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1
Chambers, Angela, and not supplied. "Human rights - education and implementation in a commercial organisation." RMIT University. Management, 2006. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20070207.163032.
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This case study explored the process of incorporating human rights into the operation of an international commercial organisation. Constructing a dialogue to bridge the gap between human rights discourse and commercial realities, this case study identified the unique roles required to develop dialogue and created a model as a diagnostic and educational tool. The roles specific to human rights consulting, of interpreter, Champoin and Enabler afforded effective penetration into the participating industry partner's operational levels. These roles emerged from the process of constructing a human rights discourse and tensions therein where the existing theory of organisational change and consulting was found to be inadequate for human rights intervention. Based on the data of industry partner's existing practices and human rights concerns and on the process of collecting and analysing this data, the model for education and implementation was constructed. It is a flexible tool for examining human rights practices from bottom up as well as top down of an organisation. This research showed that having a comprehensive picture of the complexities involved sas an effective method of exploration and making sense of human rights education and implementation in a multinational industrial setting. The construction of the roles and of the model relied on the central premise of willingness of a multinational corporation to examine its practices and take an autonomous position of corporate citizenship and responsibility. This was consistent with the participatory research design of the study. Theretically this research challenges the appropriateness of traditional organisational change concepts when dealing with human rights; provides a diagnostic and educational tool for human rights consulting; and points to further research in this area.
2
Bajor, William J. "Discussing 'human rights' : an anthropological exposition on 'human rights' discourse." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/15382.
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This thesis examines how the displaced Sudanese in Egypt, Kenya, and the United Kingdom discuss the topic of "Human Rights". Whereas many studies on "Human Rights" are primarily concerned with the opinions of outsiders, an attempt is made here to provide an alternative perspective in that the focus of this dissertation is on how the displaced Sudanese, themselves, discuss "Human Rights" in view of their situation as exiles. The thesis begins by tracing the historical evolution of the 'Western' concept of "Human Rights" and investigating the historical relationship between Anthropology and "Human Rights". Attention is paid to the role of the doctrine of "cultural relativism" in the discipline of Anthropology. After briefly looking at Sudan's geographical and social makeup, I explain the difficulties I encountered as an independent scholar conducting research on "Human Rights" and Sudan. This is followed by descriptions of the fieldwork locations. What comes next is the heart and soul of the thesis. After giving brief descriptions of the interviewees, 1 analyse how the interviews were conducted and explain how the issue of "Politics" dominated practically every discussion with the interviewees. Next, excerpts from nineteen interviews are presented for the reader to get acquainted with the conversations between the Interviewees and myself. Finally, an examination is made of how "Human Rights" is employed as a manipulative device (or tool) by the interviewees. This is essentially the crux of the study. The chief aim of the thesis is to present various ways the notion of "Human Rights" can be (and is) interpreted and utilised by the displaced Sudanese in the context of their own circumstances as exiles.
3
Duduhacioglu, Basak Basak. "Discourse On Human Rights: Representation Of The Idea In Turkish Human Rights Conference Texts." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614982/index.pdf.
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The main concern of this thesis is to analyze the transformation of domestic human rights discourse by looking at the shifting representations of the idea of human rights. The representation of the idea of human rights in &lsquoTurkey Human Rights Movement Conferences&rsquo
in different political contexts during the period 1998-2010 is evaluated with reference to three areas of literature on the idea of human rights and with a social constructionist perspective which begins with the proposition that ideas and practices concerning human rights are created by people in particular historical, social, and economic circumstances. The different conceptualizations of legitimation of the idea of human rights, the shifting representations of the idea of human rights as civil and political rights and economic, social and cultural rights and the varying constructions of domestic human rights language amongst local and universal claims in respect of human rights within different political contexts is explored. In this framework, the research design of the study is envisioned to evaluate these issues in the context of &lsquo
Turkey Human Rights Movement Conference&rsquo
texts. The final reports of eleven conferences held in the period 1998-2010 are analyzed by the method of &lsquo
qualitative content analyses&rsquo
.
4
Moka-Mubelo, Willy. "Reconciling Law and Morality in Human Rights Discourse: Beyond the Habermasian Account of Human Rights." Thesis, Boston College, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104877.
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Thesis advisor: David M. RasmussenIn this dissertation I argue for an approach that conceives human rights as both moral and legal rights. The merit of such an approach is its capacity to understand human rights more in terms of the kind of world free and reasonable beings would like to live in rather than simply in terms of what each individual is legally entitled to. While I acknowledge that every human being has the moral entitlement to be granted living conditions that are conducive to a dignified life, I maintain, at the same time, that the moral and legal aspects of human rights are complementary and should be given equal weight. The legal aspect compensates for the limitations of moral human rights the observance of which depends on the conscience of the individual, and the moral aspect tempers the mechanical and inhumane application of the law. Unlike the traditional or orthodox approach, which conceives human rights as rights that individuals have by virtue of their humanity, and the political or practical approach, which understands human rights as legal rights that are meant to limit the sovereignty of the state, the moral-legal approach reconciles law and morality in human rights discourse and underlines the importance of a legal framework that compensates for the deficiencies in the implementation of moral human rights. It not only challenges the exclusively negative approach to fundamental liberties but also emphasizes the necessity of an enforcement mechanism that helps those who are not morally motivated to refrain from violating the rights of others. Without the legal mechanism of enforcement, the understanding of human rights would be reduced to simply framing moral claims against injustices. Many traditional human rights theorists failed to reconcile the moral and legal aspects of human rights. That is why Jürgen Habermas, whose approach to human rights provides the guiding intuition of this dissertation, has been criticized for approaching human rights from a legal point of view, especially in Between Facts and Norms. Most of Habermas’s critics overlooked his goal in the project of reconstructing law. Habermas addresses the question of the legitimacy of modern law by finding good arguments for a law to be recognized as right and just. For him, modern law has two sources of legitimacy: human rights and popular sovereignty. He affirms their mutual presupposition in a system of rights within a constitutional democracy. In order to grasp Habermas’s moral considerations in his account of human rights, one has to go beyond Between Facts and Norms. That is why the relationship Habermas establishes between law and morality should constitute the starting point in understanding the moral dimension of human rights in his account of human rights. That relationship is clarified in the discussion on the interdependence between human rights and human dignity. Human dignity provides the ground from which human rights are interpreted and justified. Human dignity is the standpoint from which individuals can claim rights from one another on the basis of mutual respect. Because of human dignity, members of a political community can live as free and equal citizens. In order to achieve such a goal, there must be structures that facilitate social integration. Thus, the existence of a strong civil society that can stimulate discussion in the public sphere and promote a vigilant citizenry and respect for human rights becomes very important. The protection of human rights becomes a common and shared responsibility. Such a responsibility goes beyond the boundaries of nation-states and requires the establishment of a cosmopolitan human rights regime based on the conviction that all human beings are members of a community of fate and that they share common values which transcend the limits of their individual states. In a cosmopolitan human rights regime, people are protected as persons and not as citizens of a particular state. The realization of such a regime requires solidarity and the politics of compassion
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2015
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Philosophy
5
Tehrani, Maryam Moazezi Zadeh. "Women's rights in Islam and current discourse of international human rights law." Thesis, University of Hull, 2007. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:6643.
