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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 20 February 2023

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1

Sykes, Robert. "Physical-Force Chartism: The Cotton District and the Chartist Crisis of 1839." International Review of Social History 30, no. 2 (August 1985): 207–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000111575.

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There is a real need to integrate local and national approaches to the study of Chartism. The inadequacies of the pioneering studies of the national movement certainly revealed the need to return to the local roots of the movement. However, the pattern of local studies largely established by the important volume of Chartist Studies edited by Asa Briggs has had some unfortunate consequences. The attempt to provide a comprehensive account of Chartism in a given locality, and cover the entire period from 1838 to 1848, has often precluded extended examination of key issues. Such matters as the relationship between Chartism and other forms of popular protest, Chartist ideology and tactics, the relationship between the Chartists and the middle class, and the whole cultural and organisational dimension of Chartism have only recently begun to receive detailed analysis. There has been a marked tendency for one of the most remarkable aspects of Chartism, the extent to which diverse localities were united in a national movement, to be obscured. Indeed it is evident that many historians returned to the local roots of Chartism without adequate assessments of Chartist ideology, tactics, national organisation and national leadership. Some important recent work has done much to enhance our understanding of such matters. A more meaningful assessment of how events in the localities interacted with the national movement is now possible.

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2

Clark, Anna. "The Rhetoric of Chartist Domesticity: Gender, Language, and Class in the 1830s and 1840s." Journal of British Studies 31, no. 1 (January 1992): 62–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385998.

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Who are compelling women and tender babes to procure the means of subsistence in the cotton factories—to be nipt in the bud, to be sacrificed at the shrine of Moloch? They are the rich, the capitalists. [Speech by Mr. Deegan, Chartist, at Stalybridge, 1839]A [Malthusian] pretended philosophy . . . crushes, through the bitter privations it inflicts upon us, the energies of our manhood, making our hearths desolate, our homes wretched, inflicting upon our heart's companions an eternal round of sorrow and despair. [Letter from George Harney to Yorkshire Chartists, 1838]Toryism just means ignorant children in rags, a drunken husband, and an unhappy wife. Chartism is to have a happy home, and smiling, intelligent, and happy families. [Speech by Mr. Macfarlane to Glasgow Chartists, 1839]Chartist political rhetoric was pervaded by images of domestic misery typified in these quotes. Historians have traditionally understood this stress on domesticity as a simple response to the Industrial Revolution's disruption of the home, either denigrating it as inchoate proletarian rage or celebrating it as a heroic defense of the working-class family. But domestic discontent was nothing new in the 1830s, for drink, wife beating, and sexual competition in the workplace had plagued plebeians for decades—if not centuries. Why then did it become such a potent political issue in the 1830s and 1840s? Following Gareth Stedman Jones, the question must be answered by analyzing Chartist domesticity not just as a reflection of social and economic changes, but as a trope that performed specific political functions in Chartist language.

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3

Sanders, Michael. "Plot and Character in Chartist Historiography." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 94, no. 1 (March 2018): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.94.1.5.

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Chartist historiography is inevitably inflected by the political desires of its authors. This desire, combined with the contingent nature of history, imparts a fictive dimension to Chartist historiography. In support of these claims, this article applies the literary concepts of plot and character to Mark Hovell’s The Chartist Movement (1918). It argues that Hovell’s political desire leads him to construct a tragic and entropic plot for Chartism, which is often contradicted by his own assessment of the movement’s vitality. Similarly, Hovell’s plotting is also driven by his reading of Chartism as a conflict between two characters, a flawed hero (Lovett) and a villain (O’Connor). The article closes with a close reading of Hovell’s characterisation of O’Connor, which demonstrates the skill with which he interweaves fact and interpretation.

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4

Turner, Michael J. "Ireland and Irishness in the political thought of Bronterre O'Brien." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 153 (May 2014): 40–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400003618.

