Journal articles on the topic 'Chemical terrorism – Prevention – Government policy'

AbstractThe Republic of Bulgaria is one of the smallest countries in southeastern Europe and has little experience with terrorist acts. During the past 20 years, only nine terrorism-related events have been recorded in Bulgaria, and no unconventional weapons have been used. Factors contributing to terrorism in Bulgaria have been: (1) Communist Party domination of the government and political process from 1944 to 1989; (2) ethnic and religious conflicts between the Bulgarian Orthodox Christian majority and the Turkish Muslim minority from 1983 to 1987; and (3) the relatively high level of organized crime after the Communist regime ended in 1990.The structure and function of the Disaster Relief System in Bulgaria not only are focused on the prevention of terrorism, but also on preparedness for the emergency response to terrorism-related events. Institutional components of the Disaster Relief System structure responsible for the emergency response to terrorism-related events include: (1) the Government of Bulgaria; (2) the State Agency for Civil Protection with 28 regional directorates; (3) the Ministry of Health with five national hospitals, 28 regional hospitals, and 28 EMS systems; (4) the Ministry of Defense with special military units for response to unconventional terrorist events, including nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons; (5) the Ministry of Internal Affairs with 28 police departments, 28 fire departments, and specialized anti-terrorist units; and (6) the Bulgarian Red Cross.A major future challenge in Bulgaria is the prevention of terrorism through political stability, economic prosperity, ethnic and religious tolerance, and more effective measures against organized criminal activities. A related challenge will be to improve the level of preparedness of all components of Disaster Relief.

AbstractThe Republic of Bulgaria is one of the smallest countries in southeastern Europe and has little experience with terrorist acts. During the past 20 years, only nine terrorism-related events have been recorded in Bulgaria, and no unconventional weapons have been used. Factors contributing to terrorism in Bulgaria have been: (1) Communist Party domination of the government and political process from 1944 to 1989; (2) ethnic and religious conflicts between the Bulgarian Orthodox Christian majority and the Turkish Muslim minority from 1983 to 1987; and (3) the relatively high level of organized crime after the Communist regime ended in 1990.The structure and function of the Disaster Relief System in Bulgaria not only are focused on the prevention of terrorism, but also on preparedness for the emergency response to terrorism-related events. Institutional components of the Disaster Relief System structure responsible for the emergency response to terrorism-related events include: (1) the Government of Bulgaria; (2) the State Agency for Civil Protection with 28 regional directorates; (3) the Ministry of Health with five national hospitals, 28 regional hospitals, and 28 EMS systems; (4) the Ministry of Defense with special military units for response to unconventional terrorist events, including nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons; (5) the Ministry of Internal Affairs with 28 police departments, 28 fire departments, and specialized anti-terrorist units; and (6) the Bulgarian Red Cross.A major future challenge in Bulgaria is the prevention of terrorism through political stability, economic prosperity, ethnic and religious tolerance, and more effective measures against organized criminal activities. A related challenge will be to improve the level of preparedness of all components of Disaster Relief.

The existence of terrorism in Poso Regency, Central Sulawesi is triggered by a communal conflict among religions since 2000. A series of acts of terrorism have disrupted the regulation of government and public order and security, so that the regional government carried out special handling of this case. The objective of this study is to analyze the pattern of terrorism prevention carried out by the regional government in Poso Regency. This study used a qualitative method with a case study approach to conduct an in-depth descriptive study regarding the pattern of strengthening the terrorism prevention policy and its follow-up. In analyzing this case, this study used the concept of securitization developed by Buzan (1991) through the principles of social, economic, and political security. The results of the study showed that the regional government has made efforts to prevent acts of terrorism by (1) Strengthening the Early Detection of Terrorism Tendency Program, (2) Strengthening the Religious Harmony Program, (3) Strengthening the Community Social Life Program, (4) Strengthening the Entrepreneurship Program that covers various activities, including; establishing Village of Harmony and Early Awareness Forum, carrying out counseling on Pancasila values, providing social assistance and entrepreneurship training for the poor and families of ex-terrorism convicts. This study concludes that the regional government has made systematic efforts with a securitization approach in a strict security pattern with community involvement.

I develop a game-theoretic model of an interaction between an antiterrorist agency and a terrorist organization to analyze how the probability of a terrorist attack varies when the level of privacy protections changes. I derive two implications. First, privacy and security from terrorism need not be in conflict: when accounting for strategic interactions, reducing privacy protections does not necessarily increase security from terrorism. Second, and more important, the antiterrorist agency will always want less privacy. The very agency whose expertise affords it disproportionate influence on policy making will prefer a reduction in privacy protections even when that reduction harms security from terrorism. The analysis has implications for understanding the relationship between government powers and civil liberties in the context of terrorism prevention and times of emergencies more generally.

Purpose The proliferation of terrorism worldwide raises the risk that terrorist strategies could evolve from conventional methods (e.g. suicide attacks) to biological, chemical and even radioactive and nuclear attacks (commonly abbreviated as CBRN) which are potentially much more dangerous. The authors make three contributions toward a better understanding of this risk and how it responds to counterterrorism measures. Design/methodology/approach The authors develop a game that captures the terrorists’ potential strategic substitution between conventional and CBRN-type attacks; the authors calibrate the parameters of the game to real data using a novel calibration method and a partially unique dataset; they estimate the heavy-tailed distribution of attack severity and thus the probability of a successful attack, the underlying effort to launch an attack and the intrinsic difficulty of launching different types of attacks. Findings The authors find that in equilibrium, CBRN attacks, though less likely and more difficult to execute, are more deadly. In the end, the trade-off between, on one hand, the greater difficulty of carrying out a CBRN attack, and on the other, the greater deadliness of such an attack, points to a level of optimal counterterrorism spending by governments that weighs toward defending against CBRN attacks. The authors discuss these results and compare them with the actual level of counterterrorism spending by the US Government. Originality/value The framework of the game allows for substitution between the conventional and CBRN weapon types. These aspects of this paper, together with the unique calibration methodology, and the use of some unique terrorism data for the first time, are what distinguish this work from similar game theoretic papers in this area.

This article examines the problems of communication between the government, society and the mass media in the field of extremism prevention through a systematic information policy aimed at identifying the causes and factors that determine radical manifestations, determining measures aimed at their localization, and forming a persistent rejection of illegal behavior of citizens and their associations in society. The competent organization of interaction between the government, society and the media makes it possible to synthesize their efforts in the field of extremism prevention. This approach encompasses not only basic security-based counter-terrorism measures, but also systematic preventive steps to address the underlying conditions that encourage individuals to radicalize and join violent extremist groups. It is necessary to develop specific recommendations and action plans at the federal, regional and local levels of both state and municipal authorities in active interaction with the mass media, in particular, focusing on the root social reasons why some people are attracted to extremist organizations and what measures to combat extremism are most effective.

Abstract:Since September 11, 2001, the aid component of American foreign policy toward Africa has undergone a significant evolution: U.S. security has come to rival development as an increasingly explicit rationale. Development programming and project implementation now contain a security dimension that is underpinned by Pentagon strategists working through AFRICOM as much as by USAID officers partnering with the State Department. This article argues that given the potential of terrorism for undermining development in Africa itself, soft counterterrorism should be envisioned as a strategic developmental defense activity. Making use of unpublished country risk assessments and the author's participant observation during USAID field mission consultancies in the Sahel, as well as the scholarly literature and relevant policy documents of the Bush and Obama administrations, this article explores the new agenda and grassroots dynamics of development projects as tools for terrorism prevention. It contends that policy and institutional responses to 9/11 have resulted in a greater convergence of operational goals among U.S. government agencies that in the past, at least according to publicly stated goals, had pursued distinctly different missions in Africa. Normative implications of this change are mixed. Because of differing expectations with respect to separation of powers, African public opinion, paradoxically, may be more sympathetic to U.S. military engagement with civilians for developmental purposes than American public opinion is.

In addition to overcoming efforts is one of the tasks of the police, the prevention of radicalism must also have an element of support from the regional government in Jember Regency through its criminal law policy. Both of the above must be synchronized institutions so that efforts to tackle radicalism can be implemented properly. This research method uses a normative research method through the statutory approach and conceptual approach. The first result of this research is that there is an ease that is obtained in carrying out efforts to overcome the understanding of radicalism, namely by means of or counter-radicalization methods carried out by the police and supported by all government agencies in Jember Regency and the layers of society. Secondly, in practice between the counter-radicalization processes, the community still expects a process of arrest up to the stage of criminal prosecution of perpetrators of terrorism as a manifestation of a legal protection for the people of Jember Regency and its surroundings.

Due to the absence of sunlight and lack ozone production during nighttime, ground-level ozone was labelled as a critical period for ozone depletion. This study proposed a local ozone management and implementation based on the major cause of ozone deflection in chemical reactions during nighttime. Three highlighted locations (Klang, Shah Alam and Petaling Jaya) categorized as the highest NO and NO2 production was focused on this study (urban and sub-urban area) from 2006 to 2016. The descriptive statistics (O3 and NO) with population density were analysed as an observation for proposed a new implementation system for reducing O3 during nighttime and preventing it from contributing the next day concentration. The interaction between O3 and NO concentration was explained based on diurnal analysis. The crucial time for nighttime O3 deflection was between 7 PM until 12 AM. Therefore, the local nighttime ozone management was pulled out as the nighttime O3 reduction was understandable. The framework was consisting a management policy by the federal government, state government and local authority, with a plan for nighttime implementation by local government in Malaysia.

