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Journal articles on the topic 'Chartism'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Sykes, Robert. "Physical-Force Chartism: The Cotton District and the Chartist Crisis of 1839." International Review of Social History 30, no. 2 (August 1985): 207–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000111575.

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There is a real need to integrate local and national approaches to the study of Chartism. The inadequacies of the pioneering studies of the national movement certainly revealed the need to return to the local roots of the movement. However, the pattern of local studies largely established by the important volume of Chartist Studies edited by Asa Briggs has had some unfortunate consequences. The attempt to provide a comprehensive account of Chartism in a given locality, and cover the entire period from 1838 to 1848, has often precluded extended examination of key issues. Such matters as the relationship between Chartism and other forms of popular protest, Chartist ideology and tactics, the relationship between the Chartists and the middle class, and the whole cultural and organisational dimension of Chartism have only recently begun to receive detailed analysis. There has been a marked tendency for one of the most remarkable aspects of Chartism, the extent to which diverse localities were united in a national movement, to be obscured. Indeed it is evident that many historians returned to the local roots of Chartism without adequate assessments of Chartist ideology, tactics, national organisation and national leadership. Some important recent work has done much to enhance our understanding of such matters. A more meaningful assessment of how events in the localities interacted with the national movement is now possible.

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2

Wells, Roger. "Southern Chartism." Rural History 2, no. 1 (April 1991): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793300002612.

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Chartism, the first genuinely working-class mass political movement, has attracted numerous general, regional, and local histories. The overwhelming proportion of these works concentrate on Chartism's strongholds in London, provincial urban centres, and the theatres of industrialism — including those in Scotland and Wales. Yet despite these regional characteristics, the common assumption is that Chartism was a national movement. This assumption is implicit in works including J.T. Ward's Chartism, while Dorothy Thompson, the author of the most recent notionally national overview, suggests that countryside Chartism has been underestimated.

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3

Turner, Michael J. "Thomas Perronet Thompson, “Sensible Chartism” and the Chimera of Radical Unity." Albion 33, no. 1 (2001): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000066370.

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Radical disunity and diffusion of effort were cardinal features of mid-nineteenth-century British politics, but only infrequently has Chartism been viewed in this context. Some historians of Chartism prefer to stress its economic roots, or treat it as a rational response to political events, or regard it as a collection of local mobilizations rather than an organized national movement. Others focus upon its democratic ideology and practice, its significance as a mass activity involving “outsiders” (the unskilled, women, the Irish), its symbols, dress, and other forms of display, or upon the deployment of military and police to combat Chartism at times of serious disorder (notably in 1839, 1842, and 1848). Some commentators regard Chartism as the basis for mid-Victorian working-class liberalism, commending the intelligent artisans of London who drew up the Charter, and condemning the violence of the Chartist North. For Dorothy Thompson Chartism was a political movement inspired by concern about threats to workers’ rights. Gareth Stedman Jones has argued that Chartist agitation marks a continuation of familiar pre-1832 radical aims and rhetoric, and that it must be explained with reference to the nature of the state, not class consciousness or the trade cycle.

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4

SCRIVEN, TOM. "HUMOUR, SATIRE, AND SEXUALITY IN THE CULTURE OF EARLY CHARTISM." Historical Journal 57, no. 1 (January 29, 2014): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000186.

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ABSTRACTHistories of Chartism have tended to emphasize the hegemony of respectability within the movement, and with histories of the popular press have seen the 1830s as a decisive break with older radical traditions of sexual libertarianism, bawdy political culture, and a satirical, sometimes obscene print culture. However, the basis of this position is a partial reading of the evidence. Work on London Chartists has emphasized their moralistic politics and publications at the expense of their rich populist and satirical press and the clear survival of piracy and romantic literature well into the Chartist period. The neglect of an important early leader, Henry Vincent, has meant the bawdy, sensual, and sometimes scatological letters he sent to his cousin in London have been overlooked as a source on the moral life of the Chartist generation. This article will address this by studying Vincent's letters in the context of London's populist press, particularly the work of his friends John Cleave and Henry Hetherington. Vincent's humour and attitude towards sexuality clearly reflect a broader tendency in London radicalism, while his own efforts as a newspaper editor in Bath indicate that acerbic humour was an important aspect not just of Chartism's political critique, but of its appeal to the provincial working class.

