejected the new national profession. The fundamental issue was the nature of a church: was it a society of believers, however organized, or a hierarchical institution following rules prescribed by God? The question caused tensions and distrust among the clergy, and the rigorists thought of the rest as time-servers and traitors. Disagreements continued to divide the clergy after the Restoration, and were reflected in attitudes towards concessions to dissenters.

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8

Ward, Frances. "Roger Scruton, Our Church: A Personal History of the Church of England." Theology 117, no. 1 (January 2014): 41–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x13511042d.

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9

Pfaff, Richard W., and R. N. Swanson. "Church and Society in Late Medieval England." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 21, no. 2 (1990): 313. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204416.

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10

Cragoe, Carol Davidson. "The custom of the English Church: parish church maintenance in England before 1300." Journal of Medieval History 36, no. 1 (March 2010): 20–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jmedhist.2009.11.001.

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11

Podmore, Colin. "Zinzendorf and the English Moravians." Journal of Moravian History 3, no. 1 (2007): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41179832.

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Abstract This article begins by pointing to the tendency among British Moravians to downplay Zinzendorf's role in their church's history and arguing that that the difficult aspects of the relationship between the Count and the English Moravians of his day, which the article charts, help to explain that tendency. Zinzendorf's priority in England was relations with the Church of England. Recognition of the Moravian Church as a foreign episcopal sister church of the Church of England was important for the position of ordained Moravians working as missionaries in the British colonies. Zinzendorf feared that if the Moravian Church developed as a free church in England that would endanger such recognition. It would also conflict with his understanding of the 'Brüdergemeine' as a fellowship of awakened Christians within the existing churches. Evangelistic activity which effectively competed with the established church would similarly imperil recognition. British Moravians did not share these views.

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12

Orme, Nicholas. "Children and the Church in Medieval England." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 45, no. 4 (October 1994): 563–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900010769.

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At the beginning of Langland's poemPiers Plowman, the narrator, having glimpsed the field of folk and the two castles, meets a lady with a beautiful face, clothed in linen. When he fails to recognise her, she gently chides him. ‘I am Holy Church; you ought to know me. I received you at the first and taught you faith. You brought me pledges to fulfil my bidding and to love me loyally while your life lasts.’ In these few words, Langland affirms the importance of childhood as inaugurating the relationship between human beings and the Church. Every child becomes a member of the Church by baptism soon after birth. The Church teaches its faith to the child, and the child is committed by its godparents to carry out the Church's requirements in a loving way. This view of childhood is a limited one. It centres on the outset of life—birth and baptism – not on the following fifteen years or so, and it does not perceive the status of children in the Church to differ in principle from that of adults, who also received teaching and owed commitments. Nowhere in his work has Langland much to say about children and in this respect he is typical of most medieval writers. Little was written about the work of the Church with children or the involvement of children in Church, despite the extent to which children – actually or potentially – made up the membership of Christendom.

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13

BERNARD, G. W. "The Church of England c. 1529–c. 1642." History 75, no. 244 (January 1990): 183–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.1990.tb01514.x.

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14

Harris, Tim, and John Spurr. "The Restoration Church of England, 1646-1689." American Historical Review 97, no. 5 (December 1992): 1519. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165991.

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15

Schlenther, Boyd Stanley, and Colin Podmore. "The Moravian Church in England, 1728-1760." American Historical Review 104, no. 5 (December 1999): 1750. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2649490.

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16

Hill, Bennett D., and R. N. Swanson. "Church and Society in Late Medieval England." American Historical Review 96, no. 2 (April 1991): 490. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163245.

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17

Ingram, Robert G. "Representing and Misrepresenting the History of Puritanism in Eighteenth-Century England." Studies in Church History 49 (2013): 205–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840000214x.

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An Englishman living during the mid-eighteenth century would have known that his country had been, at least since the late sixteenth century, a decidedly and, for the long-foreseeable future, an unalterably Protestant nation. But what sort of Protestant nation? One that needed a legally estabhshed church? And, if so, what sort of church should that church as established by law be? Did it, for instance, necessarily require a certain kind of church government? In its relation to the English state, did the church need to be the senior, equal or junior partner? And what rights, if any, should those not conforming to the estabhshed church have? These were vexing questions, and the mid-seventeenth-century civil wars had mostly been an intra-Protestant fight over them. Yet neither those internecine religio-political wars nor the subsequent political revolution of the late seventeenth century had resolved definitively any of the fundamental questions about church and state raised originally by the sixteenth-century religious Reformations. Those who had lived through the Sacheverell crisis, the Bangorian controversy or the fiercely anti-clerical 1730s recognized this all too well: historians, alas, have not.