The history of chemical sensitivity in America is reviewed from the first description published by Edgar Allan Poe in 1839, to its first medical definition as a symptom of neurasthenia in 1869, its rediscovery as allergic toxemia in 1945, its redefinition in 1987 as multiple chemical sensitivity (MCS), and its overlap in the 1990s with chronic fatigue syndrome, fibromyalgia syndrome, and Gulf War syndrome (GWS). More than half of the over 500 peer-reviewed articles on MCS support an organic basis for MCS, whereas less than one-quarter support a psychiatric basis. The same 2:1 difference is seen in the numbers of MCS researchers writing these articles and the number of journals publishing them. A psychogenic interpretation of MCS also is specifically rejected in the latest formal position statement on the subject, a 1994 consensus of the American Lung Association, American Medical Association (AMA), U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (US EPA), and U.S. Consumer Product Safety Commission (US CPSC) (U.S. Government Printing Office 1994–523–217/81322). This and other government recognition of MCS in policy, research, and scientific conferences are summarized. Dozens of federal, state, and local authorities accept MCS as a legitimate disease and/or disability that deserves reasonable accommodation in housing, employment, and public facilities. Official recognition is expected later in 1999 when the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) announces a formal definition of MCS and the federal Interagency Workgroup on MCS releases its long-awaited final report, 4 years in the making. Given that epidemiological data from three states puts the prevalence of chemical sensitivity at 16 to 33% of the general population, 2 to 6% of whom have already been diagnosed with MCS, this truly is a hidden epidemic that deserves the priority attention of public health researchers and policy makers. Industrial toxicologists are encouraged to work on reducing and eliminating the use of synthetic fragrances, chemical sensitizers, and other irritants in consumer products and occupational settings.

The Covid-19 pandemic has drastically reduced tourism activity and has had an impact on the economy. To recover from this impact, with the new normal policy, the government will reopen tourism activities by implementing strict health protocols. This policy also applies in Gianyar Regency, Bali. This study aims to examine the prevention of the spread of the Covid-19 pandemic in the cultural heritage tourism sector in Gianyar Regency, Bali. The study applied qualitative methods which were analyzed descriptively. The results of the study indicate that the government has made policies regarding the application of health protocols in tourism activities. The protocols that have been implemented in cultural heritage tourism objects in Gianyar Regency include wearing masks, checking temperature, providing handwashing facilities, and holding supervision so that visitors always obey the health protocol. With the new normal policy, it is hoped that all people, especially those in the tourism sector, understand and implement better health protocols, to minimize the possibility of Covid-19 transmission in the tourism sector.

Contemporary Nigeria has witnessed monumental rise in crime wave and in the quest to stem the tide, government has adopted various security policies to secure the lives and property of its citizens in the past, but none of these policies have actually yielded positive results. Human abduction, armed robbery, terrorism, bomb attacks and lots more have been the order of the day in the Country. The study seeks to ascertain the impact of closed circuit television (CCTV) cameras in Abuja metropolis. Six research questions and two hypotheses were formulated to guide the study, related literatures were adequately reviewed. A population of size of 900 was selected out of which a sample size of 300 respondents, which cut across all walks of life, participated in the study. Structured questionnaire was designed and used as instrument for data collection. Data collected were analyzed using direct interpretation of results gotten from respondents. Findings of the research revealed significant relationship between closed circuit television cameras and theory of deterrence, criminal justice, fear of crime, legality, policy formation and regulation of closed circuit television (CCTV). The development of software that can be integrated with the CCTV to display a person’s bio-data on the monitor when captured by the CCTV camera is among other recommendations for further research study.

This study sets out to assess responses to international terrorism in Kenya. This stems out of the fact that the terrorism menace has had been a major security challenge facing the country. The study draws a comparison of the Dusit D2 and Westgate terror attacks. Data was collected from a purposive sample of academics as well as serving and retired diplomats, senior police officers and military personnel. Primary data was collected from the respondents using interviews. The findings show that the West gate shopping mall in 2013 and the DusitD2 Hotel attack in January 2019 are replete with major differences. A critical comparison between both attacks shows an immense difference in the response to the terrorist attacks in Westgate Mall and Dust D2. In both cases, there was prior intelligence of the looming attack. However, there was no clear policy framework on intelligence sharing between the various security agencies in Westgate. Additionally, policies on timely multiagency deployment were disjointed in Westgate but improved in Dusit D2. Although the friendly fire was recorded in Westgate, this was not the case in Westgate. There was also a lack of clear policies on hierarchical coordination between different security agencies in Westgate Mall as opposed to Dusit D2. The law had also been more enhanced with the domestication of the 2012 Prevention of Terrorism Act and the creation of the institutions enshrined therein during the Dusit D2 attack. Accountability mechanisms for security agencies had also been improved during the Dusit D2 attack as opposed to Westgate Mall attack where there were cases of indiscipline and looting by state security personnel. Coordination between government officials and security agencies was also smoother in the Dusit D2 attack. Although the terrorists could communicate for some time between themselves and their command center and share publicity information, this was not the case with Dusit D2 where such communication was curtailed immediately. In both attacks though, communication between victims and outside help was poor and unreliable, and false information was passed. This was more prone and documented in the Dusit D2 attack. It is recommended that multiagency response teams should constantly review their operation guidelines and standard operating procedures so as to deal with the ever-changing sophistication in terrorist attacks. The government should put in place ways aimed at checking disparities in capabilities and equipment among various tactical and intelligence teams in Kenya for a uniform response to terrorism. There is a need for multinational frameworks for undertaking financing and creation of joint information infrastructure for security agencies so as to reign in on international terrorism in the East African Region. Training should also be synchronized across security agencies.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to illustrate the incentivised steps criminals take to launder cash while avoiding government’s anti-money laundering (AML) measures. Design/methodology/approach To illustrate how and when technology is most prominent in the money laundering process, this paper analyses the criminal’s methodological approach to “technology-enhanced money laundering” by examining several high-level examples. To strengthen the theoretical assessment and the overall validity of the findings, the author incorporates details from their own research and professional experience to maximise comprehension of the methodological process that organised criminals and money launderers alike look to undertake when placing illicitly derived cash in the money laundering cycle. Findings The AML model of “placement, layering and integration” is synonymous with presenting the process of money laundering – in the most basic or generic forms. This paper identifies that the placement stage is a primary stage through which technology is exploited to assist in the entire laundering process. Practical implications Using money laundering case studies, this paper identifies that existing AML/countering terrorism financing international perceptions/practices and typological studies are not adequate for presenting an accurate assessment of the process used to undertake money laundering. Originality/value This paper provides an examination of the practicalities behind the prevention of money laundering from a compliance and investigative perspective. The paper is of interest to those involved in policy, compliance and investigations associated with money laundering.

Abstract Marine litter has been a persistent problem in the Philippines despite comprehensive legislation on solid waste management in place for more than twenty years in the form of Republic Act No. 9003 or the Ecological Solid Waste Management Act of 2000. Until 2021, the Philippines did not have a national policy and legislation that directly addressed marine litter issues in the country. In 2021, the Philippine government launched the National Plan of Action for the Prevention, Reduction, and Management of Marine Litter (npoa-ml) and in 2022, Congress passed Republic Act No. 11898 or the Extended Producer Responsibility Act of 2022.

The events of September 11, 2001, brought the issue of transportation security and terrorism to the forefront of policy and government. Public surface transportation systems are especially vulnerable because they are by nature open and accessible. They also serve large numbers of people in extensive networks. Case studies of transit systems and terrorist incidents offer examples of effective planning and response as well as gaps in security systems. Systems in London and Paris have experienced bombing attacks. Tokyo was the site of a chemical attack. Preparation against terrorist attacks involves assessments of vulnerabilities, mitigation of weaknesses in the system, and the development of effective response and emergency plans. Cost factors are a particular concern for transit officials. The use of design elements, closed-circuit television, training, and exercises, together with the establishment of close relationships with other local, state, and federal agencies, appears to be the most cost-effective security option.