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5

Turner, Michael J. "Ireland and Irishness in the political thought of Bronterre O'Brien." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 153 (May 2014): 40–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400003618.

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Chartism, though weak in Ireland, was the most significant popular political mobilisation in nineteenth-century Britain. Among its main architects was the Irish-born radical journalist and orator, Bronterre O'Brien. This article will describe and explain a key element in O’Brien’s politics. Dubbed ‘the schoolmaster of Chartism’ because of his contribution to the movement's intellectual foundations, O'Brien was one of the few Chartist leaders who had celebrity status, though he broke with other leaders and with the mainstream movement in the early 1840s. His influence waned thereafter and his reputation among historians of Chartism is mixed, but his thoughts about Irish issues circulated widely for a time and they offer suggestive revelations about Ireland's importance to radicals of the Chartist era, about wider debates concerning Irish society and its problems, and about contemporary concepts of Irishness.

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6

Sanders, Michael. "Plot and Character in Chartist Historiography." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 94, no. 1 (March 2018): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.94.1.5.

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Chartist historiography is inevitably inflected by the political desires of its authors. This desire, combined with the contingent nature of history, imparts a fictive dimension to Chartist historiography. In support of these claims, this article applies the literary concepts of plot and character to Mark Hovell’s The Chartist Movement (1918). It argues that Hovell’s political desire leads him to construct a tragic and entropic plot for Chartism, which is often contradicted by his own assessment of the movement’s vitality. Similarly, Hovell’s plotting is also driven by his reading of Chartism as a conflict between two characters, a flawed hero (Lovett) and a villain (O’Connor). The article closes with a close reading of Hovell’s characterisation of O’Connor, which demonstrates the skill with which he interweaves fact and interpretation.

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7

Reay, Barry, and Paul A. Pickering. "Chartism and the Chartists in Manchester and Salford." Labour History, no. 76 (1999): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516651.

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8

Weaver, Stewart, and Paul A. Pickering. "Chartism and the Chartists in Manchester and Salford." American Historical Review 102, no. 2 (April 1997): 456. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170878.

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9

Chase, Malcolm. "‘Packed Tightly with the Strong Meat of History and Political Economy’." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 94, no. 1 (March 2018): 40–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.94.1.4.

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This article provides the first detailed account of Mark Hovell’s The Chartist Movement, focusing on the overall achievement of the work as published in 1918, contemporary reactions to the circumstances of its production, and the ways in which Hovell’s research cemented twentieth-century dominant narratives around the rise and fall of Chartism. The article also offers a counterfactual evaluation of Hovell’s manuscript, focusing on the probable direction of his vision of Chartism, and suggesting how the work completed by Hovell (had he lived) might have looked compared with the version eventually produced by Tout.

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10

Chase, Malcolm. "Digital Chartists: Online Resources for the Study of Chartism." Journal of Victorian Culture 14, no. 2 (January 2009): 294–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e135555020900085x.

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11

Saunders, Robert. "Chartism from above: British elites and the interpretation of Chartism." Historical Research 81, no. 213 (August 2008): 463–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.2007.00421.x.

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12

Chase, Malcolm. "What Did Chartism Petition For? Mass Petitions in the British Movement for Democracy." Social Science History 43, no. 3 (2019): 531–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2019.20.

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Chartism was in effect Britain’s civil rights movement and petitioning was at its heart: it defined who the Chartists were as well as the “other” against which they were implacably opposed. Its history has been effectively narrated around its three national petitions (1839, 1842, and 1848), and its decline almost habitually and directly linked to circumstances surrounding the last of these. More than 3.3 million people signed the 1842 National Petition. Chartism’s history after 1842 is partly one of how the State learned to manage the movement in general and petitioning in particular. The question posed by the title is deliberately ambiguous: What did the Chartists petition for and, equally, why did they bother? The first issue will be answered by a close reading of the three texts (surprisingly not undertaken by previous historians of the movement). The second will answered through an analysis of the wider uses of petitioning. The third issue addressed by this article is how petitioning constructed Chartism. In every contributing locality, canvassing was a major intervention in political life. The subscriptional community created by its petitions were “the people,” a term that clearly included not only men but also women and children. This was a different and wider meaning of the term “the people” from that used by Chartism’s opponents and it was a profound departure. Petitioning shaped, articulated, and mobilized the politics of a nascent working class, “banded together in one solemn and holy league” but excluded from economic and political power.