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Chartism, though weak in Ireland, was the most significant popular political mobilisation in nineteenth-century Britain. Among its main architects was the Irish-born radical journalist and orator, Bronterre O'Brien. This article will describe and explain a key element in O’Brien’s politics. Dubbed ‘the schoolmaster of Chartism’ because of his contribution to the movement's intellectual foundations, O'Brien was one of the few Chartist leaders who had celebrity status, though he broke with other leaders and with the mainstream movement in the early 1840s. His influence waned thereafter and his reputation among historians of Chartism is mixed, but his thoughts about Irish issues circulated widely for a time and they offer suggestive revelations about Ireland's importance to radicals of the Chartist era, about wider debates concerning Irish society and its problems, and about contemporary concepts of Irishness.

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5

Roberts, Stephen. "BAPTIST AND CHARTIST." Baptist Quarterly 42, no. 8 (October 2008): 516–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/bqu.2008.42.8.002.

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6

SCRIVEN, TOM. "HUMOUR, SATIRE, AND SEXUALITY IN THE CULTURE OF EARLY CHARTISM." Historical Journal 57, no. 1 (January 29, 2014): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000186.

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ABSTRACTHistories of Chartism have tended to emphasize the hegemony of respectability within the movement, and with histories of the popular press have seen the 1830s as a decisive break with older radical traditions of sexual libertarianism, bawdy political culture, and a satirical, sometimes obscene print culture. However, the basis of this position is a partial reading of the evidence. Work on London Chartists has emphasized their moralistic politics and publications at the expense of their rich populist and satirical press and the clear survival of piracy and romantic literature well into the Chartist period. The neglect of an important early leader, Henry Vincent, has meant the bawdy, sensual, and sometimes scatological letters he sent to his cousin in London have been overlooked as a source on the moral life of the Chartist generation. This article will address this by studying Vincent's letters in the context of London's populist press, particularly the work of his friends John Cleave and Henry Hetherington. Vincent's humour and attitude towards sexuality clearly reflect a broader tendency in London radicalism, while his own efforts as a newspaper editor in Bath indicate that acerbic humour was an important aspect not just of Chartism's political critique, but of its appeal to the provincial working class.

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7

Turner, Michael J. "Thomas Perronet Thompson, “Sensible Chartism” and the Chimera of Radical Unity." Albion 33, no. 1 (2001): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000066370.

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Radical disunity and diffusion of effort were cardinal features of mid-nineteenth-century British politics, but only infrequently has Chartism been viewed in this context. Some historians of Chartism prefer to stress its economic roots, or treat it as a rational response to political events, or regard it as a collection of local mobilizations rather than an organized national movement. Others focus upon its democratic ideology and practice, its significance as a mass activity involving “outsiders” (the unskilled, women, the Irish), its symbols, dress, and other forms of display, or upon the deployment of military and police to combat Chartism at times of serious disorder (notably in 1839, 1842, and 1848). Some commentators regard Chartism as the basis for mid-Victorian working-class liberalism, commending the intelligent artisans of London who drew up the Charter, and condemning the violence of the Chartist North. For Dorothy Thompson Chartism was a political movement inspired by concern about threats to workers’ rights. Gareth Stedman Jones has argued that Chartist agitation marks a continuation of familiar pre-1832 radical aims and rhetoric, and that it must be explained with reference to the nature of the state, not class consciousness or the trade cycle.

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8

MESSNER, ANDREW. "LAND, LEADERSHIP, CULTURE, AND EMIGRATION: SOME PROBLEMS IN CHARTIST HISTORIOGRAPHY." Historical Journal 42, no. 4 (December 1999): 1093–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008663.