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18

Duggan, Jacob. "Liberal Catholicism in the Church of England." European Legacy 27, no. 2 (November 14, 2021): 176–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2021.1957572.

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19

Mitchell, William H. F. "The Primitive Church Revived." Church History and Religious Culture 101, no. 1 (February 23, 2021): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10017.

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Abstract Recent scholarship has highlighted the religious dimensions of political argument in William III’s England. This article adds to this trend through a political analysis of pieces on the Apostolic Age that were written, re-printed, or cited, in the reign of William III. The Age was manipulated to legitimise the Williamite settlement in two ways. First, the early Christians’ ecclesiastical structures and practices were compared favourably to the contemporary Church of England, and unfavourably with Roman Catholic regimes. This contrast bolstered the bipolar confessional divide that underpinned William III’s claim to the English throne. Second, the supposed pan-national spiritual sympathy of the early Christians was regarded as a template for contemporary European Protestants, who were worthy of the protection that formed the bedrock of William III’s foreign policy.

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20

Towler, Robert, and Paul A. Welsby. "A History of the Church of England, 1945-1980." American Historical Review 90, no. 5 (December 1985): 1204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1859725.

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21

Beckford, James A., and Paul A. Welsby. "A History of the Church of England 1945-1980." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 24, no. 2 (June 1985): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1386352.

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22

Williamson, P. "England, Ireland, Scotland, Wales: The Christian Church, 1900-2000." English Historical Review CXXV, no. 515 (July 26, 2010): 1048–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceq188.

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23

Moran, Robert E. "Chester W. Gregory, The History of the Holy Church of America, Inc., 1886-1986." Journal of Negro History 72, no. 3-4 (July 1987): 82–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3031513.

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24

ROSE, JACQUELINE. "KINGSHIP AND COUNSEL IN EARLY MODERN ENGLAND." Historical Journal 54, no. 1 (January 31, 2011): 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000567.

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ABSTRACTCounsel was central to negotiating the politics of Reformation monarchy in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England. In a personal monarchy, particularly one wherein the monarch was supreme governor of the church, shaping the character of the ruler was vital for the smooth functioning of the political system. This article provides a conspectus of a broader project on early modern kingship and counsel which will discuss advice-giving provided by privy councillors, parliaments, preachers, and courtiers between 1509 and 1689. It shows how ecclesiastical counsel was central to defenders of the established church and in absolutist theorizing, and how men between 1558 and 1688 drew on patristic examples of its practice. Comparing ecclesiastical counsel to other genres of advice-giving also shows their common and distinctive features.

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25

Jones, James. "Hillsborough and the Church of England." Theology 120, no. 1 (January 2017): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x16669277.

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In 1989, 96 Liverpool Football Club supporters were killed at the Hillsborough Stadium in Sheffield. It was the biggest sporting disaster in British football. The original inquests returned a verdict of ‘accidental death’. For over 20 years the families of the 96 and the survivors campaigned against this verdict. In 2010 the government set up an Independent Panel with myself as its Chair. Its remit after consultation with the families and survivors was to access and analyse all the documents related to the disaster and its aftermath and to write a report to add to public understanding. The Panel’s Report was published in 2012 and led to the quashing of the original verdicts and the setting up of fresh inquests. After two years and the longest inquests in British legal history, the jury gave its determination of ‘unlawful killing’. Here I reflect theologically on the public and pastoral role of the Church of England and its mission to wider society.

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26

Chapman, Mark D. "Jeremy Morris, A People’s Church: A History of the Church of England." Theology 125, no. 6 (November 2022): 456–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x221133799j.

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27

KAUFMAN, LUCY M. "ECCLESIASTICAL IMPROVEMENTS, LAY IMPROPRIATIONS, AND THE BUILDING OF A POST-REFORMATION CHURCH IN ENGLAND, 1560–1600." Historical Journal 58, no. 1 (February 9, 2015): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000491.