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The international norm of non-discrimination on the basis of sex as reflected in the UN human rights instrument culminated in 1979 with the adoption of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. With the adoption of the Convention, the separate concepts of women's rights were recast in a global perspective, and supervisory machinery with terms of reference similar to those of existing human rights organs was provided for. Although the Convention is considered as the most important binding document for elimination of discrimination against women, it met with a large number of reservations by member states. The number of far reaching reservations entered to the Women's Convention has been the subject of a global debate and the Convention is seen as the most 'political' of all the human rights instruments. Muslim member states to the Convention have entered reservations to its substantive provisions based on Islamic Law and emphasise that the formulation and interpretation of these rights in Sharia is very different from the concept of human rights in international human rights instruments. Reservations of Muslim state parties to the substantive provisions of the Women's Convention and present gender discriminatory laws in Muslim states based on some jurists' interpretation of a few verses in the Quran and the existence of a few ahadith, including qawwamun (the superiority of male over female in marriage), divorce, guardianship and custody, women's testimony which is worth half that of a man in financial transactions; inheritance rights of women where women are entitled to half the share of a man in a comparable situation; polygamy and some issues in Islamic penal law which are undesirable from the perspective of women's human rights in international law have led to the belief that women in Islamic societies are second citizen and Islamic principles are an obstacle to eliminating discrimination against women. They also reinforce the view in the West that the concept of women's human rights in Islam is entirely irreconcilable with international human rights norms on the subject, such as those expressed in the Women's Convention. By studying the origin of the religion and Islamic sources, the present author, however, seriously doubts the validity of the Western view and Muslim parties' reservations to substantive provisions of the Convention, based solely on their interpretation of the Sharia. Contrary to the common perception, the principles of Islamic law do not consist of an immutable, unchanging set of norms, but have an inbuilt dynamism that is sensitive and flexible so that Islamic law can remain up-to-date and respond to the questions and demands of people at different times and places. This project, in the light of Islamic sources and interpretations of Islamic jurisprudence from both schools of thought, Sunni and Shi'a, is designed in four parts to discuss and explore the place of women's rights in Islam and the current discourse of women's human rights in modem international law in order to determine whether Islamic law is reconcilable with international women's human rights such as those expressed in the Women's Convention.
6
Regan, Ethna Mary. "Protective marginality : human rights as a dialectical boundary discourse." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.615072.
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7
Fenz, Janne-Frederike. "Human Rights in Foreign Policy : The role of the Human Rights discourse throughout the Venezuelan Presidential Crisis." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-42499.
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The conception of Human Rights is relatively new to international relations and their analysis and, accordingly, their location within this field, theoretically as well as practically, has not yet been ultimately identified. Their role varies among differing theoretical approaches. The aim of this work is to contribute to this discussion through working towards a theoretical framework which allows to place the normative conception of Human Rights in a rather realist analysis of foreign policy. Visualizing this attempt through reviewing the foreign policy measures initiated by the United States and the European Union towards the Maduro government throughout the Venezuelan presidential crisis, the potential impact of the Human Rights discourse for the means of legitimizing such measures becomes apparent. Eventually, the power potential the discourse holds when instrumentalized as a tool of foreign policy contributes to the understanding of its role in contemporary international relations.
8
JUNIOR, LUIZ ARTUR COSTA DO VALLE. "CONSTRUCTING THE LGBTI SUBJECT OF RIGHTS: SUBJECTIVITY, POLITICS AND IDENTITY IN HUMAN RIGHTS DISCOURSE." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2018. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=33582@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
FUNDAÇÃO DE APOIO À PESQUISA DO ESTADO DO RIO DE JANEIRO
BOLSA NOTA 10
Esta dissertação explora as formas modais de subjetividade que são atribuídas a pessoas LGBTI no discurso dos direitos humanos internacionais. Levam-se em consideração 8 vereditos do Comitê de Direitos Humanos, responsável pelo monitoramento do Pacto Internacional sobre Direitos Civis e Políticos, oferecendo-se uma leitura desconstrutiva dos mecanismos que participam da articulação dos sujeitos homossexuais e transgênero aí presentes. Sugere-se que as três representações encontradas, o homossexual legítimo, o ativista gay e o gay fora-da-lei podem ser entendidos como uma tentativa de despolitizar sexualidades desviantes, recobrindo-as sob arranjos normativos neoliberais e heterossexistas. À luz deste argumento, propõe-se uma leitura psicanalítica queer sobre a constituição subjetiva e corporal do sujeito, enfatizando as obras de Jacques Lacan, Judith Butler e Jacques Derrida. Ressaltando a contingência e a violência inerentes à organização libidinal, abre-se o caminho para uma compreensão radical da co-implicação da subjetividade e da comunidade política. Sob a égida dessa co-implicação, apresenta-se a noção de política de Jacques Rancière, revisando-a em relação ao conceito lacaniano do sinthome, de forma a propor um engajamento político-estético respaldado na quase-substãncia do sinthome, entendido como uma escrita contínua e contingente da intersecção entre o simbólico, o real e o imaginário.
The dissertation explores the specific forms of subjectivity that are attributed to LGBTI individuals in international human rights law. It takes into consideration 8 rulings by the Human Rights Committee, the UN body charged with monitoring the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and advances a deconstructive reading of the specific articulation of homosexual and transgender subjects contained in them. It suggests that the three representations found, the legitimate gay, the gay activist and the gay outlaw can be understood as an attempt to depoliticize deviant sexualities, subsuming them under neoliberal, heterosexist hegemonic normative arrangements. In view of this argument, it proposes a queer psychoanalytic reading of subjective and bodily constitutions, emphasizing Jacques Lacan s, Judith Butler s and Jacques Derrida s works. In highlighting the contingency and violence inherent to libidinal organization, it paves the way to a radical understanding of the co-implication of subjectivity and community. In light of this co-implication, Jacques Rancière s notion of politics is presented and reworked in light of Lacan s concept of Sinthome, in a way that appears to allow for an aesthetic political engagement based on the quasi-substance of the Sinthome as a contingent, continuous grafting of Lacan s three metaphysical orders, the real, the imaginary and the symbolic.
9
Martin, Elisabeth. "Young people's use of rights discourse in their moral judgements." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271204.
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Hua, Julietta Y. "The object of "Rights" third world women and the production of global human rights discourse /." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3211926.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed June 13, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 282-302).
11
Paes, Michael Thomas. "An examination of Confucianism in contemporary human rights discourse regarding China /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2003. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arp126.pdf.
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12
Weatherley, Robert Douglas. "The discourse of human rights in China : historical and ideological perspectives." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361875.
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13
Suhaila. "The status and rights of religious minorities in contemporary Islamists' discourse /." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79772.
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This thesis is an attempt to examine one of the most important on-going debates in contemporary Islamists' discourses, namely, the status and rights of religious minorities in an Islamic state. The call by Islamists for the establishment of such a state governed by the Shari'ah has given rise to criticism that Islamization would entail the revival of the discriminatory rulings of traditional Islamic law with respect to non-Muslim citizens and the negation of the modern principle of the right to equality for all citizens irrespective of religious belief. To provide a background to the problem, this study presents a brief review of the stance of traditional Islamic law on the status and rights of non-Muslims living within the domain of Islam. This tradition has informed the discourses of contemporary Islamists on the question. Two currents of thought are examined: radical and moderate Islamism. Radical Islamists assert that granting non-Muslim citizens equal status and rights with Muslims is inconsistent with the teachings of Islam, although in stating this they confirm the apprehensions that Islamization would result in institutionalizing discrimination against religious minorities. Moderate Islamists on the other hand maintain that the concept of equal rights for all citizens is compatible with the tenets of Islam. Nonetheless, their arguments are not without problems as there are limits to how far they are willing to go in offering equal status and rights to non-Muslims.