The article is relevant, since it provides an assessment of anti-corruption policy as a political process at the regional and local levels. Purpose of the article: to identify the stages of the political process on anti-corruption policy focused on the prevention of the negative consequences of corruption. The levels of the political process, as substantiated in the article, are associated with the development of socio-economic and political differences between regions. The identification of these levels is the scientific novelty of this study. In the modern period, there is a crisis of international relations, globalization and the strengthening of national trends, including in the dynamics of the development of political processes. The fight against terrorism, the COVID-19 epidemic, environmental problems, and anti-corruption policies are not united in a global perspective, but “disintegrate” into national apartments and become problems of individual countries, not the entire modern community. This is the specificity of the political process at the global and national levels. The article is devoted to the problems of managing economic security, and combating corruption of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation for the Transbaikal Region (hereinafter UEBiPK UMVD of Russia for the Transbaikal Region), further which is part of the police. This organization is an operational subdivision that carries out, within its competence, operational-search activities directed against crimes in relation to state power, the interests of the civil service and service in local government bodies. The specificity of the activities of the UEBiPK UMVD of Russia for the Transbaikal Region is the identification and documentation of economic, corruption malfeasance, as well as the implementation of operational support for anti-corruption policy. Anti-corruption policy as a political process in the Transbaikal Region is unstable, taking into account the cross-border specifics and has four levels: detection, response, prevention and evaluation of effectiveness. This conclusion is a scientific achievement of the authors. In addition, the author analyzes the political stability that is necessary for the implementation of the anti-corruption policy of the Transbaikal Region. The main thrust of this policy is economic crimes committed using information and communication technologies. The article describes the effectiveness of anti-corruption policy in the Transbaikal Territory

Transborder crimes are criminal activities that transverse borders of two or more countries. Notable crimes that flourish across Nigerian’s borders are illicit drug trafficking, Terrorism, proliferation of small arms and light weapons ( SALWs), Human trafficking, internet fraud, oil theft, smuggling of goods among others. All these activities have precipitated security and economic complications across West Africa sub region. The 2022 Global peace Index ranked Nigeria 143 among 163 independent Nations and Territories according to the level of peacefulness while Cato Institute a Washington DC based public policy research organization rated Nigeria as the most unsafe place on earth after Iraq. This phenomenal rise of criminal ratings of Nigeria had attracted local and international attentions of scholars, policy makers and governments. Thus, this study investigates Transborders crimes in Nigeria using qualitative research methodology by reviewing the existing literature and conducting in-depth interviews of 85 informants selected randomly from government establishments and among stakeholders in Nigeria. The study relied on rational choice theory and behavioural theory as theoretical frameworks. The study revealed that Transborder crimes thrive across the West African nations because of many factors which include but not limited to the implementation of ECOWAS protocol on free movement of persons and goods, porous borders, youth unemployment, poverty, poorly trained and ill-equipped security personnel, corruption, poor inter-agency coordination and collaboration. The study concluded that despite various measures by the Nigerian government and International organizations like ECOWAS, UNO, AU to checkmate the scourge, the desired results have not been achieved. The study therefore recommended effective border monitoring and management, job creation, community policing initiative, increased military actions and surveillance, among others as panacea to Transborder crimes detection, reduction and prevention.

Despite little evidence of an immigration-crime nexus, many American jurisdictions have adopted a punitive approach to undocumented immigrants and an increasingly restrictive and exclusive system of immigration control. The extensive deployment of criminal justice measures to address the immigration “problem” led to the growth of a crimmigration apparatus—a mesh of immigration and criminal justice systems. Drawing on extant literature and applying the framework of the penal field, the article examines the social dynamics, processes, and consequences of crimmigration. It is argued that the portrayal of immigrants as “symbolic assailants” has facilitated the creation and operation of crimmigration under the guise of crime prevention rather than for addressing terrorism and national security—the presumed purpose of utilizing crimmigration practices. The current configuration of crimmigration across the United States is the interactive product of minority threat, partisan politics, and federalism of the American government system, which have jointly formed a “multilayered patchwork” of immigration control. The article first outlines the analytical framework; reviews the social construction of immigrant “criminality”; and describes the punitive and exclusive laws, policies, and enforcement practices established as responses to this “threat.” The dilemmas, contradictions, and contestations associated with crimmigration, including collateral impacts on immigrants, their families and communities, and the criminal justice system, are analyzed; and policy implications are drawn and discussed.

AbstractSweden has a long tradition in planning for disaster situations in which the National Board of Health and Welfare has a key responsibilty within the health sector. One important part of this disaster preparedness is education and training. Since 11 September 2001, much focus has been placed on the acts of terrorism with special reference to the effects of the use of chemical, biological, or nuclear/radiological (CBNR) agents. In the health sector, the preparedness for such situations is much the same as for other castastrophic events. The National Board of Health and Welfare of Sweden is a national authority under the government, and one of its responsibilities is planning and the provision of supplies for health and medical services, environmental health, and social services in case of war or crises. “Joint Central Disaster Committees” in each County Council/Region in the country are responsible for overseeing major incident planning for their respective counties/regions. The “Disaster Committee” is responsible for ensuring that: (1) plans are established and revised; (2) all personnel involved in planning receive adequate information and training; (3) equipment and supplies are available; and (4) maintenance arrangements are in place.Sweden adopts a “Total Defense” strategy, which means that it places a high value in preparing for peacetime and wartime major incidents. The Swedish Emergency Management Agency coordinates the civilian Total Defense strategy, and provides funding to the relevant responsible authority to this end. The National Board of Health and Welfare takes responsibility in this process. In this area, the main activities of the National Board of Health and Welfare are: (1) the establishment of national guidelines and supervision of standards in emergency and disaster medicine, social welfare, public health, and prevention of infectious diseases; (2) the introduction of new principles, standards, and equipment; (3) the conducting education and training programmes; and (4) the provision of financial support. The budget for National Board of Health and Welfare in this area is approximately 160 million SEK (US$18 million). The National Board of Health and Welfare also provides funding to the County Councils/Regions for the training of healthcare professionals in disaster medicine and crises management by arranging (and financing) courses primarily for teachers and by providing financial support to the County Councils/Regions for providing their own educational and training programmes. The National Board of Health and Welfare provides funding of approximately 20 million SEK (US$2.4 million) to the County Councils/Regions for this training of healthcare professionals in disaster medicine and crises.

The challenges and opportunities presented by cooperative problem solving between industry and government in the area of environmental protection are addressed. Factors believed to contribute to productive regulatory enforcement and compliance and the related value of inclusive processes aimed at enhancing understanding and respect between regulators and the regulated are explored. Cooperative problem solving is important to the inland transportation community because of its substantial participation in the transport of oil and chemical commodities. All of the inland transportation industry’s interests can be positively impacted by partnerships of high quality and preventive actions resulting from people’s initiatives and their associated dialogue. The U.S. Coast Guard formally established the Prevention Through People (PTP) Initiative in 1995 to emphasize the need for and benefit from cooperative relationships between the Coast Guard and the industries it is charged with regulating. Through focusing on prevention, the PTP effort and similar initiatives such as Quality Partnerships can energize all aspects of safe and efficient maritime operations. The pollution legislation passed over the past 25 years has in various ways intended to address minimizing spills or their impact. These legislative efforts cannot be effective without the thoughtful enactment and enforcement of laws by government officials and the committed adherence to the laws by the regulated industries. It is for this reason that the PTP Initiative resonates today—the various participants can work together to determine the best ways to achieve the goals of pollution prevention policy.

Formally, the prevention and eradication of criminal acts of money laundering in Indonesia began on 17 April 2002, ie when the enactment of Law No. 15 of 2002 on Money Laundering. Before the enactment of this Act phases of prevention of money laundering have been done but its scope is limited to banking. This can be demonstrated through a set of regulations issued by the banking authority, better known as Bank Indonesia Regulation concerning Know Your Customer. Urgency of this arrangement, of course based on solid arguments, especially regarding the impact of the money laundering activity in the economy and to meet the principles of effective bank supervision. Money laundering can undermine the national economy as it is very closely linked to the belief that one or another country against the policy of the State. Usually money laundering illicit money was made by mixing with legitimate money so that a legitimate business will not compete with companies who are honest, undermining the integrity of the financial markets due to the financial institutions (financial institutions) even rely on the proceeds of crime can face the danger of liquidity; resulting in a loss of government control of the economy of a country whose policies result in lack of confidence in other countries against its policies. This research was conducted in Bank BNI Cabang USU. In conducting the study, researchers conducted a study of documents about matters relating to the Prevention of Money Laundering. Fields that deal with money laundering in Bank BNI Cabang USU is the Compliance Division, in line with the needs after the end of 2015, the field of prevention is replaced by the Internal Controls under direct by branch managers. In carrying out its supervisory duties USU Bank BNI has implemented Law No. 8 of 20110 on AML with Bank Indonesia Regulation No. 11/28 / PBI / by applying the principle to know the Customer and step in stages in accordance with Circular No. 11/31 / DPNP Year 2009 Standard Guidelines for the Implementation of Anti-Money Laundering and Combating the Financing of Terrorism for Banks<br /><br />

In developing countries, agrochemicals are frequently used, resulting in direct and indirect chemical exposure as well as a variety of health concerns. Although agrochemical safety education is essential to promoting protective behavior among agricultural workers, there is a gap in the body of evidence concerning experience with agrochemical use and practice, which is critical for developing and improving educational interventions, so they are more effective and acceptable to the workers' culture and lifestyle. This phenomenology study included twenty agricultural workers with high serum cholinesterase levels in two Thai rural communities. Data from semi-structured interviews were transcribed verbatim and analyzed by using Colaizzi's 7-step data analysis, which is mentioned in the data analysis part. Five themes and three subthemes emerged in relation to agrochemical use and health: (i) long-term chemical exposure; (ii) no need to be concerned about health after chemical exposure; (iii) insufficient chemical protection knowledge and practices; (iv) difficulties in adhering to the agrochemical exposure prevention regimen; and (v) government policy and the growth of the organic products market are important components of chemical use reduction. Based on the findings, the workers lacked awareness regarding protective behaviors, because they did not notice any abnormal changes in their health. We, therefore, recommend that they undergo annual checkups for monitoring their SChE levels, which should be provided by the local government. In addition, agrochemical use is influenced by socioeconomic and political factors. Thus, a health education program for agricultural workers should involve a multidimensional and community-engaged training program that would promote the safe handling of chemicals through contextually appropriate interventions.