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13

MESSNER, ANDREW. "LAND, LEADERSHIP, CULTURE, AND EMIGRATION: SOME PROBLEMS IN CHARTIST HISTORIOGRAPHY." Historical Journal 42, no. 4 (December 1999): 1093–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008663.

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In 1996 Miles Taylor published an historiographical review of Chartism in which he argued that our understanding of the movement has stagnated since the publication of important research by Gareth Stedman Jones and Dorothy Thompson in 1983–4. Taylor suggests that the new cultural history of politics (or the ‘linguistic turn’) is to blame for this ‘impasse’, and argues that scholars should consolidate the work of Stedman Jones and Thompson. I argue that Chartist historians should continue to engage with contemporary approaches. The new political history sheds light on some persistent problems of interpretation which Taylor passes over. It also raises the possibility of extending the study of Chartism into the colonial realm, an area historians have not yet seriously broached. In conclusion, a sketch is given of the significance of Chartist political culture in one episode of protest in the Australian colony of Victoria in 1853.

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14

Daly, Anthony. "‘The Most Consistent of Them All’: William Sharman Crawford and the Politics of Suffrage." Labour History Review 89, no. 2 (July 2024): 95–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2024.5.

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This article examines William Sharman Crawford’s participation in mid-nineteenth-century popular radicalism in England. Despite his unusual background as a wealthy Irish landlord and his limitations as a politician, Sharman Crawford emerged as an important figure in Chartism, especially during the early 1840s when he served as MP for Rochdale. His support from across Chartism resulted from his principled positions, particularly on suffrage, that demonstrated a commitment to democracy pursued through constitutional means. He emphasized the unjust nature of the exclusive legislation that resulted from an inadequate franchise and framed Chartist reforms as echoing past efforts in England and Ireland. Drawing on archival materials and the newspaper press, this article argues for Sharman Crawford’s significance in bridging the divides of radicalism in this era.

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15

Rogers, Nicholas, James Epstein, Dorothy Thompson, Dorothy Thompson, Ivor Wilks, and David V. J. Jones. "Chartism and Class Struggle." Labour / Le Travail 19 (1987): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142774.

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16

Allen, J. "Chartism: A New History." English Historical Review CXXIV, no. 507 (April 1, 2009): 461–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cep021.

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17

Mays, Kelly J. "Images of Chartism (review)." Victorian Studies 43, no. 1 (2000): 163–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2000.0114.

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18

Taylor, Miles. "Rethinking the Chartists: searching for synthesis in the historiography of Chartism." Historical Journal 39, no. 2 (June 1996): 479–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020343.

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19

Mike Sanders. "Chartism: A New History, and: Chartism After 1848 (review)." Journal of Victorian Culture 13, no. 1 (2008): 157–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jvc.0.0004.

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20

Nicholls, David. "The new liberalism ‐ after Chartism?" Social History 21, no. 3 (October 1996): 330–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071029608567979.

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21

Bask, Mikael. "Chartism and exchange rate volatility." International Journal of Finance & Economics 12, no. 3 (2007): 301–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ijfe.315.

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22

Swift, Roger. "THOMAS CARLYLE, CHARTISM, AND THE IRISH IN EARLY VICTORIAN ENGLAND." Victorian Literature and Culture 29, no. 1 (March 2001): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150301291050.

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Crowds of miserable Irish darken all our towns.—ChartismTHUS WROTE THOMAS CARLYLE in his famous long pamphlet Chartism, published in December 1839. But what moved Carlyle, the intellectual hero of the age, to direct attention in Chartism to the Irish presence in the early Victorian city? Why did he present the Irish in England in such negative terms? Was his analysis correct? And what was the wider significance of his interpretation? These, as Carlyle might have said, are measurable questions and they form the essential framework of this paper. Yet it is impossible to respond to these questions without first examining the contemporary social, economic, and political contexts within which Chartism was written; Carlyle’s development as an historian in the early 1830s; and the purpose of Chartism, including the chapter on the Irish entitled “The Finest Peasantry in the World.”