14
Thoba, Athenkosi. "Human rights discourse and postcolonial Africa: The call for intervention in Darfur." University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6287.
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Magister Commercii - Mcom (Political Studies)While they have emerged as global ideals based on the recognition of liberty, dignity and universal rights to 'all individuals' within the global community, human rights have faced numerous criticism and scepticism from the Global South. This research paper argues that such scepticism has had negative impact on the drive for the protection and promotion of human rights and International Human Rights Law in global politics. Given such huge challenges, this research paper points out that, unless the global human rights discourse undergoes significant reform and shift, its Western-centric domination will result into more harm than good in the international community's agenda for human rights protection and promotion. Postcolonial Africa has been at the forefront of the debate on the power-political use of the notion. As such, it has been argued that human rights discourse has influenced relations and policies between the West and the Third World, especially Africa. In this relationship, human rights have been viewed as a strategic tool for powerful states in global politics, to use in their quest to legitimise the case for political change. Furthermore, human rights have also been employed by governments seeking to justify their interference in the domestic affairs of other states, especially the West in the case of postcolonial Africa. It has therefore emerged that the human rights rhetoric/ discourse has been understood by postcolonial Africa as serving to establish a powerful perspective relating to the present and past collective experiences of injustice, exclusion and domination within global politics. Here, the global human rights regimes and Africa seem to be at a crossroads regarding the role of human rights in international politics.
15
Mavela, Xolani Shadrack. "A genre-theoretic analysis of human rights texts in Xhosa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52642.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis employs the theoretical framework of text construction advanced by Grabe and Kaplan (1996) for the analysis of human rights magazine texts in isiXhosa. The theory employed in this study includes linguistic elements, which can be included in teaching methodology for developing the learners' analytic skills in analyzing the discourse structure of written texts. These kinds of analytic skills are strongly reflected in Curriculum 2005 for the learning area languages. The thesis employs a range of textlinguistic strategies for analyzing written genre texts on human and civil rights issues. It is argued that the incorporation of these strategies by teachers in the process of language teaching in Curriculum 2005 will enable the learners to analyse texts successfully and to gain an awareness about how language is used in texts. For the purpose of analysis in this thesis, texts from the Bona magazine with contents ranging on human and community or civil rights were collected. The thesis demonstrates that text analysis involves to a large extent, an investigation of generic factors such as the communicative purpose, the culture and the community in which the text is produced. Following the discussion of the generic features of texts, a broad definition of the term text is explored, and the textlinguistic construction and certain levels of analysis are identified. In addition to this, the study demonstrates that analysis of the linguistic structure of texts needs to incorporate the discussion of the parameters of the ethnography of writing advanced by Grabe and Kaplan (1996). The ethnography of writing entails that a detailed analysis of texts should address the following questions: 'Who writes what to whom, for what purpose, why, when and how?' The study explores the implications and rationale for incorporating text analysis in language teaching and learning. Lastly, the relationship between the theoretical underpinnings assumed in this study, and the learning outcomes of Curriculum 2005 are explored. This study demonstrates that the theoretical framework of Grabe and Kaplan (1996) which underlies in the construction of written texts, will not only introduce the language learner to an inclusive language pedagogy, but can be employed for effective text analysis of isiXhosagenre texts on human rights in popular magazineslike Bona.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis maak gebruik van die teoretiese model van Grabe en Kaplan (1996) vir die analise van menseregte tydskrifartikels in isiXhosa. Die teorie wat aangewend word in die studie sluit linguistiese elemente in wat ingesluit kan word in taalonderrigmetodologie vir die ontwikkeling van leerders se analitiese vaardighede in die analise van diskoersstrukture van skriftelike tekste. Hierdie soort analitiese vaardighede word sterk gereflekteer in Kurrikulum 2005 vir die leerarea van tale. Die tesis wend 'n verskeidenheid tekslinguistiese strategieë aan vir die analise van geskrewe genre tekste oor menseregte en burgerlike regte vraagstukke. Daar word betoog in die studie dat die insluiting van hierdie strategieë deur onderwysers in die proses van taalonderrig in Kurrikulum 2005 leerders in staat sal stelom tekste suksesvol te ontleed en 'n bewussyn te kry van hoe taal in tekste gebruik word. Vir die doeleindes van analise is hierdie tesis is tekste gebruik uit die BONA tydskrif met 'n inhoud oor menseregte en gemeenskaps- en burgerlike regte. Die tesis demonstreer dat teksanalise in 'n groot mate 'n ondersoek behels van generiese faktore soos kommunikatiewe doelstelling, die kultuur en die gemeenskap waarin die teks geproduseer word. Na 'n bespreking van die generiese faktore van tekste word 'n breë definisie van die term "teks" ondersoek, en die tekslinguistiese konstruksie en bepaalde vlakke van analise word geïdentifiseer. Hierbenewens demonstreer die studie dat die linguistiese analise van tekste die bespreking moet insluit van die parameters van die etnografie van geskrewe tekste soos voorgestaan deur Grabe en Kaplan (1996). Die etnografie van geskrewe tekste behels dat die analise van tekste die volgende vrae ondersoek: Wie skryf wat vir wie vir watter doel, waarom, wanneer en hoe? Die studie ondersoek die implikasies en motivering vir die insluiting van teksanalise in taalonderrig. Laastens word die verhouding tussen die teoretiese grondslae, wat aanvaar word in hierdie studie, en die leeruitkomste van Kurrikulum 2005 ondersoek. Die studie toon aan dat die teoretiese raamwerk van Grabe en Kaplan (1996), wat onderliggend is aan die konstruksie van geskrewe tekste, kan aanvaar word om leerders in te lei in 'n meer inklusiewe taalonderrig en kan aangewend word vir effektiewe teksanalise van isiXhosa genre tekste gebaseer op die menseregte in populêre tydskrifte soos Bona.
16
Estevez-Lopez, Ariadna. "Articulating collective action against free trade in Mexico : A human rights discourse approach." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.536547.
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Barros, Mercedes. "The emergence and constitution of the human rights movement and discourse in Argentina." Thesis, University of Essex, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.446012.
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Willmott, Ceri. "Gender, citizenship and reproductive rights in the poblaciones of southern Santiago, Chile." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1529/.