The relevance of the research is conditioned by the necessity to arrange countermeasures against extremism on the territory of the educational organization and student dormitories, and by the absence of a scientifically justified model for operation of universities in this direction. Research goal: theoretical justification and elaboration of the programme on counter-extremism activities on the territory of the educational organization and student dormitories. The leading research methods were the analysis and generalization of the pedagogic experience, statistical processing of the quantitative data concerning the problem state in the educational organization, and simulation. The research results contribute to further scientific comprehension of the problem of preventing extremist manifestations among the youth in the present socio-cultural situation and to creation of the required conditions for successful fulfillment of the anti-terrorist and anti-extremist line of the government. The programme for extremism prevention in the student environment was presented, the introduction of which will allow achieving a positive effect in educating a personality that can express the Russian spiritual and moral imperative, has a proactive attitude with regard to opposing asocial phenomena, radicalism, extremism, and terrorism in all forms; the socio-cultural conditions for preventing the extremist attitudes that contribute to pedagogic correction in the process of educational and leisure activities were revealed. Research value: the research showed that applying a complex of preventive measures with due account for the organizational-pedagogic, socio-psychological, professional socio-cultural conditions largely optimizes the activity on introduction of conceptual provisions of the state youth policy, and reduces the level of destructive behaviour in the student environment. The materials of the paper can be useful for the heads of educational structures of different level and other subjects of educational activity, and can be used in the outreach and volunteer activities of the youth non-governmental organizations.

IntroductionNPS MedicineWise delivers nationwide educational programs to improve quality use of medicines and medical tests in Australia. Targeted horizon scanning approaches are required to detect and address emerging challenges in the healthcare landscape such as overutilization and unexpectedly high expenditure on medicines and medical tests. Publicly available utilization and expenditure data from the Australian Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS) and Medicare Benefits Schedule (MBS) may provide insights into identifying potential areas for intervention.MethodsFive financial years (2013-18) of publicly available PBS/MBS data was extracted from Australian Government websites and clustered according to medicine class, disease groups or anatomical therapeutic chemical classification (ATC). Usage and expenditure trends were explored with signals of potential inappropriate use identified as unusual spikes or changes.ResultsPBS data showed two fixed dose combination inhalers for respiratory conditions, three direct oral anticoagulants, four analgesics (including opioids) and two blood glucose lowering agents had high volume and expenditure growths in the 2016-17 financial year. Cholesterol-reducing medicines and anti-hypertensives also commonly had high utilisation growth. The highest growth classified by ATC level two codes were for urologicals. These signals were collated into themes of stroke prevention, cardiovascular, respiratory, pain management and type two diabetes. MBS data on pathology tests showed viral and bacterial testing had the highest growth, followed by vitamin B12 testing and vitamin D testing. Magnetic resonance imaging had the highest growth in expenditure and volume of services of the various imaging modalities and X-ray of the lower leg had the highest volume of services.ConclusionsSeveral medicines and medical tests were detected as possible targets for interventions based on high volume or expenditure growth. Themes identified from the data can then be further investigated and contextualized to inform topic areas for primary care education to support quality use of medicines and medical tests.

The article summarizes the results of the IMEMO academic affairs in the first half of the 2000s. Like before, the Institute combined fundamental theoretical and applied research. In its work, IMEMO focused on the study of global, regional and national problems of the modern world. An important achievement of the Institute during these years was the prepared long-term forecast of the world economy development until 2015. The annual (2000–2005) analytical reports on the study of armed conflicts, their prevention and control, as well as of global and regional trends in the development of military expenses can be considered another achievement of this kind. These reports were prepared at IMEMO together with the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). IMEMO’s accomplishments include the fundamental work “Transitional Economy: Theoretical Aspects, Russian Problems, International Experience”. In this research, the theoretical problems of the transitional economy were deeply investigated with an emphasis on the achievements of world economic thought, international and accumulated Russian experience of transitional processes was analyzed. The IMEMO scientists were involved in comparative analysis of the influence of new factors (globalization, information civilization, integration processes, international terrorism, etc.) on modern Russia and foreign countries. Along with theoretical research, the Institute regularly prepared analytical materials and expert opinions for the Administration of the President of Russia, the Government, the Federation Council and the State Duma. The IMEMO employees took part in the preparation of materials for the annual messages of the President of Russia to the Federal Assembly, gave their recommendations on military reform and updating the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation. The Institute was engaged in constant monitoring of the economic and internal situation in various regions and major states of the modern world. The focus of IMEMO analysts was the foreign policy of the United States, the European Union countries, the states of the Middle East, Central Asia and Latin America, as well as the Asia-Pacific region. This ongoing work was carried out in various departments and sectors of the Institute. The author presents the directions and main results of the work of these scientific departments. In general, one of the indicators of the overall performance of IMEMO in 2001–2006 are 256 monographs, collections of scientific papers, conference materials, brochures and reports published by its employees. During these years, the results of current work began to be posted on the IMEMO website.

When people were startled by the Covid-19 attack with its dynamic new variants resulting in the increasing number of death tolls in Indonesia, the government strives to make efforts in pressing its deployment by releasing the policy of Public Activity Restrictions. The problem found at Ima’an village was the villagers’ lack of obedience in the 5M health protocol implementation. This research used qualitative research conducted online and offline with the data collection in the form of survey (questionnaire), interview, observation, and documentation. The result of this research was that, generally, Ima’an villagers understood the Covid-19, its transmission way, its symptoms, and its prevention. The health protocol implementation at that village was already good enough, such as mask utilization, handwashing habit, distance keeping, avoiding the crowd, decreasing mobility, and getting the vaccines. The implementation has become an effective way in the Covid-19 deployment suppression; this is proven by no single death caused by the Covid-19 virus at Ima’an village. Di saat masyarakat dihebohkan dengan serangan Covid-19 dengan varian barunya yang dinamis yang mengakibatkan jumlah kematian di Indonesia semakin meningkat, pemerintah berupaya untuk menekan penyebarannya dengan mengeluarkan kebijakan Pembatasan Aktivitas Masyarakat. Permasalahan yang ditemukan di Desa Ima’an adalah kurangnya kepatuhan masyarakat desa dalam penerapan protokol kesehatan 5M. Penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian kualitatif yang dilakukan secara online dan offline dengan pengumpulan data berupa survei (kuesioner), wawancara, observasi, dan dokumentasi. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah masyarakat desa Ima’an secara umum memahami tentang Covid-19, cara penularannya, gejalanya, dan pencegahannya. Pelaksanaan protokol kesehatan di desa tersebut sudah cukup baik, seperti penggunaan masker, kebiasaan cuci tangan, menjaga jarak, menghindari keramaian, mengurangi mobilitas, dan mendapatkan vaksin. Implementasinya menjadi salah satu cara efektif dalam penanggulangan penyebaran Covid-19; hal ini dibuktikan dengan tidak ada satu pun kematian akibat virus Covid-19 di Desa Ima’an.

Prevention of crimes, as well as their detection, their quality and timely investigation have always been a priority for the work of law enforcement bodies. One of the effective methods of counteracting crimes is crime detection and the criminal prosecution of perpetrators. At the same time, the law enforcement bodies do not always carry out crime investigation in a timely and comprehensive manner. The author presents framework measures of raising the quality of crime investigation through the improvement of, firstly, the mechanism of the legal regulation of genomic registration and, secondly, the forensic technical support of the detection, investigation and prevention of crimes in the context of three elements — legal basis, material and technical support, staffing. One of the effective methods of improving the clearance rate and prevention of crimes is the use of DNA-analysis and genotyposcopic expertise. In order to improve the quality of this expertise, the author has developed specific suggestions on amendments to the Federal Law «On State Genomic Registration in the Russian Federation» of December 3, 2008 № 242-ФЗ on a wider scope of persons for whom genomic registration is obligatory. The initiatives of scholars and practical workers regarding the introduction of DNA passports for citizens are briefly analyzed, and the international experience in this sphere is examined. The author also studied the Decrees of the President of the Russian Federation «On Developing Genomic Technologies in the Russian Federation» (together with the «Provision on the Council for the Implementation the Federal Research and Technical Program on the Development of Genetic Technologies in 2019–2027») of November 28, 2018 № 680, «On the Basics of the State Policy of the Russian Federation in Ensuring the Chemical and Biological Security until 2025 and Further Years» of March 11, 2019 № 97, which were implemented in the Federal Research and Technical Program of Developing Genetic Technologies in 2019–2027, approved by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of April 22, 2019 № 479. The author shares the opinion that obligatory genomic registration should be introduced for some categories of citizens as a factor of crime prevention.