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In 1996 Miles Taylor published an historiographical review of Chartism in which he argued that our understanding of the movement has stagnated since the publication of important research by Gareth Stedman Jones and Dorothy Thompson in 1983–4. Taylor suggests that the new cultural history of politics (or the ‘linguistic turn’) is to blame for this ‘impasse’, and argues that scholars should consolidate the work of Stedman Jones and Thompson. I argue that Chartist historians should continue to engage with contemporary approaches. The new political history sheds light on some persistent problems of interpretation which Taylor passes over. It also raises the possibility of extending the study of Chartism into the colonial realm, an area historians have not yet seriously broached. In conclusion, a sketch is given of the significance of Chartist political culture in one episode of protest in the Australian colony of Victoria in 1853.

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9

Breton, Rob. "From Politics to Pope: An Account of the Group Aesthetic." Humanities 8, no. 1 (February 20, 2019): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h8010032.

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This paper discusses the study of Chartist and working-class literatures, noting that the pronounced development of aesthetic criticism in these areas uncomfortably corresponds with the rejection of “aesthetics” in other fields. Chartist, working-class, and laboring-class scholars have broken free from monolithically sociological or political readings that only a generation ago too often dismissed artistic endeavors as, at best, merely a re-accenting of the mainstream. Current studies focus on the aesthetic innovations that emerged out of working-class entanglements with mainstream counterparts. The paper argues that the rejection of “aesthetics” generally fails to recognize marginalized and group aesthetics (including the critical work done on marginalized and group aesthetics) and specifically what it meant for a political cohort—the Chartists are my example—to think aesthetically.

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10

Gibson, Josh. "The Chartists and the Constitution: Revisiting British Popular Constitutionalism." Journal of British Studies 56, no. 1 (January 2017): 70–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2016.121.

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AbstractDespite having a powerful influence on the historiography of radicalism and nineteenth-century politics for the past several decades, the language of the constitution has not recently received scholarly attention. In Chartist and radical historiography, the constitution is usually treated as a narrative of national political development. This article extends the horizons of Chartist constitutionalism by exploring its similarities with American constitutionalism. By doing so, it also opens up questions regarding the ideas of the movement. Like the Americans sixty years before, the Chartists were confronted by a parliament that they believed had superseded its constitutional authority. This perception was informed by a belief that the constitution rested on the authority of the fixed principles of fundamental law, which they argued placed limits beyond which Parliament had no power to reach. As a result, the Chartists imagined that the British constitution functioned like a written constitution. To support this claim, they drew on a sophisticated interpretation of English law that argued that the common law was closely related to natural law.

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11

Ledger, Sally. "Chartist Aesthetics in the Mid Nineteenth Century: Ernest Jones, a Novelist of the People." Nineteenth-Century Literature 57, no. 1 (June 1, 2002): 31–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2002.57.1.31.

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This essay posits that the turn of Chartist writers to popular fiction and the writing of melodrama in the 1840s was part of an attempt to reharness radicalism to populism, at a time when the new commercial press was increasingly luring lower-class readers away from the radical press. Distinguishing carefully between radical, popular radical, and commercial popular fiction and journalism at the mid-century, the essay argues that while the radical press of the 1810s and 1820s had had a broad popular readership, Chartism was the first radical movement that had to compete with the new Sunday newspapers. Focusing on the novels of Ernest Jones, one of Chartism'slate, great leaders, the essay counters recent arguments for the essentially conservative or anti-activist thrust of melodramatic writing, arguing that a less formalist, more materialist account of the way that melodrama circulated in the cultural economy of the mid-century produces a more "radical" apprehension of its cultural politics. The essay also argues that Chartism'sturn to melodrama coincided with the rise of a political vocabulary of class identity and class conflict within Chartist discourse. While Chartism'sinitial investment in a Liberal Reformist language of individual rights had lent itself to the lyric individualism of Romantic poetry, the binary oppositions and frequently violent conflicts that characterize melodrama made it the preferred genre for later Chartist scribes.

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12

Robson, Ann, and Jutta Schwarzkopf. "Women in the Chartist Movement." American Historical Review 98, no. 1 (February 1993): 166. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166434.

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13

Nash, David, Jutta Schwartzkopf, and Jane Lewis. "Women in the Chartist Movement." Economic History Review 47, no. 1 (February 1994): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2598232.