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This thesis is a study of the relationship between gender, citizenship and reproductive rights in the poblaciones of Santiago, both in relation to the Chilean State and in terms of the categories of international human rights law. At a time in which there has been a great deal of debate about women's international rights and new areas of rights directed at women have begun to be defined, this study seeks to draw attention to the need to consider how such rights operate in specific cultural contexts. In particular, it considers how dominant cultural discourses of gender are constructed and reproduced in the context of marginal urban communities in Santiago, Chile, and the constraints they may place on the conception and exercise of women's citizenship. The thesis sets out to show the ways in which these discourses are embedded in state institutions and reproduced in its practices. It describes the ways in which the law operates in a discursive way to allow or disallow interpretations of events and thereby conditions and delimits women's citizenship. Rather then depicting these dominant discourses as totalizing, the thesis aims to present a more complex picture in which women may on the one hand be seen to be complicit in their own subordination, but on the other to adopt alternative discourses, for example the new feminist discourse on human rights and the discourses emanating from NGOs which focus on concepts of freedom and autonomy. Women may be seen to reinterpret these discourses in the course of applying them to their own situations, accepting, rejecting and transforming them in the process. It draws on interviews with 89 women living in marginal urban communities, which investigate the exercise of citizenship and the variables affecting women's capacity to operationalise their rights. The data aims to show how rights discourses, including human rights can play a transformative role in the content and practice of citizenship. The extension of the concept of citizen to incorporate new areas of rights such as reproductive and sexual rights, creates the potential for women to use these conceptual tools to challenge traditional gender discourse that discriminate against them and inhibit the exercise of their citizenship. The thesis lays out the theoretical debates in relation to gender and citizenship, the state, the universalist-relativist debate in anthropology and the feminist discourse on human rights and argues in favour of a perspective that incorporates a gendered analysis of the cultural factors influencing the operation of laws.
19
Heinze, Eric Alan. "Human Rights in the Discourse on Sovereignty: The United States, Russia and NATO's Intervention in Kosovo." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/42444.
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The concept of sovereignty has been a contestable
idea throughout history, and its meaning has
oftentimes transformed to reflect prevailing
systemic conditions and political priorities of
major actors in each historical period. In this
study, I argue that the social construction of
state sovereignty is at the beginning stages of
another major redefinition. In an era of
globalization and regional integration, discourse
on sovereignty has become increasingly prolific
as the rhetoric of sovereignty moves away from
Westphalian principles that were based exclusively
on the agency of independent states. Furthermore,
multinational campaigns to promote international
human rights engender a discourse that suggests
the idea of sovereignty is changing. Does this
emerging discourse confirm the growing legitimacy
of humanitarian intervention, or is it merely a
discursive trend in international relations that
does not indicate significant change in state
perception and behavior? The purpose of this work
is to address this question.Master of Arts
20
Sattar, Adnan. "The idea of punishment in international human rights discourse : a conceptual and historical critique." Thesis, Middlesex University, 2018. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/23512/.
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The idea of punishment is typically framed in human rights and legal scholarship in terms of the principle of legality, the due process, and the prohibition of certain forms of punishment deemed cruel, inhuman and degrading. This study seeks to shift the focus towards deeper penological questions of what the State can justifiably punish, how, and why. It probes how international human rights discourse relates to these questions. Using inter-disciplinary discourse analysis, the study exposes certain paradoxes that underpin the ‘International Bill of Human Rights’, academic commentaries, and the global human rights monitoring regime in relation to the idea of punishment. Drawing on archival material, the study demonstrates that the international penal discourse produced during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century – under the influence of positivist criminology, socialism, and Christian-Quaker spirituality – laid greater emphasis on offender rehabilitation, and was more attentive to the social context of crime than is the case with modern human rights discourse. The study argues that this discourse, owing to its theoretical kinship with Kantian philosophy, embodies a paradoxical commitment to human dignity on the one hand, and retributive punishment on the other. Further, it sustains the split between criminal justice and social justice, which results in a sociologically ill-informed understanding of punishment. Human rights discourse plays a paradoxical role vis-à-vis the punitive power of the State as it seeks to counter criminalisation in some areas and backs longer prison sentences in others. The underlying priorities, this study suggests, have been shaped by a number of historical circumstances. These include the experience of the Holocaust, the assault on the rehabilitative ideal and the emergence of identity politics in the 1970s, and the global spread of neoliberalism and the revival of the ‘Nuremburg spirit’ in the 1990s. In conclusion, the study endorses the importance of human rights in countering the abuse of power. However, it also signposts the relevance of other moral vocabularies, such as social justice and reconciliation, against the backdrop of conceptual shortcomings in classical penal theory as well as the doctrine of human rights, and the overwhelmingly negative impact of imprisonment on offenders, their families, and the society at large.
21
Flachs, Andrew. "Female Genital Cutting, The Veil, and Democracy: Navigating Cultural Politics in Human Rights Discourse." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1306508531.
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Kanywani, Maroushka F. "Talking taboo : representations of female genital mutilation (FGM) in feminist debates, human rights discourse & the media." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29510.
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Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) has been a tough topic to discuss in both local and global spheres. In the past twenty years however, a space has been created for it in the public consciousness. The object of this study is to trace the shifts that have occurred in how FGM has been talked about and make the ongoing dialogue visible. This is achieved by examining feminist debates, human rights discourse and the media as not only primary definers of the issue but also as sites of discourse production.In moving from the local to global agenda, more actors have become involved in the debates and as such have further complexified an already complex practice. Each site offers a unique perspective and representation on the FGM controversy and has contributed to how the West has made meaning of the practice.
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Vuori, Vappu. "“1,5℃ to Stay Alive” - Climate Justice Discourse and Climate Change Denial Discourse in Climate Change Politics." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22691.
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Climate change as a global phenomenon threatens human rights and causes social injustices. This thesis examines the genealogies of climate justice discourse and climate change denial discourse in the context of international climate change politics. The aim is to understand the construction of and the correlation between the discourses and how the discourses relate to human rights. The thesis employs discourse analysis with a conception of climate justice and a neoclassical realist theory applied to climate change politics. Climate justice discourse is found to interact with chiefly moral and political terms, whereas the denial discourse interacts mainly with economic and scientific terms. Consequently, there is a lack of interaction between the discourses as they operate in different levels of communication and it has, to some extent, caused stalemate in climate change politics. Additionally, while climate justice discourse makes use of the human rights framework, the denial discourse undermines it.
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Song, Jiyoung. "The discourse of human rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea : historical, political, and cultural perspectives." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.611817.
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Garvill, Frida. "A Naive Victim or a Willing ISIS-devotee? - Deserving or losing your human rights : A critical discourse analysis of two British newspaper's framing of Shamima Begum and her human rights." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, JMK, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-182776.
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Between 2011 and 2019 around 900 British citizens left the United Kingdom to travel to Syria and join militant groups such as the Islamic State (ISIS) (EPRS, 2018, p.33). After the fall of the so-called caliphate the issue of prosecuting and/or bringing citizens back was widely debated in Europe, especially in the UK, who was accused of taking a drastic measure to the dilemma, causing a political rift in the nation (NPR, 2019). At the center of the debate, both in the media and in parliament, was a young woman called Shamima Begum, who was deprived of her UK citizenship in 2019. This event lead to a debate on human rights and if Begum had had hers violated (The Times, 2019). Previous research has shown that the ethical media discourse on human rights is multifaced, contested and strong in its ability to incite certain worldviews in society (Sampaio, 2016, p.2). Furthermore, previous studies argue that women tend to be framed differently from men in the media when they are involved in conflict, terror or war (Sjöberg & Gentry, 2007, p.30). In addition to this, western media tends to use Muslim women as a symbol of difference by stereotyping them in terms of culture and religion (Brown, 2011, p.716). This study aims to trace the width and depth of UK media’s discourse on human rights issues and the debate on foreign fighters over the political spectrum, through the case of Shamima Begum. Building off of framing theory and previous research on the framing of females and Islam, it asks how the Guardian and the Times, two national British newspapers, prioritizes the aspect of human rights in their reporting on Begum’s case. This by asking what frames they construct and how these frames compare and differ between the two outlets and the years 2015 and 2019. The material, constituted by articles and images, was analyzed on the base of Critical Discourse Analysis and Framing theory. The results find four different frames used. These frames are the Naïve victim, the Imperfect victim, ISIS radicalisation and the Willing ISIS devotee. The frames propose opposite standpoints of the newspapers both in their view on Begum and her guilt, and ultimately her human rights, perhaps aligning their discourse with the polarized political one in the UK. The study also shows that aspects connected to Begum’s gender and religion to some extent are prioritized in the framing of her, ultimately affecting the view of her end her fundamental rights as a human being.