Waste-to-energy (WtE) could prevent the production of up to 50 million tons of CO2 emissions that would otherwise be generated by burning fossil fuels. Yet, support for a large deployment of WtE plants is not universal because there is a widespread concern that energy from waste discourages recycling practices. Moreover, incineration plants generate air pollution and chemical waste residuals and are expensive to build compared to modern landfills that have appropriate procedures for the prevention of leakage of harmful gasses. In the context of the EU, this paper aims to provide a picture of the actual role of WtE as a disposal option for municipal solid waste (MSW), enabling it to be utilized as a source of clean energy, and to address two important aspects of the debate surrounding the use of WtE; namely, (i) the relationship between WtE and recycling, and (ii) the effects of decentralization, waste mobility, and plant ownership. Finally, it reviews the role of the EU as a supranational regulator, which may allow the lower government levels (where consumer preferences are better represented) to take decisions, while taking spillovers into account.

Ensuring environmental security in emergencies in Ukraine continues to be one of the main tasks of modern public policy at all levels of government. Due to the constant increase in the frequency and magnitude of emergencies (Emergency Situations), as well as human and material losses, measures to neutralize and prevent natural and man-made threats are of particular relevance. The purpose of the article is theoretical and methodological substantiation of mechanisms of state regulation of ecological safety in emergencies and determination of the main ways to improve their formation and functioning. The modern level of natural-technogenic danger has been investigated and it has been established that 140 – 150 technogenic accidents and catastrophes of regional and national importance occur annually in the territory of Ukraine. According to the UN, in most countries, natural and man-made disasters cause losses of 2 – 4 % in the structure of gross national product. Environmental risk is related to the following groups of factors: 1) technogenic; 2) natural; 3) socio-economic; 4) military; 5) political; 6) terrorism. In Ukraine there are territories with different levels of environmental safety, namely: ordinary (background), crisis, critical, catastrophic and after catastrophic (rehabilitation). The Chernobyl accident from emergency turned into catastrophic, as it caused a significant increase in cancer of the population, led to the depletion of a 30-kilometer zone for decades and led to radioactive contamination of the territory on 4.6 million hectares. In order to prevent and respond to emergencies in Ukraine, a Unified State System of Prevention and Response to Emergencies (EMU) has been established, and a number of laws and programs for the prevention and response to emergencies of anthropogenic and natural nature have been adopted. It is established that the mechanism of functional provision of ecological safety includes such types of state-legal measures as organizational, regulatory, regulatory, executive and enforcement measures. The main reasons for the deterioration of the environmental situation in Ukraine are identified: insufficient state control over the implementation of nature protection laws and economic incentives for resource and energy conservation, lack of effective laws on environmental protection and by-laws for their effective implementation, acceleration of negative economic, social and political environmental processes and more. Improvement of the mechanism of state regulation of environmental safety should cover its main four components, namely: economic, production, technical, organizational and state-legal. The most important activities need to be coordinated in terms of both components and time limits. It is necessary to create an effective mechanism for financing measures for the prevention and elimination of the consequences of emergencies, stimulating managers and business owners to reduce the level of natural and man-made hazard at the sites Today, there is a lag of our country from the developed countries of the world in the level of natural-technogenic security and the lack of a mechanism of state regulation of its provision. Improvement of the mechanism of state regulation of environmental safety should cover its main four components, namely: economic, production, technical, organizational and state-legal.

The analysis of modern health problems presented in the article revealed the need to more fully ensure the availability of medical services in the conditions of underfunding of the industry, the preservation of the able-bodied population, which actualizes the feasibility of studying at the regional level the possibilities for effective interaction between subjects of regional health policy as a contribution to strengthening the economic security of the regions. Today in Russia, the interaction between subjects in the field of regional healthcare is fragmented, an integrative intersectoral, interdepartmental approach is required in the field of protecting the health of the population of the region. Author's directions of effective interaction of subjects of regional policy in the field of health care are offered. Opportunities for improving the performance of regional health care on the part of government authorities are considered on the basis of determining the most priority areas for its development, developing tools to achieve the most significant targets in terms of preserving the population, reducing losses in the labor potential of the population of the region. Various options for integrative interdepartmental interaction of subjects of regional health care policy are presented on the example of the Sverdlovsk region. The possibility of achieving a significant improvement in medical and demographic indicators, including in comparison with the indicators of other regions, high economic effects due to the coordination of efforts of the regional health authorities, various departments, organizations in the implementation of programs for the development ofchildren's health care, injury prevention, and reduction of damage from chemical environmental pollution for the health of the population of the Sverdlovsk region. To solve the problems of resource provision of regional health care, the expediency of more actively attracting the participation of business, the development of public-private partnerships, and voluntary medical insurance is substantiated. The effectiveness of the creation of the Center for Nuclear Medicine in the Sverdlovsk Region within the framework of a public-private partnership has been proven. The proposed directions for effective interaction between the subjects of regional health policy will help preserve the population, reduce its mortality, including the working-age population, and ensure the economic security of the regions.

Art. 116 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland provides that a state of war and the conclusion of peace are declared by the Sejm acting in the name of the Republic of Poland. These two notions, having no constitutional definition, come under the rubric of established notions, i.e. concepts whose meaning derives from doctrinal findings and provisions of law, as well as from constitutional principles and values. The Sejm’s power to declare a state of war and, consequently, declare the conclusion of peace is part of Polish system-of-governance traditions. The parliament’s power to declare war actually characterizes most of the democratic systems, even if it could be argued that waiving this prerogative in practice characterizes it as well, reflecting the preponderance of the executive power in the domain of foreign policy. The wording of Art. 116 rules out an invasive war, also in the form of a war of prevention or a preventive self-defence. The Sejm may adopt the relevant resolution only in case of armed aggression against the territory of the Republic of Poland, or if international treaties impose an obligation of common defence against aggression, i.e. as a consequence of an act of aggression. Being of key importance for the constitutional regulation of war and peace, this constraint is commensurate with international law, which the Republic of Poland is required to respect pursuant to Art. 9 of the Constitution, and is also commensurate with the Preamble to the Constitution. In a democracy, acts of war – as an important government prerogative – may only be conducted pursuant to the relevant constitutional provisions which define the conditions that must be met for such acts to be legitimate. The conduct of a war, after all, does not warrant the suspension of the Constitution. A democratic state ruled by law must not conduct a war otherwise than on the basis, and within the constraints, of law – if it is to retain its constitutional identity. For the use of armed forces abroad to be commensurate with the Constitution, such use must not represent an act of aggression, nor can it represent any acts violating the principles of the United Nations Charter. If past experience is to be a guide, democratic constitutions are not capable of preventing anti-democratic changes in the system of governance, nor are they capable of preventing wars. War represents a failure of the Constitution, by destroying its foundation, the belief in inalienable and inherent dignity of the person.

Abstract. The Chinese government launched the Air Pollution Prevention and Control Action Plan in 2013, and various stringent measures have since been implemented, which have resulted in significant decreases in emissions and ambient concentrations of primary pollutants such as SO2, NOx, and particulate matter (PM). However, surface ozone (O3) concentrations have still been increasing in urban areas across the country. In a previous analysis, we examined in detail the roles of meteorological variation during 2013–2017 in the summertime surface O3 trend in various regions of China. In this study, we evaluated the effect of changes in multi-pollutant emissions from anthropogenic activities on O3 levels during the same period by using an up-to-date regional chemical transport model (WRF-CMAQ) driven by an interannual anthropogenic emission inventory. The Community Multiscale Air Quality (CMAQ) model was improved with regard to heterogeneous reactions of reactive gases on aerosol surfaces, which led to better model performance in reproducing the ambient concentrations of those gases. The model simulations showed that the maximum daily 8 h average (MDA8) O3 mixing ratio in urban areas increased by 0.46 ppbv per year (ppbv a−1) (p=0.001) from 2013 to 2017. In contrast, a slight decrease in MDA8 O3 by 0.17 ppbv a−1 (p=0.005) in rural areas was predicted, mainly attributable to the NOx emission reduction. The effects of changes in individual pollutant emissions on O3 were also simulated. The reduction of NOx emission increased the O3 levels in urban areas due to the nonlinear NOx and volatile organic compound (VOC) chemistry and decreasing aerosol effects; the slight increase in VOC emissions enhanced the O3 levels; the reduction of PM emissions increased the O3 levels by enhancing the photolysis rates and reducing the loss of reactive gases on aerosol surfaces; and the reduction of SO2 emissions resulted in a drastic decrease in sulfate concentrations, which increased O3 through aerosol effects. In contrast to the unfavorable effect of the above changes in pollutant emissions on efforts to reduce surface O3, the reduction of CO emissions did help to decrease the O3 level in recent years. The dominant cause of increasing O3 due to changes in anthropogenic emissions varied geographically. In Beijing, NOx and PM emission reductions were the two largest causes of the O3 increase; in Shanghai, the reduction of NOx and increase in VOC emissions were the two major causes; in Guangzhou, NOx reduction was the primary cause; in Chengdu, the PM and SO2 emission decreases contributed most to the O3 increase. Regarding the effects of decreasing concentrations of aerosols, the drop in heterogeneous uptake of reactive gases – mainly HO2 and O3 – was found to be more important than the increase in photolysis rates. The adverse effect of the reductions of NOx, SO2, and PM emissions on O3 abatement in Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Chengdu would have been avoided if the anthropogenic VOCs emission had been reduced by 24 %, 23 %, 20 %, and 16 %, respectively, from 2013 to 2017. Our analysis revealed that the NOx reduction in recent years has helped to contain the total O3 production in China. However, to reduce O3 levels in major urban and industrial areas, VOC emission controls should be added to the current NOx-SO2-PM policy.