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14

Breton, Rob. "Crime Reporting in Chartist Newspapers." Media History 19, no. 3 (August 2013): 244–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13688804.2013.820104.

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15

McCandless, Amy Thompson. "Women in the Chartist movement." History: Reviews of New Books 21, no. 1 (July 1992): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1992.9950695.

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16

Leveratt, Mandy, and Jutta Schwarzkopf. "Women in the Chartist Movement." Labour History, no. 65 (1993): 228. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27509216.

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17

Chase, Malcolm. "‘Packed Tightly with the Strong Meat of History and Political Economy’." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 94, no. 1 (March 2018): 40–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.94.1.4.

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This article provides the first detailed account of Mark Hovell’s The Chartist Movement, focusing on the overall achievement of the work as published in 1918, contemporary reactions to the circumstances of its production, and the ways in which Hovell’s research cemented twentieth-century dominant narratives around the rise and fall of Chartism. The article also offers a counterfactual evaluation of Hovell’s manuscript, focusing on the probable direction of his vision of Chartism, and suggesting how the work completed by Hovell (had he lived) might have looked compared with the version eventually produced by Tout.

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18

Paz, D. G. "The Chartists and the English Reformation." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 90, no. 1 (March 2014): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.90.1.2.

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This article addresses three topics. It describes Chartisms creation of a ‘peoples history’ as an alternative to middle-class history, whether Whig or Tory. It locates the sources, most of which have not been noticed before, for the Chartist narrative of the English Reformation. William Cobbetts reinterpretation of the English Reformation is well known as a source for the working-class narrative; William Howitts much less familiar but more important source, antedating Cobbetts History of the Protestant Reformation in England, is used for the first time. The article reconstructs that narrative using printed and manuscript lectures and published interpretations dating from the first discussions of the Peoples Charter in 1836 to the last Chartist Convention in 1858. The manuscript lectures of Thomas Cooper are an essential but little-used source. The article contributes to historical understanding of the intellectual life of the English working class.

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19

WESTERHOFF, FRANK H. "MARKET DEPTH AND PRICE DYNAMICS: A NOTE." International Journal of Modern Physics C 15, no. 07 (September 2004): 1005–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0129183104006455.

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This note explores the consequences of nonlinear price impact functions on price dynamics within the chartist–fundamentalist framework. Price impact functions may be nonlinear with respect to trading volume. As indicated by recent empirical studies, a given transaction may cause a large (small) price change if market depth is low (high). Simulations reveal that such a relationship may create endogenous complex price fluctuations even if the trading behavior of chartists and fundamentalists is linear.

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20

Baradi, Naveen Kumar, and Sanjay Mohapatra. "The Use of Technical and Fundamental Tools By Indian Stock Brokers." International Journal of Business Analytics 2, no. 1 (January 2015): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijban.2015010104.

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This paper presents findings of an online questionnaire survey on the perceived importance of chartist/technical and fundamental analysis and the usage of Chartist Methods and Services and Valuation Techniques among stock brokers of Bombay Stock Exchange, India. Stock brokers rely more on fundamental analysis vis-à-vis technical analysis at longer forecasting horizons and rely more on technical analysis at shorter forecasting horizons. Among Chartist Methods and Services, Sentiment Indicators were most used and Chart Company or Analyst was least used by brokers. Among Valuation Techniques, Earnings Multiple Methods were most used and Dividend Discount Models were least used by brokers. Stock brokers' age correlates with usage of sentiment indicators and their gender correlates with the usage of computer graphics and services. Regarding the use of chartist / technical and fundamental analysis on seven forecasting horizons, four distinct forecasting styles among stock brokers could be identified through cluster analysis.

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21

Nam, Cheolho. "The Scotland Chartist Movement and Press." DAEGU HISTORICAL REVIEW 148 (August 31, 2022): 247–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17751/dhr.148.247.