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Gillon, Paula. "A Human Rights-Based Approach to the Discourses Governing Active Recreation in New Zealand." AUT University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10292/1002.
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Public policy is an ever changing field with practitioners struggling to find the best ways to develop and implement their policies. Auckland City Council's Community Services and Recreation Department is no different. Faced with a rapidly expanding and diverse population, which is also increasingly sedentary and unhealthy, the department wished to explore an approach which would encapsulate and help to solve the issues that they are facing (McDermott, 2009; Rowe, 2008; Royal Commission on Auckland Governance, 2009). A human rights-based approach to public policy development was identified as being part of the answer to Auckland City Council's active recreation challenges. Auckland University of Technology's Institute of Public Policy were contracted to undertake research into this public policy approach, that is increasingly used internationally. Could this be implemented in New Zealand? It is acknowledged that a human rights-based approach to public policy development and implementation can help to promote accountability, empowers and it also involves people in the decision making process and ensures that individuals are not discriminated against (Department of Health, 2007). While a human rights-based approach ensures that international obligations are adhered to, the flow-on effect of implementing a human rights-based approach includes having community "buy-in" to a project or proposal, by making public policy more "person centred" (Department of Health, 2007). Key informant interviews were undertaken in 2009; these highlighted how human rights approaches are currently being implemented in New Zealand, although not necessarily in a methodical or consistent manner. Document analysis was also conducted on key policy documents within New Zealand and the United Kingdom using discourse analysis and a human rights lens. In conclusion it was found that the implementation of a human rights-based approach in Auckland City would help to address the issues presented, such as population changes and inactivity and also help to increase participation amongst non-participants. SPARC's focus has moved towards organised sport, children and youth participation and on elite athletes. Local authorities in New Zealand need to act to ensure that the mental, social, health and economic well-being of their communities is preserved and enhanced through active recreation. Taking a human rights-based approach to active recreation policy development would contribute towards achieving these outcomes.
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Philip, Jiji [Verfasser]. "The Human Rights Discourse between Liberty and Welfare : A Dialogue with Jacques Maritain and Amartya Sen / Jiji Philip." Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1160314438/34.
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von, Buttlar Antonia Sophia. "Challenges in Challenging Menstrual Discourse: An Inquiry into the Nature of Dominating Social Discourse on Menstruation, and the Human Rights Agenda to Challenge its Effects." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21043.
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Recent developments have seen a rise in empirical attempts to challenge the persistently negative sociocultural attitudes toward menstruation. The thesis proposes a Foucauldian feminist conception, as well as the identification of the three elements stigmatization, medicalization and commercialization, to provide a comprehensive theoretical framework conceptualizing dominant menstrual discourse and its effects, based on which the empirical contemporary UN human rights agenda on the topic is approached. The findings, methodologically arrived at through the means of Directed Content Analysis, thereby generate both, an understanding of strengths and weaknesses in contemporary empirical attempts to challenge the effects of dominant menstrual discourse on women, and an exemplification of the utility of social science theory for human rights research in the realm of menstruation. Most importantly, the theoretical framework on dominant menstrual discourse indicates the need of holistically addressing all three formative elements, in order not to risk a perpetuation of its effects.
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Heo, Min Sook. "Globally Agreed Upon, Locally Troubled: The Construction of Anti-Violence Legislation, Human Rights Discourse, and Domestic Violence in South Korea." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1204638219.
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Berg, Jaclyn. "From Freedoms and Rights to Responsibilities and Obligations: an Argument for a Radical Shift in the Language of Human Development and Social Justice Discourse." OpenSIUC, 2018. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/2395.
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My thesis focuses on demonstrating the limits of the human development approaches of Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum. While both offer excellent criticisms of the problems inherent in economic- or income-centered approaches to development, the framework of freedoms and capabilities from which they argue is too limited in identifying responsibilities and obligations to others. Thus, their approaches cannot sufficiently be used to transform the economic, social, and political structures that have caused and maintain the social justice issues they seek to address. In order to achieve universal recognition of the essential right of every individual to be free and able to live a life of value and human dignity, it is first necessary that people desire such recognition for others, not only themselves. Since the fulfillment of entitlements necessary for living a full and happy life essentially require institutions, governments, and numerous other socially-based public actions to secure them, the recognition of individual responsibilities and obligations is fundamental to being able to realize freedoms, rights, and capabilities. Therefore, I argue that the transformation from economic-centered to freedom- or capability-centered development processes must be grounded in responsibility and concern for others. What is needed is not an approach that is merely more of the same – freedom, liberty, rights – but instead a radical transformation of the moral and ethical values of society, which cannot be brought about without a shift, not just in the focus, but in the language of approaches to human development and social injustice.
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van, der Hoek Milou. "TRANSGENDER, TRANSITIONING & DSM : An analysis of discursive violence and violations of human rights in academic discourse and DSM." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Centrum för genusvetenskap, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-167822.
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This thesis analyses the violence perpetrated against transgender people. It scrutinizes the concept of transgender and the important role of transitioning. It looks at the essentialist and social constructionist debate and its relation to transgender. In this thesis, I will advocate a theory of violence in which violence is understood as structural. I will advocate bringing the lived experience of transgender people to the foreground in theorizing about embodiment. Hereby, I will especially focus on discursive violence and the violation of human rights. I will relate transgender and the importance of transitioning to DSM’s understanding of Gender Identity Disorder. Consequently, I will uncover DSM’s subtle misogyny and transphobia and argue that it perpetrates discursive violence against transgender people. In addition, I will scrutinize the direct and indirect ways it violates the human rights of transgender people. Finally, the thesis will discuss the suggestions the Hammarberg report has made in order to improve the human rights situation of transgender persons.
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Albhaisi, Nancy. "Constructing an imagined path to peace during conflict : a critical discourse analysis of human rights education in Gaza, Palestine." Thesis, Canterbury Christ Church University, 2017. http://create.canterbury.ac.uk/17435/.