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ABSTRACTOne of the more difficult practical questions raised by the English Reformation was just how to support its clergy and its fabric. Despite extensive resistance from the godly members of church and state, the Elizabethan church maintained the pre-Reformation system of impropriations, lay ownership of ecclesiastical tithes. This article examines the historical, practical, and ideological stakes of these everyday economics in the late sixteenth century. It argues that the majority of impropriators were responsive to the needs of the church, sustaining rather than undermining the nascent English church. In the space opened up by the Reformation's rents in the social and physical fabric of the parish, new bonds between church, state, and society were knit. This process of building the post-Reformation church thus tied the laity closer to the interests and activities of the church in England.

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28

Goheen, R. B., and Martin Ingram. "Church Courts, Sex and Marriage in England, 1570-1640." American Journal of Legal History 34, no. 4 (October 1990): 444. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/845850.

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29

Cressy, David, and Martin Ingram. "Church Courts, Sex and Marriage in England, 1570-1640." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 20, no. 4 (1990): 650. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204010.

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30

Walsh, Ashley. "The Decline of Comprehension in the Church of England, 1689–1750." Journal of British Studies 61, no. 3 (July 2022): 702–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2022.57.

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AbstractFollowing several attempts to fashion a broad-based national church from the Church of England by reforming the Act of Uniformity (1662), the failed Comprehension Bill that accompanied the Toleration Act (1689) was the final such proposal tabled in Parliament. Although historians have examined moments when comprehension reappeared in eighteenth-century confessional discourse, less attention has been paid to connecting these moments within England's long Reformation and to explaining why the prospects for comprehension remained so dim. Its supporters claimed the Elizabethan via media in church and state to fashion a national church within a godly commonwealth by uniting Anglicans with “moderate” Dissenters. However, the High Church campaign against the practice of occasional conformity meant that comprehension ceased to be a viable political proposition by the time of the Tory landslide of 1710 and the passage of the Occasional Conformity Act (1711). The development of the culture of “free enquiry” among Dissenters further widened the gulf between them and the establishment, reinforcing the aspiration of the established church's Whig leaders for harmonious coexistence rather than unity. Despite its failure as a political proposition, Whig churchmen and moderate Dissenters continued to idealize comprehension due to their (albeit loosening) Hookerian commitment to unity in church and state.

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31

Yerokhin, Vladimir N. "William Laud’s Role in the History of Church of England." Вестник Северо-Восточного государственного университета. История 3, no. 4 (2022): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.53549/27132374_2022_3_4_2.

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32

Podmore, C. J. "The Bishops and the Brethren: Anglican Attitudes to the Moravians in the Mid-Eighteenth Century." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 41, no. 4 (October 1990): 622–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900075758.

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Most Anglican crises, including recent ones, seem to boil down in the end to two linked questions — those of identity and authority. Is the Church of England pre-eminently a national or a catholic Church, a Protestant Church (and if so, of what kind?) or Anglican and sui generis? With which of these types of Church should it align itself? Where lies the famed via media, and which are the extremes to be avoided? And who has the authority to decide: as a national Church, parliament, the government, the monarch personally; as an episcopal Church, the bishops? Or should the clergy in convocations (or, latterly, the General Synod, including representatives of the pious laity) take decisions? Anglican crises have always raised these twin problems of identity and authority. In the mid-eighteenth century — from the end of the 1730s and particularly in the 1740s — the Church of England faced another crisis. The Anglican bishops had to come to terms with the movement known as the ‘evangelical revival’. Principles had to be applied to a new situation. The bishops had to decide how to categorise the new societies (or would they become new churches?) which were springing up all over England.

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33

KIRBY, DIANNE. "The Church of England and the Cold War Nuclear Debate." Twentieth Century British History 4, no. 3 (1993): 250–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/4.3.250.

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34

Haig, A. G. L. "The Church, the Universities and Learning in Later Victorian England." Historical Journal 29, no. 1 (March 1986): 187–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00018689.

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35

Bennett, Joshua. "The Age of Athanasius." Church History and Religious Culture 97, no. 2 (2017): 220–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09702018.

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The publication of the Fourth Report of the Ritual Commission in 1870 occasioned intense debate over the position of the Athanasian Creed in the liturgy of the Church of England. This article reconstructs the course of that controversy, focusing particularly on the centrality of historical argument to the speeches, letters, and pamphlets in which critics and defenders of the formulary sought to stabilise Christian orthodoxy and define Anglican identity in a progressive environment. The episode draws attention, first, to the continuing and underestimated centrality of patristic scholarship to questions of church reform in Victorian England, whilst also pointing towards the eventual decline of the textual and antiquarian approach to apologetics that had characterised Anglicanism since the Reformation. Post-Reformation Anglican history, secondly, was itself integral to participants’ articulation of religious division, suggesting that conventional understandings of “church parties” in the Victorian Church of England should accordingly be revised.