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22

Vargo. "Chartist Drama: The Performance of Revolt." Victorian Studies 61, no. 1 (2018): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/victorianstudies.61.1.01.

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23

Taylor, Miles. "The Literary Turn in Chartist Studies." Journal of Victorian Culture 24, no. 2 (March 13, 2019): 267–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jvcult/vcz009.

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24

Allen, Joan, and Owen Ashton. "Editorial: New Directions in Chartist Studies." Labour History Review 74, no. 1 (April 2009): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/174581809x408366.

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25

Gurney, Peter. "Exclusive Dealing in the Chartist Movement." Labour History Review 74, no. 1 (April 2009): 90–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/174581809x408410.

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26

Hansen, Astrid. "3. Francis Butterfield, Chartist, of Wilsden." Brontë Studies 41, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 110–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14748932.2016.1147270.

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27

Fabretti, Annalisa. "A Dynamical Model for Financial Market: Among Common Market Strategies Who and How Moves the Price to Fluctuate, Inflate, and Burst?" Mathematics 10, no. 5 (February 22, 2022): 679. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/math10050679.

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A piecewise linear dynamical model is proposed for a stock price. The model considers the price is driven by three rather standard demand components: chartist, fundamental and market makers. The chartist demand component is related to the study of differences between moving averages. This generates a high order system characterized by a piecewise linear map not trivial to study. The model has been studied analytically in its fixed points and dynamics and then numerically. Results are in line with the related literature: the fundamental demand component helps the stability of the system and keeps prices bounded; market makers satisfy their role of restoring stability, while the chartist demand component produces irregularity and chaos. However, in some cases, the chartist demand component assumes the role to compensate the fundamental demand component, felt in an autogenerated loop, and pushes the dynamics to equilibrium. This fact suggests that the instability must not be searched into the nature of the different investment styles rather in the relative proportion of the contribution of market actors.

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28

Syarifuddin, Ferry, Noer Azam Achsani, Dedi Budiman Hakim, and Toni Bakhtiar. "FOREIGN EXCHANGE EXPECTATIONS IN INDONESIA: REGIME SWITCHING CHARTISTS AND FUNDAMENTALISTS APPROACH." Buletin Ekonomi Moneter dan Perbankan 17, no. 2 (January 29, 2015): 197–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.21098/bemp.v17i2.49.

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In this research, the effect of central bank intervention within a heterogeneous expectation exchange rate model is investigated. The results are supporting both chartists and fundamentalist regimes. In the period investigated, chartist dominates in determining the exchange rate. While BI foreign exchange intervention can effectively push the market exchange-rate to its long-run fundamental equilibrium, however, Bank Indonesia’s effort to exert a stabilizing effect of foreign exchange interventions, the result does not show a success. Keywords: exchange rates, foreign-exchange intervention, switching regression JEL Classification: F31, E52, C24

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29

Ariouat, Jacqueline Fellague. "Rethinking Partisanship in the Conduct of the Chartist Trials, 1839–1848." Albion 29, no. 4 (1997): 596–621. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051885.

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Between 1839 and 1848, the government and legal authorities in England and Wales were confronted with a popular movement of unprecedented size and energy. The numbers involved in active protest and in actual or potential disorder were much greater, and they were diffused over a wider geographical area and longer timespan, than any other protest movement up to recent times. Many departments of the political and legal system were engaged at some level in dealing with Chartist activity, from the Crown and Home Office to the local magistrates and special constables.In 1839 committals for protest crimes comprised 5 percent of all committals to the assizes and quarter sessions. The figures for 1842 and 1848 were 7.5 percent and 4.5 percent, respectively. In some areas the percentage was much higher. Committals for indictable riotous offenses in Lancashire in 1842 totaled 12 percent of all committals, and those in Staffordshire 19.5 percent. Nearly 2,000 Chartists were committed for trial at the assizes alone. About four times that number passed through the lower courts. Just under 90 percent of Chartists tried at the assizes were convicted.