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Human Rights Education (HRE) for Palestinian refugees in Gaza Strip is integrated in a context where history, culture and collective memory are priorities in the local discourses of right-hood and justice. Palestinian learners are citizens of a non-recognized imagined community, existing through the processes of collective remembering, and the local discourses on rights. This study examines UNRWA’s special HRE curriculum for Palestinian refugees in Gaza Strip. I analyse UNRWA’s HRE policy and a sample of secondary level textbooks. This results in forming my original contribution to the field of human rights and HRE in a context of conflict. That is giving voice to a “collective” counter-hegemonic response to UNRWA’s model of HRE, which marginalizes the local discourse of right-hood. Collective, not in the sense of generalization, but in recognition of Palestinians’ legal and political status, which is a major obstacle for human rights and HRE in the context of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. For this, I use qualitative document analysis and a dialectical-relational approach to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to examine the materials in relation to the wider geo-political and socio-cultural context. The research outcomes reveal that UNRWA promotes a discourse of Human Rights, Conflict Resolution and Tolerance (HRCRT) through a model of HRE which promotes a standardized culture of human rights. The study suggests that, at the level of conflict resolution, UNRWA’s discourse of HRCRT overlooks vital political and legal issues that hinder HRE in Gaza Strip. The curriculum is highly de-politicized and knowledge-based that it prescribes a de-contextualized curriculum, which represents the world as it “ought to be” rather than what “it is”. Therefore, the study argues that the way forward for HRE resides in directly addressing the complex components of the conflict and acknowledging the importance of the local discourses and collective memory for HRE for Palestinians.
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Midzain-Gobin, Liam. "Letting the Right One In: The Formulation & Articulation of a Rights-based Discourse for the International Indigenous Movement." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34104.
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At the international level, indigenous activism has increasingly taken the form of advocating for ‘indigenous rights.’ These rights-based claims are articulated through a human rights framework, exemplified by the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which was passed by the UN General Assembly in September 2007. Since this time, the Declaration has become the focal point of indigenous activism at the international – and domestic – levels. Proponents of the DRIP have claimed that it moves international law into a “post-Eurocentric” position, and that
for the first time, the rights of indigenous peoples have been recognized by the international community.
This thesis interrogates the rights-based discourse employed in international indigenous activism. Using postcolonial and poststructuralist theory, it puts forward a hypothesis of double-movement governance affecting indigenous peoples throughout the world. In this thesis, the double-movement is made up of relations between biopolitical management of indigenous lives, and neoliberal governmentality, which come together to establish the power relations within our present-day colonial system. This double-movement governance is then connected to Glen Sean Coulthard’s critique of a politics of recognition framework, on which human rights are based. Together, this theory forms my hypothesis that instead of providing indigenous peoples with emancipatory pathways out of the colonial present, indigenous rights discourses further entrench colonial norms and hierarchies within indigenous communities, and between States and indigenous peoples.
Having established my hypothesis, I then test it with empirical data from the Declaration, indigenous fora at the UN, and domestic laws, agreements and policies. Taking the evidence into account, I argue that despite meaningful steps being taken to establish collective rights for indigenous peoples, a rights-based discourse does indeed continue to entrench colonial norms and hierarchies within indigenous communities and between States and indigenous peoples. This is in part because of issues of translation that occur when indigenous claims are articulated through a human rights framework, but also because a system based upon a politics of recognition – such as a human rights framework – is unable to move indigenous peoples out of the present-day colonial relations of power in which they live. Ultimately, such a system is only able to offer indigenous peoples ‘white liberty and white justice.’
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Lehtola, Lea. ""Papperslösa" flyktingars situation : Diskursanalys av konstruktioner i svensk massmedia." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-2552.
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Abstract The purpose of this essay is to study how undocumented migrants situation is constructed inSwedish massmedia discourse. The purpose has also been to study how the compromisedhuman rights of undocumented migrants in Sweden are legitimated in massmedia discourseand how resistance is constructed. The following main questions have been processed in this essay: - How are undocumented migrants and their situation constructed in Swedish massmediadiscourse?- How is society’s part in the situation constructed? Following questions are related to the main questions:- How is the situation that undocumented migrants face in Sweden legitimated in discourse?-What social consequences do the constructions have for undocumented migrants and for theSwedish society? The questions have been answered through a discourse analysis on empirical materialconsisting of ten news clips from Swedish public service television SVT and ten articles fromthe online editions of the main national newspapers Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Aftonbladet and Expressen. The analysis was done with analytic methods from discursivepsychology and with the sociological theories at hand in this essay. The conclusions drawn from the analysis are that the situation is constructed according todifferent interpretative repertoires drawing on humanitarian discourses and economicdiscourses, which lead to separate social consequences and ideological categorisations of ”usand them”. The rethoric constructions of the situation in massmedia contributes to thelegitimation of the marginalisation of undocumented migrants in Sweden through the focus onpolitical and financial aspects and the legal status of the migrant before human rights.Sammanfattning Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur irreguljära migranter, eller ”papperslösa” flyktingars situation konstrueras diskursivt i svensk massmedia. Syftet är även att studera hur ”papperslösa” flyktingars villkorade mänskliga rättigheter i Sverige legitimeras diskursivt i massmedia och hur konstruktioner av motmakt görs. Följande frågeställningar behandlas i uppsatsen: - Hur konstrueras ”papperslösa” flyktingar och deras situation diskursivt i svensk massmedia?- Hur konstrueras samhällets roll i situationen? Följande underfrågor är relaterade till frågeställningarna:- Hur legitimeras situationen som ”papperslösa” ställs inför i Sverige diskursivt?- Vilka sociala konsekvenser kan konstruktionerna ha för ”papperslösa” och för samhället? Frågeställningarna besvaras genom en diskursanalys av ett empiriskt urval bestående av tio nyhetsinslag som sänts i Sverige Television och tio nyhetsartiklar från Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Aftonbladet och Expressens Internetupplagor. Analysen genomförs med diskurspsykologiska analytiska verktyg utifrån de befintliga sociologiska teorierna. Resultatet visar att situationen konstrueras enligt skilda tolkningsrepertoarer som bygger på humanitära och ekonomiska diskurser som leder till olika sociala konsekvenser och ideologiska kategoriseringar av ”vi och dom”. Resultatet visar även att retoriska konstruktioner av situationen i massmedia bidrar till att legitimera att ”papperslösa” individer marginaliseras i Sverige genom att fokus i rapporteringen ligger på politiska och ekonomiska aspekter samt ”papperslösa” individers legala status framför mänskliga rättigheter.
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Sommerville, Kathryn R. "The Human Right to Food as a Socio-Discursive Practice." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/30956.
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In the past, human rights have often been studied as philosophical or legal concepts. In this thesis, Norman Fairclough's Critical Discourse Analysis is adopted to examine them as social practices, specifically focusing on the human right to food. This is done through a discursive analysis of a corpus of documents drawn from FIAN International, a human rights organization advocating for the human right to food, and La Via Campesina, an international peasant organization which also aims to realize the right to food but is not itself a human rights organization. Findings highlight how each of the organizations define the right to food, and show that these differences are tied to the structure of the organizations themselves. This suggests that human rights organizations such as FIAN are more constrained by their need to balance legitimacy and programmatic visions than are other types of organizations in the struggle for meaningful social change.
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Sunzel, William. "“No one is born a terrorist” : A study of Securitization, Human Rights and Terrorism." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-352151.
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Securitization is the move in which an issue is argued to pose an existential threat to a referent object. Speech acts are considered to be the starting point for the securitization of an issue. This thesis viewed governmental counter-terrorism strategies as potential carriers of speech acts - hence the strategies could constitute the start of terrorism becoming securitized by a government. By using a generic speech act typology created by Stritzel, which combines critical discourse analysis with the securitization theory on Swedish and British counter-terrorism strategies, the thesis identifies a speech act in the most recent British strategy. The second finding is that in the case where the speech act occurred, the human rights discourse was significantly lower, compared to the cases where no speech act occurred. The thesis also provides suggestions for future research on the topic of speech acts.