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23

Belchem, John C. "Radical Language and Ideology in Early Nineteenth-Century England: The Challenge of the Platform." Albion 20, no. 2 (1988): 247–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050044.

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There is no uniform technique for the study of popular protest and ideology: different periods require different forms of analysis. Historians of the eighteenth-century crowd, for example, have to de-code the rituals, symbols, violence, and theatre of seemingly tumultuous collective behavior in order to infer the legitimizing aims and beliefs of the plebeians who were so rebellious in defense of custom. Students of Chartism, by contrast, have a less daunting task. They have merely to consult the movement's literature and propaganda, the very language of which, it is now argued, did not simply mediate but actually served to determine the nature and limitations of proletarian ideology in early nineteenth-century England. There is no need to de-code or decipher this public political language: it must be read as it was phrased, within the structural conventions and constraints of traditional oppositional discourse. Eschewing the orthodox social and economic interpretations of Chartism, Gareth Stedman Jones has insisted that the movement's altogether political language was neither symbolic nor anachronistic. It was political monopoly, the Chartists proclaimed and believed, which led to polarization and immiseration; it was political power, therefore, secured by the venerable Six Points, which would facilitate economic and social amelioration. Phrased in the traditional radical idiom of political exclusion, the Chartist challenge acquired unprecedented conjunctural relevance and force in the 1830s as parliament and the state were reformed at the expense of the unrepresented. Regional rental variations notwithstanding, the uniform £10 franchise of the 1832 Reform Act left the working class alone as the excluded and unrepresented people, separated from the “shopocrats” who acquired the vote and joined the ranks of the politically privileged.

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24

Clark, Anna. "The Rhetoric of Chartist Domesticity: Gender, Language, and Class in the 1830s and 1840s." Journal of British Studies 31, no. 1 (January 1992): 62–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385998.

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Who are compelling women and tender babes to procure the means of subsistence in the cotton factories—to be nipt in the bud, to be sacrificed at the shrine of Moloch? They are the rich, the capitalists. [Speech by Mr. Deegan, Chartist, at Stalybridge, 1839]A [Malthusian] pretended philosophy . . . crushes, through the bitter privations it inflicts upon us, the energies of our manhood, making our hearths desolate, our homes wretched, inflicting upon our heart's companions an eternal round of sorrow and despair. [Letter from George Harney to Yorkshire Chartists, 1838]Toryism just means ignorant children in rags, a drunken husband, and an unhappy wife. Chartism is to have a happy home, and smiling, intelligent, and happy families. [Speech by Mr. Macfarlane to Glasgow Chartists, 1839]Chartist political rhetoric was pervaded by images of domestic misery typified in these quotes. Historians have traditionally understood this stress on domesticity as a simple response to the Industrial Revolution's disruption of the home, either denigrating it as inchoate proletarian rage or celebrating it as a heroic defense of the working-class family. But domestic discontent was nothing new in the 1830s, for drink, wife beating, and sexual competition in the workplace had plagued plebeians for decades—if not centuries. Why then did it become such a potent political issue in the 1830s and 1840s? Following Gareth Stedman Jones, the question must be answered by analyzing Chartist domesticity not just as a reflection of social and economic changes, but as a trope that performed specific political functions in Chartist language.

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25

Chase, Malcolm. "Chartism, democracy and Marx and Engels." Theory & Struggle 116 (April 2015): 32–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/ts.2015.7.

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26

Guan, Shijie. "Chartism and the First Opium War." History Workshop Journal 24, no. 1 (1987): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/24.1.17.

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27

ROYLE, EDWARD. "Chartism: A New HistoryBy Malcolm Chase." History 93, no. 312 (October 2008): 567–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2008.432_39.x.

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28

Bensimon, Fabrice. "Malcolm CHASE, Chartism: A New History." Revue d'histoire du XIXe siècle, no. 37 (November 15, 2008): 185–242. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rh19.3550.