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30

Gilbert, Pamela K. "HISTORY AND ITS ENDS IN CHARTIST EPIC." Victorian Literature and Culture 37, no. 1 (March 2009): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150309090032.

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In the mid-1800s, two significant and widelyread Chartist poems appeared, both written in prison by Chartist organizers, and both using the epic form to interrogate the present, body forth a utopian future, and rewrite a history conceived both as broadly human and specifically national. These long poems, Thomas Cooper'sPurgatory of Suicides(1845) and Ernest Jones'sThe New World, first published in 1851 and then republished after 1857 as theRevolt of Hindostan, have much to tell us about how radicals envisioned the history of Britain, its relationship with empire, and the fulfillment of the ends of history. Cooper's poem proceeds in ten books, written in Spenserian stanzas, in which he dreams of visiting a purgatory of suicides: mythical and historical personages who have committed suicide debate the reasons for their condition and the condition of the world. Jones's poem was written in couplets, supposedly on the torn pages of a prayer book, in his own blood. The poem surveys the rise and fall of multiple empires, and also surveys recent political history closer to home. The two poems look to the past and the future, to universal history and its end. They thus participate in utopian political discourse, with its emphasis on the end of history, as well as the epic tradition. Both utopian and epic discourse in this period were affiliated with specifically national narratives, and the internationalist and universal elements of the poems sometimes inhabit these genres uneasily. Additionally, both poets attend to the religious tradition of eschatological discourse that underlies the secular notion of the end of history, and work to reconcile it with the political vision they are promoting. These writers use unique combinations of spatial and temporal frames to achieve the reconciliation of their diverse goals with the genres and discourses that they claim and transform.

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31

Breton, Rob. "DIVERTING THE DRUNKARD'S PATH: CHARTIST TEMPERANCE NARRATIVES." Victorian Literature and Culture 41, no. 1 (January 18, 2013): 139–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150312000277.

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In the anonymous “The Charter and the Land” (1847), a story about the Chartist Land Co-operative Society, William Wright's drunkard's path is remarkably short and his subsequent journey to teetotalism is astonishingly easy. Displaced in urban London and without sustainable work, Wright slowly and somewhat predictably takes to the bottle. The lack of detail the author gives regarding Wright's waywardness suggests that the narrative was common enough to be truncated. Unemployment, poverty, and forced idleness receive a good deal more attention than the ensuing moral downfall. Still, Wright's wife grows increasingly worried as the small amount of money she brings home is cruelly taken from her and spent by her husband in the alehouse, and not on food for the children. After witnessing familial conflicts over spending, readers familiar with the drunkard trope might expect spousal abuse, crime, and death. But one day, out of the blue, Wright says he has for weeks given up drink, instead using the family money to purchase lottery tickets for a stake in the Land Co-operative Society, what was to become the National Land Company in 1846. Feargus O'Connor founded the Company in 1845 in part to allow urban working classes to return to a more rural and stable way of life and in part to create working-class landowners who could subsequently qualify for the franchise. Wright wins a few acres of land outside of London and though the work promises to be challenging, he is happy to have it. The Wright family settles happily in their new home and has nothing but the possibility of more unmitigated happiness to celebrate. Pleasing his wife to no end, Wright promises total abstinence and the story comes to an abrupt conclusion.

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32

Nesvet, Rebecca. "Gregory Vargo, ed. Chartist Drama." Victoriographies 13, no. 1 (March 2023): 121–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/vic.2023.0483.

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33

Johnman, Lewis, and John Saville. "1848, the British State and the Chartist Movement." Economic History Review 41, no. 4 (November 1988): 647. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596614.

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34

Epstein, James, and John Saville. "1848: The British State and the Chartist Movement." American Historical Review 94, no. 3 (June 1989): 764. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873830.

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35

Xu, Hai-Chuan, Wei Zhang, Xiong Xiong, and Wei-Xing Zhou. "Wealth Share Analysis with “Fundamentalist/Chartist” Heterogeneous Agents." Abstract and Applied Analysis 2014 (2014): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/328498.