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36

Taylor, Stephen. "Whigs, bishops and America: the politics of church reform in mid-eighteenth-century England." Historical Journal 36, no. 2 (June 1993): 331–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00019269.

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ABSTRACTThe eighteenth century is traditionally seen as an interlude between two vigorous movements of church reform. This article explores the problems and attitudes which underlay the absence of major structural reform of the Church in this period. To do so, it examines the failure of attempts, especially those of the 1740s and 1750s, to create an anglican episcopate in the American colonies. The leaders of the Church of England were agreed that the need for American bishops was pressing, on both pastoral and administrative grounds, and the 1740s and 1750s witnessed two proposals for their creation which were supported by virtually the whole bench of bishops. Both failed. The whig ministry resolutely opposed these initiatives, largely out of fear that any debate of church reform would revive the political divisions of Queen Anne's reign. The bishops, moreover, were prepared to submit to this ministerial veto, despite their belief in the necessity of reform, not through political subservience, but because they too feared renewed controversy about religion and the Church, believing that such controversy would revive both anti-clerical attacks from without and bitter divisions within.

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37

Smith, Nigel. "Literature and Church Discipline in Early Modern England." Studies in Church History 43 (2007): 317–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003302.

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That English literature is suffused with religion is news to no one; the English language is throughout history part of the structure of the Church or churches. But there is a way in which Church history and English literature have been missing each other for a good many years. This is in part because, until recently, religion in literature has been the preserve of relatively small groups of enthusiasts with partisan views. Their work has appeared unattractive or irrelevant to a largely secular mainstream that has been preoccupied with the ‘political’ (as opposed to the religious) in early modern literary studies (this is especially so with regard to the drama). But we now have an account of Church history that is more sophisticated and variegated, more attuned to confessional variety and its politics, local and national. This is crying out for engagement with literary studies in ways that literary scholars would find compelling, not least in offering many solutions to the kinds of questions they have come to ask. To some extent the dialogue has already begun, and indeed several exemplary studies are cited in what follows. Nonetheless, we are at the beginning of what may well be a long and extremely fruitful interdisciplinary encounter.

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38

Clary, F. Nicholas, and Jeffrey Knapp. "Shakespeare's Tribe: Church, Nation, and Theater in Renaissance England." Sixteenth Century Journal 34, no. 3 (October 1, 2003): 908. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20061614.

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39

Wallace, Dewey D., and W. M. Spellman. "The Latitudinarians and the Church of England, 1660-1700." American Historical Review 99, no. 2 (April 1994): 553. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2167340.

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40

Gillis, John R., and Martin Ingram. "Church Courts, Sex, and Marriage in England, 1570-1640." American Historical Review 95, no. 1 (February 1990): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163005.

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41

Christianson, P., and Leo F. Solt. "Church and State in Early Modern England, 1509-1640." American Historical Review 97, no. 1 (February 1992): 190. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164587.

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42

Fitzsimons, Robert. "The Church of England and the First Vatican Council." Journal of Religious History 27, no. 1 (February 2003): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9809.00163.

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43

Rider, C. "Medical Magic and the Church in Thirteenth-Century England." Social History of Medicine 24, no. 1 (February 17, 2011): 92–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/hkq110.

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44

PATTERSON, W. B. "William Perkins as Apologist for the Church of England." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 57, no. 2 (March 30, 2006): 252–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046905005233.

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William Perkins, usually described as an Elizabethan Puritan, was significant in ways that are only beginning to be recognised by historians. His writings, published in numerous editions in England and on the continent and translated into Latin and half a dozen vernacular languages, made him the most prominent English theologian of his day. This article contends that his career was devoted not to bringing about changes in the Established Church but to making that Church's teachings better known and appreciated. Perkins should be seen as a leading apologist for the Elizabethan Church of England.

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MUMM, SUSAN. "‘A Peril to the Bench of Bishops’: Sisterhoods and Episcopal Authority in the Church of England, 1845–1908." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 59, no. 1 (January 2008): 62–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046906008165.