In positive law, completion of terrorism in Indonesia solved through Penal Policy/Policies of criminal law by issuing and publishing various legal products, a Substitute Regulation of Law (Perpu) No. 1 of 2002 regarding the eradication of criminal acts of terrorism, reinforced into Law Act No. 15 of 2003 the Government is also issuing Substitute Regulation of Law (Perpu) No. 2 of 2002 regarding the enactment of the Substitute Regulation of Law (Perpu) No. 1 in 2002 reinforced into Law Act No.16 of 2003 and Law Act No. 9 of 2013 regarding the prevention and eradication of criminal acts of Terrorism Financing, until forming the anti terror units from both the indonesian army forces, police or non governmental institutions. Police (Densus 88) as the main actor of law enforcement and disruption network of terror along with the Attorney General and justice system.

ABSTRAKPenelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh adanya permasalahan yang ada dalam pelaksanaan sinergitas antara Polri, TNI dan masyarakat dalam rangka penanggulangan tindak pidana terorisme, dimana permasalahan tersebut menjadi problematika hukum saat diusulkan Rancangan Undang-Undang Terorisme. Permasalahan dalam penelitian ini adalah bagaimana problematika hukum dalam pelaksanaan sinergitas Polri, TNI dan Masyarakat dalam upaya penanggulangan tindak pidana terorisme, bagaimana kebijakan hukum pidana saat ini yang diterapkan dalam penanggulangan tindak pidana terorisme dan bagaimana kebijakan formulasi hukum pidana yang diterapkan dalam penanggulangan tindak pidana terorisme di masa yang akan datang.Metode penelitian ini yuridis empiris dengan metode pengumpulan data studi kepustakaan, wawancara dan pengamatan. Kerangka konseptual dalam penelitian meliputi konsep kebijakan hukum pidana, dan konsep tindak pidana terorisme. Sedangkan permasalahan ini dianalisis dengan menggunakan teori kedaulatan negara dan teori sistem hukum.Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa problematika hukum dalam pelaksanaan sinergitas Polri, TNI, Pemerintah dan Masyarakat dalam upaya penanggulangan tindak pidana terorisme di Indonesia berasal dari: perbedaan visi misi antara Polri dan TNI dalam tujuan dilakukannya sinergitas untuk pemberantasan tindak pidana terorisme; perbedaan pandangan mengenai RUU Terorisme antara Polri dan TNI. Kebijakan hukum pidana yang diterapkan saat ini dalam rangka penanggulangan tindak pidana terorisme di Indonesia antara lain dilakukan dengan cara penerapan UU Tentang Tindak Pidana Terorisme, UU Pemberantasan dan Pencegahan Tindak Pidana Pendanaan Terorisme dan UU Darurat tentang Senjata Api. Kebijakan formulasi hukum pidana di masa yang akan datang antara lain membuat perubahan dalam RUU penanggulangan tindak pidana terorisme khususnya dalam pasal 1 dengan memasukkan program deradikalisasi, deideologi ke dalam RUU tersebut, serta mengubah, menambah dan menyisipkan beberapa pasal ke dalam beberapa UU Penanggulangan Tindak Pidana Terorisme , yang dapat diterapkan melalui pendekatan politik yang dititikberatkan pada faktor penyebab terorisme.Key word: kebijakan formulasi hukum pidana, tindak pidana teorisme, problematika sinergitas Polri-TNI.ABSTRACT�. This research is motivated by the existence of existing problems in the implementation of synergy between Polri, TNI and society in order to overcome the crime of terrorism, where the problem becomes a legal problematical when proposed of Terrorism Act. The problem of this research is how the problem of law in the implementation of synergy of Polri, TNI and the Society in the effort of overcoming terrorism crime, how the current criminal law policy applied in countering terrorism act and how policy of criminal law formulation applied in countering terrorism crime in future.This research method is juridical empirical with data collection method of literature study, interview and observation. The conceptual framework in the study includes the concepts of criminal law policy, and the concept of criminal acts of terrorism. While this problem is analyzed by using the theory of state sovereignty and legal system theory.The results of this study indicate that the problem of law in the implementation of synergy of the Police, TNI, Government and Society in the effort to overcome terrorism in Indonesia comes from: the difference of mission vision between Polri and TNI in the purpose of synergy for eradication of terrorism crime; different views on the Terrorism Bill between the Police and the Armed Forces; the emergence of a narrow mindset from some people who think that the issuance of Perkapolri no. 7 of 2008 on Basic Guidelines for Strategy and Improvement of Community Policing in Policing of Polri Duties, is considered as an effort to match the activities undertaken by Babinsa formed by the TNI. The current criminal justice policy in the context of combating terrorism in Indonesia is done, among others, through the application of the Law on Terrorism Crime, the Law on Eradication and Prevention of Terrorism Financing and Emergency Law on Firearms. The policy of formulation of criminal law in the framework of solving legal problems as an effort to overcome terrorism in Indonesia in the future, among others, is carried out by making changes in the draft law on combating terrorism especially in article 1 by incorporating deradicalization program, deideologi into The bill, as well as amending articles 6, 14, 15, 25, 28, 31 and 33, adds to Article 10 and inserts articles 12 A, 12 B into between Article 12 and Article 13; insert article 13 A between Articles 13 and 14; inserting Article 16 A between Articles 16 and 17; insert article 28 A between Articles 28 and 29; and insert article 32 one paragraph between paragraphs (1) and paragraph (2) of Article 32, which can be applied through a political approach that is focused on the causes of terrorism.Key word: criminal law formulation policy, criminal theorism, problematic synergy of Polri-TNI.

Rapid industrialization is adversely impacting the environment globally. The study was carried out to evaluate the biophysical properties of samples contaminated by unplanned industrialization in terms of Effluent Treatment Plant (ETP) efficiency and availability. So, the study aims to evaluate the present scenario of water and air pollution by industrial discharges in order to create public awareness and its impact on public. The study area is Chittagong, the second largest metropolis of Bangladesh and the economic gateway of the country, is situated on the right bank of the river Karnaphuli. This research study was carried out in five industries as a sampling station before and after treatment of industrial discharges and covered mainly winter and dry seasons from Nov 2016 to July 2019.The obtained range of results of waste water were 151-454 mg L-1 for total suspended solids (TSS), 2129-2,999 mg L-1 for total dissolved solids (TDS), 2284-5710 mg L-1 for Total solids, 107-864mg L-1 for hardness, 2.26-7.02mg L-1 for dissolved oxygen, 61-191 mg L-1 for biochemical oxygen demand (BOD), 196-260 mg L-1 for chemical oxygen demand (COD), 0.009 mg L-1 for Cd, Here almost all the parameters of industrial discharges are out of range prescribed by the Department of Environment (DoE), Bangladesh which is so much frightening. So, the properly untreated industrial discharges mainly heavy metals are deposited in human bodies through food cycle and inhalation particulate matters impacts on human body. It was observed that all of the industries in the selected area did not establish the ETP section. Most of the used experimental industries almost possessed similar types of ETP and their effluent treatment ways were capable to decrease their different parameters but not effective to maintain the standard discharge limit prescribed by the DoE. Finally, it can be said that like terrorism, our government should take zero tolerance policy against industrial pollution for our existence and then we can save our environment.

Severe droughts and vast anthropogenic activities have propelled groundwater resource contamination in Iran. An accurate investigation of groundwater vulnerability objectively reflects an area’s potential for groundwater contamination and supplies a reference for contamination control and prevention. Therefore, the groundwater vulnerability of the Fasarood plain, south of Iran, was evaluated using the DRASTIC index (DI), Fuzzy-based DRASTIC index (FDI), Composite DRASTIC index (CDI), and Nitrate Vulnerability Index (NVI) methods. The input hydrogeological parameters were rated, weighted, and integrated via a geographical information system (GIS). The results of all models showed very low to moderate intrinsic and anthropogenic vulnerabilities to groundwater pollution. The zones with the most significant exposure may refer to geological formations and improper agriculture activity. The conclusions recommend that the area which was identified as having a higher groundwater pollution risk needs scientific land-use practise along with appropriate watershed management. The agriculturalists working in more vulnerable areas with high nitrate concentrations must begin practising an organic farming system and should replace chemical fertilisers with biofertilisers to reduce the groundwater contamination rate. Also, government departments should encourage reasonable control of groundwater pollution prohibition and withdraw based on changes in groundwater vulnerability in the area.