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We build a multiassets heterogeneous agents model with fundamentalists and chartists, who make investment decisions by maximizing the constant relative risk aversion utility function. We verify that the model can reproduce the main stylized facts in real markets, such as fat-tailed return distribution and long-term memory in volatility. Based on the calibrated model, we study the impacts of the key strategies’ parameters on investors’ wealth shares. We find that, as chartists’ exponential moving average periods increase, their wealth shares also show an increasing trend. This means that higher memory length can help to improve their wealth shares. This effect saturates when the exponential moving average periods are sufficiently long. On the other hand, the mean reversion parameter has no obvious impacts on wealth shares of either type of traders. It suggests that no matter whether fundamentalists take moderate strategy or aggressive strategy on the mistake of stock prices, it will have no different impact on their wealth shares in the long run.

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36

Dibeh, Ghassan, and Haidar M. Harmanani. "A Stochastic Chartist–Fundamentalist Model with Time Delays." Computational Economics 40, no. 2 (June 2, 2012): 105–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10614-012-9329-8.

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37

Drapeau, Thierry. "‘Look at our Colonial Struggles’: Ernest Jones and the Anti-Colonialist Challenge to Marx’s Conception of History." Critical Sociology 45, no. 7-8 (November 17, 2017): 1195–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920517739094.

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This article seeks to restore the influential role of the Chartist activist, writer and poet, Ernest Jones (1819–1869), on Marx’s shift toward a multilinear conception of history in the early 1850s. Living in exile in London, Marx developed a close and long-lasting friendship and intellectual partnership with Jones, and actively contributed to his Chartist weeklies, Notes to the People (1851–1852) and the People’s Paper (1852–1858), during which he was directly exposed to, and thus influenced by, Jones’ anti-colonialist outlook. Based on circumstantial and cross-textual evidence, this article shows that starting in 1853 Marx appears to have drawn insights from Jones’ writings as he was changing his views on the progressiveness of Western colonialism, particularly the British kind in India. Seemingly imbued with the radical intellectual environment in which he gravitated in London, Marx followed his Chartist comrade and converged increasingly toward a similar anti-colonialist position, thus breaking with the Eurocentric, unilinear framework of historical development that characterized The Communist Manifesto (1848). Recovering the impact that Jones had on Marx’s intellectual trajectory in the 1850s brings to the fore the contribution of English radical politics in the early development of Marxism, especially as regard to the nexus between anti-colonialism and world revolution.

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38

Belchem, John C. "Radical Language and Ideology in Early Nineteenth-Century England: The Challenge of the Platform." Albion 20, no. 2 (1988): 247–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050044.

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There is no uniform technique for the study of popular protest and ideology: different periods require different forms of analysis. Historians of the eighteenth-century crowd, for example, have to de-code the rituals, symbols, violence, and theatre of seemingly tumultuous collective behavior in order to infer the legitimizing aims and beliefs of the plebeians who were so rebellious in defense of custom. Students of Chartism, by contrast, have a less daunting task. They have merely to consult the movement's literature and propaganda, the very language of which, it is now argued, did not simply mediate but actually served to determine the nature and limitations of proletarian ideology in early nineteenth-century England. There is no need to de-code or decipher this public political language: it must be read as it was phrased, within the structural conventions and constraints of traditional oppositional discourse. Eschewing the orthodox social and economic interpretations of Chartism, Gareth Stedman Jones has insisted that the movement's altogether political language was neither symbolic nor anachronistic. It was political monopoly, the Chartists proclaimed and believed, which led to polarization and immiseration; it was political power, therefore, secured by the venerable Six Points, which would facilitate economic and social amelioration. Phrased in the traditional radical idiom of political exclusion, the Chartist challenge acquired unprecedented conjunctural relevance and force in the 1830s as parliament and the state were reformed at the expense of the unrepresented. Regional rental variations notwithstanding, the uniform £10 franchise of the 1832 Reform Act left the working class alone as the excluded and unrepresented people, separated from the “shopocrats” who acquired the vote and joined the ranks of the politically privileged.