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López, Åkerblom Alicia. "Frontex and the right to seek asylum - A critical discourse analysis." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23480.
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The European Union’s border control agency, Frontex, was established in 2004. Since its founding it has received ongoing critique from international human rights organizations stating that it prevents people from claiming their right to seek asylum. Therefore, the aim of this study is to understand how Frontex legitimizes its approach to the management of the union’s external borders in relation to the right to seek asylum. The theoretical framework of the thesis consist of Michel Foucault’s theories of power and knowledge structures in institutional discourse, which helps understand how the discourse is determined by power relations and consequently how Frontex legitimizes its work. A critical discourse analysis was conducted following Norman Fairclough’s three-dimensional model. The model consist of a text analysis, an interpretation and a contextualization of the text. The material analyzed is a report produced by Frontex to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.The results show that Frontex describes its relation to human rights with words that have a positive connotation such as ‘protect’ and ‘respect’, and at the same time aim to legitimize its work in technical terms of ‘development’ and ‘effectiveness’. The results indicate that the knowledge produced in the report dehumanizes migrants and asylum seekers in order for Frontex to treat migration as a legal and technical issue. Furthermore, Frontex partially legitimizes its work by regularly referring to the UN and other NGO’s while emphasizing their previous support of the institution’s work. These power relations influence how Frontex chooses to discursively legitimize its work in respect to human rights. The results of this study only reflect Frontex’s legitimization in the aforementioned report and cannot be generalized to the whole institution. However, it contributes to the knowledge which may improve the situation for those in need to exercise their right to seek asylum.
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Eriksson, Evelina. "Leave No One Behind – But What About the ‘Scum of the Earth’? : A Discourse Analysis Based on Theories by Arendt and Agamben on Rohingya and Statelessness." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384177.
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The aim of this study is to understand the situation of Rohingya through the concept of statelessness and to illustrate the importance of citizenship in relation to human rights. The Rohingya minority has for a long period of time been victims of violence and discrimination by the Myanmar government and military. In 1982, all Rohingyas were deprived their Myanmar citizenship through a domestic law, which is in conflict with international human rights law. Various military operations, attacks, and attempts have been made to drive the Rohingya population out of the country. Consequently, as of 2019, nearly one million stateless Rohingyas are living in overcrowded camps in neighbouring Bangladesh. By applying the philosophical understandings and conceptualisations of Hannah Arendt and Giorgio Agamben, this study seeks answers to how it is possible to perform such acts of breaching human rights. Furthermore, a number of official conventions and principles are analysed to seek answers to how the international community are obligated to act prior, during, and after atrocities on humanity are performed. The main findings of this study are that these acts of violence have been possible due to the Rohingya populations’ statelessness. The sustainable development goals aim to ‘leave no one behind’ and several universal documents and principles are in place to protect humanity from such atrocities. Nevertheless, the international community has clearly failed when it comes to protect the Rohingya population. One important and significant step towards preventing future genocides and ethnic cleansings has been identified through this study – all individuals need to be ensured their fundamental human rights.
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Bock, Zannie. "A Discourse Analysis of Selected Truth and Reconciliation Commission Testimonies. : Appraisal and Genre. /." Thesis, University of Western Cape, 2007. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/usrfiles/modules/etd/docs/etd_gen8Srv25Nme4_2685_1260525552.pdf.
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Adi, Ana. "The Beijing 2008 Olympic Games, human rights and China : a framing analysis of advocacy groups , Olympic organizers, international media and online public discourse." Thesis, University of the West of Scotland, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.569037.
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The Olympic Games is a mechanism through which numerous advocacy and political groups compete to frame the media coverage that it generates. These processes are restricted by the relatively fixed guidelines imposed upon Olympic media by the International Olympic Committee (IOC, 2007). Yet, in the past years, the interaction among and communication between communicators, media and various publics has changed dramatically through the Internet one of the reasons being the emergence of convergent media structures. This thesis investigates the process of media convergence and transition that is occurring within the Olympic infrastructures as seen during the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games. Employing Entman’s (1993) framing theory as a theoretical background, this thesis analyses how ideology influenced the framing of China and discourses about its human rights record. Using online data collected during the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games, the thesis examines how discourse about China’s human rights changes from the official materials released by advocacy groups (Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch) and Olympic organizers (The Beijing Organizing Olympic Committee – BOCOG - and The International Olympic Committee – IOC) into online, international traditional media outlets (CNN, BBC, CCTV Channel 9, New York Times, Chicago Tribune, Guardian, The Telegraph, People’s Daily, China Daily) to the online readers that left comments for the media outlets. As such, employs qualitative and quantitative methods as well as traditional and computer assisted analysis to analyse the framing functions human rights had in different discourses. By integrating framing with the hegemonic thesis, it presents framing as a dynamic process, conceptualizing it as a strategy of constructing and processing news and as a characteristic of the discourse itself.
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Nielsen, Amanda. "Challenging Rightlessness : On Irregular Migrants and the Contestation of Welfare State Demarcation in Sweden." Doctoral thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-49015.
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This thesis explores the political struggles that followed after the appearance of irregular migrants in Sweden. The analysis starts from the assumption that the group’s precarious circumstances of living disrupted the understanding of Sweden as an inclusive society and shed light on the limits of the welfare state’s inclusionary ambitions. The overarching analytical point of entry is accordingly that the appearance of irregular migrants constitutes an opening for contestation of the demarcation of the welfare state. The analysis draws on two strands of theory to explore this opening. Citizenship theory, first, provides insights about the contradictory logics of the welfare state, i.e. the fact that it rests on norms of equality and inclusion at the same time as it is premised on a fundamental exclusion of non-members. Discourse theory, furthermore, is brought in to make sense of the potential for contestation. The study approaches these struggles over demarcation through an analysis of the debates and claims-making that took place in the Swedish parliament between 1999 and 2014. The focal point of the analysis is the efforts to make sense of and respond to the predicament of the group. The study shows that efforts to secure rights and inclusion for the group revolved around two demands. The first demand, regularisation, aimed to secure rights for irregular migrants through status, i.e. through the granting of residence permits, whereas the second demand, access to social rights, aimed to secure rights through turning the group into right-bearers in the welfare state. The thesis concludes that the debates and claims-making during the 2000s resulted in a small, but significant, shift in policy. In 2013, new legislation was adopted that granted irregular migrants access to schooling and health- and medical care. I argue that this was an effect of successful campaigning that managed to establish these particular rights as human rights, and as such, rights that should be provided to all residents regardless of legal status. Overall, however, I conclude that there has been an absence of more radical contestation of the citizenship order, and of accompanying notions of rights and entitlement, in the debates studied.
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Rask, Evelina. "Discourse Democracy and Labour Relations : A case study of social dialogue and the socio-economic situation of informal workers in Gujarat, India." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-351666.