Photograph by Gonzalo Echeverria (2010)Declaring War Soon after Al Qaeda’s terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001, the Bush Administration described its new grand strategy: the “Global War on Terror”. This underpinned the subsequent counter-insurgency in Afghanistan and the United States invasion of Iraq in March 2003. Media pundits quickly applied the Global War on Terror label to the Madrid, Bali and London bombings, to convey how Al Qaeda’s terrorism had gone transnational. Meanwhile, international relations scholars debated the extent to which September 11 had changed the international system (Brenner; Mann 303). American intellectuals adopted several variations of the Global War on Terror in what initially felt like a transitional period of US foreign policy (Burns). Walter Laqueur suggested Al Qaeda was engaged in a “cosmological” and perpetual war. Paul Berman likened Al Qaeda and militant Islam to the past ideological battles against communism and fascism (Heilbrunn 248). In a widely cited article, neoconservative thinker Norman Podhoretz suggested the United States faced “World War IV”, which had three interlocking drivers: Al Qaeda and trans-national terrorism; political Islam as the West’s existential enemy; and nuclear proliferation to ‘rogue’ countries and non-state actors (Friedman 3). Podhoretz’s tone reflected a revival of his earlier Cold War politics and critique of the New Left (Friedman 148-149; Halper and Clarke 56; Heilbrunn 210). These stances attracted widespread support. For instance, the United States Marine Corp recalibrated its mission to fight a long war against “World War IV-like” enemies. Yet these stances left the United States unprepared as the combat situations in Afghanistan and Iraq worsened (Ricks; Ferguson; Filkins). Neoconservative ideals for Iraq “regime change” to transform the Middle East failed to deal with other security problems such as Pakistan’s Musharraf regime (Dorrien 110; Halper and Clarke 210-211; Friedman 121, 223; Heilbrunn 252). The Manichean and open-ended framing became a self-fulfilling prophecy for insurgents, jihadists, and militias. The Bush Administration quietly abandoned the Global War on Terror in July 2005. Widespread support had given way to policymaker doubt. Why did so many intellectuals and strategists embrace the Global War on Terror as the best possible “grand strategy” perspective of a post-September 11 world? Why was there so little doubt of this worldview? This is a debate with roots as old as the Sceptics versus the Sophists. Explanations usually focus on the Bush Administration’s “Vulcans” war cabinet: Vice President Dick Cheney, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfield, and National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice, who later became Secretary of State (Mann xv-xvi). The “Vulcans” were named after the Roman god Vulcan because Rice’s hometown Birmingham, Alabama, had “a mammoth fifty-six foot statue . . . [in] homage to the city’s steel industry” (Mann x) and the name stuck. Alternatively, explanations focus on how neoconservative thinkers shaped the intellectual climate after September 11, in a receptive media climate. Biographers suggest that “neoconservatism had become an echo chamber” (Heilbrunn 242) with its own media outlets, pundits, and think-tanks such as the American Enterprise Institute and Project for a New America. Neoconservatism briefly flourished in Washington DC until Iraq’s sectarian violence discredited the “Vulcans” and neoconservative strategists like Paul Wolfowitz (Friedman; Ferguson). The neoconservatives' combination of September 11’s aftermath with strongly argued historical analogies was initially convincing. They conferred with scholars such as Bernard Lewis, Samuel P. Huntington and Victor Davis Hanson to construct classicist historical narratives and to explain cultural differences. However, the history of the decade after September 11 also contains mis-steps and mistakes which make it a series of contingent decisions (Ferguson; Bergen). One way to analyse these contingent decisions is to pose “what if?” counterfactuals, or feasible alternatives to historical events (Lebow). For instance, what if September 11 had been a chemical and biological weapons attack? (Mann 317). Appendix 1 includes a range of alternative possibilities and “minimal rewrites” or slight variations on the historical events which occurred. Collectively, these counterfactuals suggest the role of agency, chance, luck, and the juxtaposition of better and worse outcomes. They pose challenges to the classicist interpretation adopted soon after September 11 to justify “World War IV” (Podhoretz). A ‘Two-Track’ Process for ‘World War IV’ After the September 11 attacks, I think an overlapping two-track process occurred with the “Vulcans” cabinet, neoconservative advisers, and two “echo chambers”: neoconservative think-tanks and the post-September 11 media. Crucially, Bush’s “Vulcans” war cabinet succeeded in gaining civilian control of the United States war decision process. Although successful in initiating the 2003 Iraq War this civilian control created a deeper crisis in US civil-military relations (Stevenson; Morgan). The “Vulcans” relied on “politicised” intelligence such as a United Kingdom intelligence report on Iraq’s weapons development program. The report enabled “a climate of undifferentiated fear to arise” because its public version did not distinguish between chemical, biological, radiological or nuclear weapons (Halper and Clarke, 210). The cautious 2003 National Intelligence Estimates (NIE) report on Iraq was only released in a strongly edited form. For instance, the US Department of Energy had expressed doubts about claims that Iraq had approached Niger for uranium, and was using aluminium tubes for biological and chemical weapons development. Meanwhile, the post-September 11 media had become a second “echo chamber” (Halper and Clarke 194-196) which amplified neoconservative arguments. Berman, Laqueur, Podhoretz and others who framed the intellectual climate were “risk entrepreneurs” (Mueller 41-43) that supported the “World War IV” vision. The media also engaged in aggressive “flak” campaigns (Herman and Chomsky 26-28; Mueller 39-42) designed to limit debate and to stress foreign policy stances and themes which supported the Bush Administration. When former Central Intelligence Agency director James Woolsey’s claimed that Al Qaeda had close connections to Iraqi intelligence, this was promoted in several books, including Michael Ledeen’s War Against The Terror Masters, Stephen Hayes’ The Connection, and Laurie Mylroie’s Bush v. The Beltway; and in partisan media such as Fox News, NewsMax, and The Weekly Standard who each attacked the US State Department and the CIA (Dorrien 183; Hayes; Ledeen; Mylroie; Heilbrunn 237, 243-244; Mann 310). This was the media “echo chamber” at work. The group Accuracy in Media also campaigned successfully to ensure that US cable providers did not give Al Jazeera English access to US audiences (Barker). Cosmopolitan ideals seemed incompatible with what the “flak” groups desired. The two-track process converged on two now infamous speeches. US President Bush’s State of the Union Address on 29 January 2002, and US Secretary of State Colin Powell’s presentation to the United Nations on 5 February 2003. Bush’s speech included a line from neoconservative David Frumm about North Korea, Iraq and Iran as an “Axis of Evil” (Dorrien 158; Halper and Clarke 139-140; Mann 242, 317-321). Powell’s presentation to the United Nations included now-debunked threat assessments. In fact, Powell had altered the speech’s original draft by I. Lewis “Scooter” Libby, who was Cheney’s chief of staff (Dorrien 183-184). Powell claimed that Iraq had mobile biological weapons facilities, linked to Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. However, the International Atomic Energy Agency’s (IAEA) Mohamed El-Baradei, the Defense Intelligence Agency, the State Department, and the Institute for Science and International Security all strongly doubted this claim, as did international observers (Dorrien 184; Halper and Clarke 212-213; Mann 353-354). Yet this information was suppressed: attacked by “flak” or given little visible media coverage. Powell’s agenda included trying to rebuild an international coalition and to head off weather changes that would affect military operations in the Middle East (Mann 351). Both speeches used politicised variants of “weapons of mass destruction”, taken from the counterterrorism literature (Stern; Laqueur). Bush’s speech created an inflated geopolitical threat whilst Powell relied on flawed intelligence and scientific visuals to communicate a non-existent threat (Vogel). However, they had the intended effect on decision makers. US Under-Secretary of Defense, the neoconservative Paul Wolfowitz, later revealed to Vanity Fair that “weapons of mass destruction” was selected as an issue that all potential stakeholders could agree on (Wilkie 69). Perhaps the only remaining outlet was satire: Armando Iannucci’s 2009 film In The Loop parodied the diplomatic politics surrounding Powell’s speech and the civil-military tensions on the Iraq War’s eve. In the short term the two track process worked in heading off doubt. The “Vulcans” blocked important information on pre-war Iraq intelligence from reaching the media and the general public (Prados). Alternatively, they ignored area specialists and other experts, such as when Coalition Provisional Authority’s L. Paul Bremer ignored the US State Department’s fifteen volume ‘Future of Iraq’ project (Ferguson). Public “flak” and “risk entrepreneurs” mobilised a range of motivations from grief and revenge to historical memory and identity politics. This combination of private and public processes meant that although doubts were expressed, they could be contained through the dual echo chambers of neoconservative policymaking and the post-September 11 media. These factors enabled the “Vulcans” to proceed with their “regime change” plans despite strong public opposition from anti-war protestors. Expressing DoubtsMany experts and institutions expressed doubt about specific claims the Bush Administration made to support the 2003 Iraq War. This doubt came from three different and sometimes overlapping groups. Subject matter experts such as the IAEA’s Mohamed El-Baradei and weapons development scientists countered the UK intelligence report and Powell’s UN speech. However, they did not get the media coverage warranted due to “flak” and “echo chamber” dynamics. Others could challenge misleading historical analogies between insurgent Iraq and Nazi Germany, and yet not change the broader outcomes (Benjamin). Independent journalists one group who gained new information during the 1990-91 Gulf War: some entered Iraq from Kuwait and documented a more humanitarian side of the war to journalists embedded with US military units (Uyarra). Finally, there