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Roberts, Matthew. "Archive Report: Labouring in the Un-digitized Chartist Archive." Labour History Review 80, no. 2 (January 2015): 195–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2015.8.

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Sanders, Mike. "The Chartist Text in an Age of Digital Reproduction." Journal of Victorian Culture 14, no. 2 (January 2009): 301–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1355550209000861.

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41

Chase, M. "'Wholesome Object Lessons': The Chartist Land Plan in Retrospect." English Historical Review 118, no. 475 (February 1, 2003): 59–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/118.475.59.

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42

Pickering, Paul A. "CLASS WITHOUT WORDS: SYMBOLIC COMMUNICATION IN THE CHARTIST MOVEMENT." Past and Present 112, no. 1 (1986): 144–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/112.1.144.

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43

Paz, D. G. "Researching and Teaching the Chartist Movement: Three Historiographical Challenges." Historian 72, no. 4 (December 1, 2010): 847–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.2010.00278.x.

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HORST, ULRICH, and CHRISTIAN ROTHE. "QUEUING, SOCIAL INTERACTIONS, AND THE MICROSTRUCTURE OF FINANCIAL MARKETS." Macroeconomic Dynamics 12, no. 2 (April 2008): 211–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1365100507070010.

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We consider an agent-based model of financial markets with asynchronous order arrival in continuous time. Buying and selling orders arrive in accordance with a Poisson dynamics where the order rates depend both on past prices and on the mood of the market. The agents form their demand for an asset on the basis of their forecasts of future prices and their forecasting rules may change over time as a result of the influence of other traders. Among the possible rules are “chartist” or extrapolatory rules. We prove that when chartists are in the market, and with choice of scaling, the dynamics of asset prices can be approximated by an ordinary delay differential equation. The fluctuations around the first-order approximation follow an Ornstein–Uhlenbeck dynamics with delay in a random environment of investor sentiment.

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Vargo, Greg. "LITERATURE FROM BELOW: RADICALISM AND POPULAR FICTION." Victorian Literature and Culture 44, no. 2 (May 10, 2016): 439–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150315000728.

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In The Poetry of Chartism (2009), Mike Sanders describes the temptation which confronts literary scholars of working-class and radical political movements to present their endeavors as “archival work [of] discovery, a bringing to light of long forgotten artefacts” (36). Such posture, though dramatic, is unwarranted in Sanders's view because a critical tradition beginning in the late nineteenth century has continued to republish, analyze, and appreciate the writing of Chartist poets. Yet, if the temptation persists (for students of radical poetry and fiction alike), it does so for reasons beyond the difficulties inherent in accessing literature printed in ephemeral newspapers by movements which suffered state persecution. New generations of scholars must “discover” the radical corpus anew because in a profound sense this corpus has not been integrated into broader literary history but has remained a separate tradition, found and lost again and again.

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Gibson, Josh. "Natural Right and the Intellectual Context of Early Chartist Thought." History Workshop Journal 84 (2017): 194–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbx038.

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Gurney, Peter J. "The Democratic Idiom: Languages of Democracy in the Chartist Movement." Journal of Modern History 86, no. 3 (September 2014): 566–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/676730.

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Kirk, Neville. "The Chartist Legacy, Owen Ashton, Robert Fyson and Stephen Roberts." English Historical Review 116, no. 465 (February 2001): 246–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/116.465.246.

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Read, D. "Papers for the People: A Study of the Chartist Press." English Historical Review CXXII, no. 499 (December 21, 2007): 1435–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cem321.

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Kirk, N. "The Chartist Legacy, Owen Ashton, Robert Fyson and Stephen Roberts." English Historical Review 116, no. 465 (February 1, 2001): 246–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/116.465.246.

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