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29

Claeys, G. "Chartism and the Events of 1848." Radical History Review 1989, no. 44 (April 1, 1989): 185–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-1989-44-185.

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30

Navickas, Katrina. "Chartism: A New History. By Malcolm Chase." Cultural and Social History 5, no. 3 (September 2008): 369–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2752/147800408x331470.

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31

Makala, Jeffrey. "Carlyle, Chartism and Reform in Transcendental America." Literature & History 24, no. 2 (November 2015): 18–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/lh.24.2.2.

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32

Roberts, M. "Chartism in Scotland, by W. Hamish Fraser." English Historical Review CXXVII, no. 526 (April 17, 2012): 743–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ces075.

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33

Roberts, Stephen. "The Poetry of Chartism: Aesthetics, Politics, History." Journal of Victorian Culture 16, no. 2 (August 2011): 296–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13555502.2011.589691.

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34

Fyson, Robert. "Late Chartism in the Potteries, 1848–1858." Labour History Review 74, no. 1 (April 2009): 111–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/174581809x408429.

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35

Claeys, Gregory. "Mazzini, Kossuth, and British Radicalism, 1848–1854." Journal of British Studies 28, no. 3 (January 1989): 225–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385936.

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The relative quiescence of British working-class radicalism during much of the two decades after 1848, so central to the foundations of mid-Victorian stability, has been the subject of many explanations. Though Chartism did not expire finally until the late 1850s, its mainstream strategy of constitutionalist organization, huge meetings, enormous parliamentary petitions, and the tacit threat of violent intimidation seemed exploded after the debacle of Kennington Common and the failed march on Parliament in April 1848. But other factors also contributed to undermine the zeal for reform. Alleviating the pressures of distress, emigration carried off many activists to America and elsewhere. Relative economic prosperity rendered the economic ends of reform less pressing, and proposals like the Chartist Land Plan less appealing. The popularity of various self-help doctrines, including consumer cooperation, also militated against collectivist political action. “Labour aristocrats” and trade union leaders, moreover, preferred local and sectional economic improvement to the risks and expense of political campaigning.Accounts of mid-Victorian political stability have had little to say, however, about the impact of European radicalism on the British working-class movement after 1848. That the failure of the continental revolutions brought thousands of refugees to Britain is well known. But although useful studies exist of the internationalist dimensions of Chartism prior to 1849—and of some of the refugee groups generally in this period—the effects of the exiled continental radicals on British working-class politics in the early 1850s have remained largely unconsidered.

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36

M. S., Chase. "Chartism, 1838–1858: Responses in Two Teesside Towns." Northern History 24, no. 1 (January 1988): 146–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/nhi.1988.24.1.146.

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37

Hansan, Thinkal. "The Literary Form and Revolution: The Politics of Melodrama in Late Chartist Literature." International Journal of English Literature and Social Sciences 8, no. 5 (2023): 270–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.85.42.

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The period of late Chartism beginning in the late 1840s coincided with the transformation of the British press as a reaction to the advancement in industrial capitalism and the changing character of the public sphere to which it contributed directly. The resultant emergence of the British press in the mid nineteenth century from a political discourse to print journalism had direct political implication on the working class/Chartist press as well as their political agitation and plebeian public sphere. This paper will explore the effect of the ‘popular’ (both the press and culture) on the Chartist Press and literature and how the Chartist writers and editors including Ernest Jones and George W.M. Reynolds appropriated the emergent notion of the popular for radical political propaganda. I will argue that the staple rhetoric and dominant form of nineteenth century melodrama and sensationalism were used by these authors to create a distinctive class-conscious readership. Melodrama became, in the Chartist press, both an emotional reaction to the liberal capitalist economy’s classificatory politics as well as formed a resistance to the same creating a distinctive working class public sphere that publicized the private in political terms.

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38

Plotz, John. "Crowd Power: Chartism, Carlyle, and the Victorian Public Sphere." Representations 70, no. 1 (April 2000): 87–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2000.70.1.01p00704.

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39

Plotz, John. "Crowd Power: Chartism, Carlyle, and the Victorian Public Sphere." Representations 70 (2000): 87–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2902894.