were dissenters from bureaucratic and institutional processes. In some cases, all three overlapped. In their separate analyses of the post-September 11 debate on intelligence “failure”, Zegart and Jervis point to a range of analytic misperceptions and institutional problems. However, the intelligence community is separated from policymakers such as the “Vulcans”. Compartmentalisation due to the “need to know” principle also means that doubting analysts can be blocked from releasing information. Andrew Wilkie discovered this when he resigned from Australia’s Office for National Assessments (ONA) as a transnational issues analyst. Wilkie questioned the pre-war assessments in Powell’s United Nations speech that were used to justify the 2003 Iraq War. Wilkie was then attacked publicly by Australian Prime Minister John Howard. This overshadowed a more important fact: both Howard and Wilkie knew that due to Australian legislation, Wilkie could not publicly comment on ONA intelligence, despite the invitation to do so. This barrier also prevented other intelligence analysts from responding to the “Vulcans”, and to “flak” and “echo chamber” dynamics in the media and neoconservative think-tanks. Many analysts knew that the excerpts released from the 2003 NIE on Iraq was highly edited (Prados). For example, Australian agencies such as the ONA, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, and the Department of Defence knew this (Wilkie 98). However, analysts are trained not to interfere with policymakers, even when there are significant civil-military irregularities. Military officials who spoke out about pre-war planning against the “Vulcans” and their neoconservative supporters were silenced (Ricks; Ferguson). Greenlight Capital’s hedge fund manager David Einhorn illustrates in a different context what might happen if analysts did comment. Einhorn gave a speech to the Ira Sohn Conference on 15 May 2002 debunking the management of Allied Capital. Einhorn’s “short-selling” led to retaliation from Allied Capital, a Securities and Exchange Commission investigation, and growing evidence of potential fraud. If analysts adopted Einhorn’s tactics—combining rigorous analysis with targeted, public denunciation that is widely reported—then this may have short-circuited the “flak” and “echo chamber” effects prior to the 2003 Iraq War. The intelligence community usually tries to pre-empt such outcomes via contestation exercises and similar processes. This was the goal of the 2003 NIE on Iraq, despite the fact that the US Department of Energy which had the expertise was overruled by other agencies who expressed opinions not necessarily based on rigorous scientific and technical analysis (Prados; Vogel). In counterterrorism circles, similar disinformation arose about Aum Shinrikyo’s biological weapons research after its sarin gas attack on Tokyo’s subway system on 20 March 1995 (Leitenberg). Disinformation also arose regarding nuclear weapons proliferation to non-state actors in the 1990s (Stern). Interestingly, several of the “Vulcans” and neoconservatives had been involved in an earlier controversial contestation exercise: Team B in 1976. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) assembled three Team B groups in order to evaluate and forecast Soviet military capabilities. One group headed by historian Richard Pipes gave highly “alarmist” forecasts and then attacked a CIA NIE about the Soviets (Dorrien 50-56; Mueller 81). The neoconservatives adopted these same tactics to reframe the 2003 NIE from its position of caution, expressed by several intelligence agencies and experts, to belief that Iraq possessed a current, covert program to develop weapons of mass destruction (Prados). Alternatively, information may be leaked to the media to express doubt. “Non-attributable” background interviews to establishment journalists like Seymour Hersh and Bob Woodward achieved this. Wikileaks publisher Julian Assange has recently achieved notoriety due to US diplomatic cables from the SIPRNet network released from 28 November 2010 onwards. Supporters have favourably compared Assange to Daniel Ellsberg, the RAND researcher who leaked the Pentagon Papers (Ellsberg; Ehrlich and Goldsmith). Whilst Elsberg succeeded because a network of US national papers continued to print excerpts from the Pentagon Papers despite lawsuit threats, Assange relied in part on favourable coverage from the UK’s Guardian newspaper. However, suspected sources such as US Army soldier Bradley Manning are not protected whilst media outlets are relatively free to publish their scoops (Walt, ‘Woodward’). Assange’s publication of SIPRNet’s diplomatic cables will also likely mean greater restrictions on diplomatic and military intelligence (Walt, ‘Don’t Write’). Beyond ‘Doubt’ Iraq’s worsening security discredited many of the factors that had given the neoconservatives credibility. The post-September 11 media became increasingly more critical of the US military in Iraq (Ferguson) and cautious about the “echo chamber” of think-tanks and media outlets. Internet sites for Al Jazeera English, Al-Arabiya and other networks have enabled people to bypass “flak” and directly access these different viewpoints. Most damagingly, the non-discovery of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction discredited both the 2003 NIE on Iraq and Colin Powell’s United Nations presentation (Wilkie 104). Likewise, “risk entrepreneurs” who foresaw “World War IV” in 2002 and 2003 have now distanced themselves from these apocalyptic forecasts due to a series of mis-steps and mistakes by the Bush Administration and Al Qaeda’s over-calculation (Bergen). The emergence of sites such as Wikileaks, and networks like Al Jazeera English and Al-Arabiya, are a response to the politics of the past decade. They attempt to short-circuit past “echo chambers” through providing access to different sources and leaked data. The Global War on Terror framed the Bush Administration’s response to September 11 as a war (Kirk; Mueller 59). Whilst this prematurely closed off other possibilities, it has also unleashed a series of dynamics which have undermined the neoconservative agenda. The “classicist” history and historical analogies constructed to justify the “World War IV” scenario are just one of several potential frameworks. “Flak” organisations and media “echo chambers” are now challenged by well-financed and strategic alternatives such as Al Jazeera English and Al-Arabiya. Doubt is one defence against “risk entrepreneurs” who seek to promote a particular idea: doubt guards against uncritical adoption. Perhaps the enduring lesson of the post-September 11 debates, though, is that doubt alone is not enough. What is needed are individuals and institutions that understand the strategies which the neoconservatives and others have used, and who also have the soft power skills during crises to influence critical decision-makers to choose alternatives. Appendix 1: Counterfactuals Richard Ned Lebow uses “what if?” counterfactuals to examine alternative possibilities and “minimal rewrites” or slight variations on the historical events that occurred. The following counterfactuals suggest that the Bush Administration’s Global War on Terror could have evolved very differently . . . or not occurred at all. Fact: The 2003 Iraq War and 2001 Afghanistan counterinsurgency shaped the Bush Administration’s post-September 11 grand strategy. Counterfactual #1: Al Gore decisively wins the 2000 U.S. election. Bush v. Gore never occurs. After the September 11 attacks, Gore focuses on international alliance-building and gains widespread diplomatic support rather than a neoconservative agenda. He authorises Special Operations Forces in Afghanistan and works closely with the Musharraf regime in Pakistan to target Al Qaeda’s muhajideen. He ‘contains’ Saddam Hussein’s Iraq through measurement and signature, technical intelligence, and more stringent monitoring by the International Atomic Energy Agency. Minimal Rewrite: United 93 crashes in Washington DC, killing senior members of the Gore Administration. Fact: U.S. Special Operations Forces failed to kill Osama bin Laden in late November and early December 2001 at Tora Bora. Counterfactual #2: U.S. Special Operations Forces kill Osama bin Laden in early December 2001 during skirmishes at Tora Bora. Ayman al-Zawahiri is critically wounded, captured, and imprisoned. The rest of Al Qaeda is scattered. Minimal Rewrite: Osama bin Laden’s death turns him into a self-mythologised hero for decades. Fact: The UK Blair Government supplied a 50-page intelligence dossier on Iraq’s weapons development program which the Bush Administration used to support its pre-war planning. Counterfactual #3: Rogue intelligence analysts debunk the UK Blair Government’s claims through a series of ‘targeted’ leaks to establishment news sources. Minimal Rewrite: The 50-page intelligence dossier is later discovered to be correct about Iraq’s weapons development program. Fact: The Bush Administration used the 2003 National Intelligence Estimate to “build its case” for “regime change” in Saddam Hussein’s Iraq. Counterfactual #4: A joint investigation by The New York Times and The Washington Post rebuts U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell’s speech to the United National Security Council, delivered on 5 February 2003. Minimal Rewrite: The Central Intelligence Agency’s whitepaper “Iraq’s Weapons of Mass Destruction Programs” (October 2002) more accurately reflects the 2003 NIE’s cautious assessments. Fact: The Bush Administration relied on Ahmed Chalabi for its postwar estimates about Iraq’s reconstruction. Counterfactual #5: The Bush Administration ignores Chalabi’s advice and relies instead on the U.S. State Department’s 15 volume report “The Future of Iraq”. Minimal Rewrite: The Coalition Provisional Authority appoints Ahmed Chalabi to head an interim Iraqi government. Fact: L. Paul Bremer signed orders to disband Iraq’s Army and to De-Ba’athify Iraq’s new government. Counterfactual #6: Bremer keeps Iraq’s Army intact and uses it to impose security in Baghdad to prevent looting and to thwart insurgents. Rather than a De-Ba’athification policy, Bremer uses former Baath Party members to gather situational intelligence. Minimal Rewrite: Iraq’s Army refuses to disband and the De-Ba’athification policy uncovers several conspiracies to undermine the Coalition Provisional Authority. AcknowledgmentsThanks to Stephen McGrail for advice on science and technology analysis.References Barker, Greg. “War of Ideas”. PBS Frontline. Boston, MA: 2007. ‹http://www.pbs.org/frontlineworld/stories/newswar/video1.html› Benjamin, Daniel. “Condi’s Phony History.” Slate 29 Aug. 2003. ‹http://www.slate.com/id/2087768/pagenum/all/›. Bergen, Peter L. The Longest War: The Enduring Conflict between America and Al Qaeda. New York: The Free Press, 2011. Berman, Paul. Terror and Liberalism. 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