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This paper reflects on the uncomfortable relationship between gender, religion, authority and influence in the Victorian Church of England, using the example of the ecclesiastical response to the rise of Anglican religious communities for women in the second half of the nineteenth century. Anglican sisterhoods occupied equivocal and disputed space within the Victorian Church of England, proclaiming their loyalty to the Church but unfettered by any ecclesiastical legislation or tradition that would have compelled them to obey the bishops. In a society that assumed that obedience to lawful authority was a natural attribute of godly women, their ambiguous and improvised relationship with the church hierarchy created enormous tension as well as considerable hostility.

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Podmore, Colin. "William Holland's Short Account of the Beginnings of Moravian Work in England (1745)." Journal of Moravian History 22, no. 1 (May 1, 2022): 54–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jmorahist.22.1.0054.

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ABSTRACT William Holland's Short Account describes church life in the City of London in the 1730s with special reference to the religious societies and their connections with Wesley's “Oxford Methodists.” He shows how the Moravian Peter Böhler's preaching cross-fertilized these networks' High-Church Anglicanism with the Lutheran doctrine of justification by faith alone and thereby sparked the English Evangelical Revival. Recounting the early life of the resulting Fetter Lane Society, which served as the Revival's London headquarters, Holland emphasizes the frequent visits to and from the Moravian congregations in Germany and the Netherlands. All of this was intended to support his argument that the English Anglican members of Zinzendorf's Brüdergemeine, while accepting the Lutheran doctrine of justification, were neither Dissenters nor “Old Lutherans” (the name Zinzendorf had invented for them in order to distance the Moravian tradition from them). Rather, they had joined the Moravian Church on the understanding that in doing so they were not separating themselves from England's established church but joining a “sister church” in a form of “double belonging.” This text thus illuminates not only the early history of the Moravian Church in England but also Anglican church life in 1730s London and the origins of Wesleyan Methodism.

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Postles, Dave. "Micro-spaces: church porches in pre-modern England." Journal of Historical Geography 33, no. 4 (October 2007): 749–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhg.2006.08.003.

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Given, James. "William Chester Jordan.From England to France: Felony and Exile in the High Middle Ages." American Historical Review 121, no. 3 (June 2016): 1012.1–1012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.3.1012.

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Bennett, Bruce S. "The Church of England and the Law of Divorce since 1837: Marriage Discipline, Ecclesiastical Law and the Establishment." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 45, no. 4 (October 1994): 625–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900010794.

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Ever since Henry VIII, the law of marriage has occupied a special place in the relationship between the Church of England and the state. Changes made to the law since 1857 have raised far-reaching and difficult questions about the nature of this relationship, involving the status of canon law. Marriage in church has remained, perhaps even more than the other rites of passage, an essential point at which the Church of England still touches the lives of great numbers of the otherwise unchurched, and these questions have thus impinged on the practical reality of the Church's work.

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Bevir, Mark. "The Labour Church Movement, 1891–1902." Journal of British Studies 38, no. 2 (April 1999): 217–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386190.

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Historians of British socialism have tended to discount the significance of religious belief. Yet the conference held in Bradford in 1893 to form the Independent Labour Party (I.L.P.) was accompanied by a Labour Church service attended by some five thousand persons. The conference took place in a disused chapel then being run as a Labour Institute by the Bradford Labour Church along with the local Labour Union and Fabian Society. The Labour Church movement, which played such an important role in the history of British socialism, was inspired by John Trevor, a Unitarian minister who resigned to found the first Labour Church in Manchester in 1891. At the new church's first service, on 4 October 1891, a string band opened the proceedings, after which Trevor led those present in prayer, the congregation listened to a reading of James Russell Lowell's poem “On the Capture of Fugitive Slaves,” and Harold Rylett, a Unitarian minister, read Isaiah 15. The choir rose to sing “England Arise,” the popular socialist hymn by Edward Carpenter:England arise! the long, long night is over,Faint in the east behold the dawn appear;Out of your evil dream of toil and sorrow—Arise, O England, for the day is here;From your fields and hills,Hark! the answer swells—Arise, O England, for the day is here.As the singing stopped, Trevor rose to give a sermon on the religious aspect of the labor movement. He argued the failure of existing churches to support labor made it necessary for workers to form a new movement to embody the religious aspect of their quest for emancipation.

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