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40

Schwarzkopf. "Chartism in Scotland, by W. Hamish Fraser." Victorian Studies 54, no. 1 (2011): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/victorianstudies.54.1.134.

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41

Sanders, Michael. "Reform Acts: Chartism, Social Agency and the Victorian Novel." Social History 40, no. 2 (April 3, 2015): 283–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2015.1013713.

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42

Ulrich, John M. "Carlyle’s Chartism and the Politics of the (In) Articulate." Studies in the Literary Imagination 45, no. 1 (2012): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sli.2012.0001.

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43

Vargo, Greg. "LITERATURE FROM BELOW: RADICALISM AND POPULAR FICTION." Victorian Literature and Culture 44, no. 2 (May 10, 2016): 439–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150315000728.

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In The Poetry of Chartism (2009), Mike Sanders describes the temptation which confronts literary scholars of working-class and radical political movements to present their endeavors as “archival work [of] discovery, a bringing to light of long forgotten artefacts” (36). Such posture, though dramatic, is unwarranted in Sanders's view because a critical tradition beginning in the late nineteenth century has continued to republish, analyze, and appreciate the writing of Chartist poets. Yet, if the temptation persists (for students of radical poetry and fiction alike), it does so for reasons beyond the difficulties inherent in accessing literature printed in ephemeral newspapers by movements which suffered state persecution. New generations of scholars must “discover” the radical corpus anew because in a profound sense this corpus has not been integrated into broader literary history but has remained a separate tradition, found and lost again and again.

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44

Finn, M. "Ernest Jones, Chartism, and the Romance of Politics, 1819-1869." English Historical Review 119, no. 480 (February 1, 2004): 242–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/119.480.242.

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45

Swift, R. "Policing Chartism, 1839-1848: The Role of the 'Specials' Reconsidered." English Historical Review CXXII, no. 497 (June 1, 2007): 669–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cem092.

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46

Vargo, Gregory. "The Poetry of Chartism: Aesthetics, Politics, History (review)." Victorian Review 37, no. 1 (2011): 219–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vcr.2011.0015.

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47

Larry K. Uffelman. "The Poetry of Chartism: Aesthetics, Politics, History (review)." Victorian Periodicals Review 43, no. 1 (2010): 85–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vpr.0.0101.

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48

Hall, Robert G. "Chartism Remembered: William Aitken, Liberalism, and the Politics of Memory." Journal of British Studies 38, no. 4 (October 1999): 445–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386203.

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Early one Sunday morning, in August 1839, “a very authoritative knock" on the door awoke the young Chartist William Aitken and his family. After a thorough search of his house for “revolutionary and seditious documents,” the chief constable and his men placed Aitken under arrest and marched him through the silent streets of Ashton-under-Lyne. Recalling his sense of distress and anguish some thirty years later, Aitken tried to find solace in the ultimate triumph of his principles, in his conviction that “the cause of liberty is eternal, and that the principles of democracy, which are now becoming universal, must be right and must in the end prevail.” This optimistic reaffirmation of his life's struggle for “bread and liberty” appeared in the fifth installment of his autobiography in theAshton News, a Liberal newspaper. Unfortunately, the tone of quiet confidence and hope that pervaded his autobiography apparently masked a growing sense of private despair and ever deepening bouts of depression. Some two weeks before the publication of this installment, his wife, Mary, had found Aitken lying on the bedroom floor, “with a fearful gash in his throat.”That many thousands of working men and women “thronged the streets” on the day of his funeral was hardly surprising. The son of a Scottish cordwainer and later sergeant-major, Aitken came from, as theAshton Newsput it, “the people” and “knew intimately their feelings and their wishes, and could express what the many felt with fullness and point.” His own identification with the working class came through clearly in the title of his autobiography, “Remembrances and Struggles of A Working Man for Bread and Liberty.”

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Pickering, Paul A. "Chartism and the ‘Trade of Agitation’ in Early Victorian Britain." History 76, no. 247 (June 1991): 221–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.1991.tb02386.x.

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TURNER, MICHAEL J. "Chartism, Bronterre O'Brien and the ‘Luminous Political Example of America’." History 97, no. 325 (January 2012): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2011.00544.x.

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