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This thesis firstly explores the process and effects of social dialogue in the context of informal home-based workers in Gujarat, India, and secondly the applicability of Dryzek’s theory of discourse democracy on this case study. In doing this, the study investigates the potential of social dialogue and discourse democracy to work as instruments for improving the social and economic situation of the workers. The case study consists of how the organisation and trade union Self Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) communicate with influential actors in order to improve the social and economic situation of the informal home-based workers. The material is gathered through interviews with four organisers at SEWA, and observations made when visiting three areas of home-based workers. The empirical results are presented in a chapter demonstrating the process of social dialogue and its effect on the workers situation in this particular context. The second part of the results is a discussion where the theoretical framework, consisting of Dryzek’s discourse democracy and the critique of Habermas’s deliberative democracy that structure his theory, and the empirical findings are scrutinised in relation to each other; by discussing traits of the theories in connection to the case study. The thesis concludes that there are similarities between social dialogue in this case and the theory of discourse democracy, but the theory cannot wholly be used to conceptualise social dialogue. It demonstrated the importance of the communicative decision-making to admit a wide variety of kinds of communication and to involve an active civil society with support in the constitutional framework for improving the social and economic situation of the workers. However, it also indicates that other practices than communicative ones are necessary in this struggle.
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Andreasson, Tobias Martin English Media & Performing Arts Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. "Human rights obligations and Australian newspapers: a media monitoring project, using peace journalism to evaluate Australian newspaper coverage of the 2004 HREOC report regarding children in detention centres." Publisher:University of New South Wales. English, Media, & Performing Arts, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/41211.
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This research thesis investigates news journalists?? role in the promotion and protection of peace and human rights. I explore how news journalists do not just have the ability, through the discursive selections they make, to be a catalyst for peace and non-violent solutions, it is their obligation under international human rights. My study links arguments about universal ethics for media based on international human rights with the practical and analytical approach of ??peace journalism??. The main argument rests on the idea that objectivity or impartiality in news journalism does not equal ethical neutrality since there is always a discursive selection made by the news journalists. In order to monitor whether news journalists discursive selections comply with the international human rights obligations, I have explored how the Human Rights and Equal Opportunities Commission (HREOC) report A Last Resort? were covered in three Australian newspapers when it was published in 2004. The HREOC report was a testament of human rights abuses by the Australian Federal Governments towards children in Australian detention centres. I establish that health professionals were a significant group for both HREOC??s main findings and recommendations and a key group for the contextualisation of the human rights violations explored and exposed in the HREOC report. Informed by conflict analysis and peace studies theories I argue HREOC establish how the detention policy equals ??structural violence?? that caused ??direct violence??, which was justified and normalised because ??cultural violence??. I use discourse analysis to explore the discursive selections in the newspapers, and establish that the report received limited coverage and health professionals were omitted in the news while the political conflict was reported. This trivialised the report and health professionals?? role, which led to the naturalisation and normalisation of the violence. I finally reinforce these finding by exploring alternatives to the coverage using a peace journalism framework, which further clarifies the subjective nature of the discursive selection.
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Russell, Anna F. S. "An empirical investigation into the role of human rights in development discourse at the international level : a case study of the right to water." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496638.
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Manda, Levi Zeleza. "Gender discourse and Malawian rural communities: a study of the meaning the people of traditional authority Likoswe of Chiradzulo make from human rights and gender messages." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002910.
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Contrary to earlier beliefs and media theories such as the hypodermic needle or magic bullet, the audience of public communication is not a passive homogenous mass that easily succumbs to media influence. The audience is active, that is, it makes an effort to interpret media content. Depending on predisposing cultural, political, religious, or economic factors the audience makes different meanings from media texts. Media messages are not wholly controlled by producers, although the producers have their preferred and expected readings. Using qualitative research techniques associated with ethnographic and cultural studies (notably focus group discussions), this study sought to explore the meanings rural people in Malawi make out of human rights and gender messages broadcast on radio and through music. Interpreted against Stuart Hall's (1974b) Encoding and Decoding model, the study concludes that while rural communities understand and appreciate the new sociopolitical discourse, they take a negotiated stance because they have their own doubts and fears. They fear losing their cultural identity. Additionally, men, in particular, negotiate the messages because they fear losing their social power over land, property and family.
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Lebedeva, Alexandra. "Deconstruction of the UN Discourse on Transitional Justice : An Understanding of Justice and Reconciliation through Derrida’s Concepts." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-275276.
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The present thesis seeks to problematize the UN discourse within transitional justice. Many scholars have pointed out that the discourse has been normalised and that is why it is in need for deconstruction. The study aims to critically analyse how justice and reconciliation are understood in the field. For the purpose of the study Derrida’s concepts on justice and forgiveness have been chosen as theoretical frameworks. The method of study is a deconstructive analysis, based on Derrida’s notion of deconstruction. The method implies analysis of language of the research material, i.e. four UN reports regarding transitional justice from 2004, 2009, 2010 and 2011. The study has shown, firstly, that the rule of law concept is closely connected with the idea of justice and, secondly, justice is often reduced to accountability. That in turn explains the dominance of the juridical instruments in transitional justice processes. Apart from this, based on Derrida’s concept of forgiveness, reconciliation and mechanisms applied represent a conditional forgiveness, seeking to re-establish normality. Another problem is that reconciliation is not sufficiently approached in the reports. Nevertheless, the history of the transitional justice development has shown that there is a potential for further changes and that is why it necessary to continue question the established norms. Finally, deconstruction analysis has proved to be an adequate method for analysing transitional justice discourses and contributed to a nuanced analysis. The use of two languages, English and Russian versions of the reports allowed to identify and visualise some conceptual constructions that could otherwise have been missing.
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Hagström, Madicken. "The industries’ effect on the indigenous people in Chile : A discourse analysis of the Corporate Social Responsibility policies in the aquaculture and forestry sectors in Chile." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-353439.
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The purpose of this study is to investigate how the rights of the indigenous people are being affected because of the forest and salmon industries surrounding them. The question of the thesis is “How do the companies (multinational and national) in Chile discursively construct themselves as responsible actors in the local communities through their CSR profiles on their webpages?” Through the CDA approach of Fairclough’s three-stage model, I want to analyse the language and how the companies promote themselves as sustainable through their CSR profiles. The intention was to illustrate how certain interpretative repertoires can serve to legitimise or reproduce certain structures. The companies construct themselves by presenting themselves through different discourses. The prominent discourses presented on the webpages are all part of the companies’ strategies to construct a reality tailored to fit the companies’ needs. The point is that the industries are still problematic, and they create issues by consuming the native forests and by the use of different chemicals and antibiotics. They have still not solved how to be global actors and have less impact on the surroundings at the same time. There is also a people-policy gap where the indigenous people do not seem to be part of the policy-making processes. This gap creates power imbalances and the gap keeps growing when the local communities do not have a chance to affect the policies and political processes.
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Adamatti, Bianka. "The Tangled Roots of the Holocaust: An Analysis of the Evolution of Colonial Discourse through the Prohibition of Sexual Relations and Marriages between Races." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2021. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3884.
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The Nazi violence did not have its origins only in the brutality of the First World War or radical nationalist ideologies, but also in European colonialism. Hence, the goal of this thesis is to demonstrate that colonial processes were fundamental to the origins of the Holocaust. To prove this, I applied the content analysis to detect colonial discourse (stereotype, ambivalence, and mimicry) in three legislations from different contexts, which prohibited sexual relations and marriages between races. The documents analyzed exemplified the segregationist thinking of each period of colonization. Portuguese laws from the beginning of modernity demonstrate the transition from religious to racist thought. Analyzing German Southwest Africa, there is the application of racist pseudoscience, and finally, in Nazism, a mixture of both, but also an evolution of colonial discourse. At the end, I proved the existence of colonial discourse in the Nuremberg Laws, demonstrating how earlier colonialisms influenced the Holocaust.
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Mitchell, Leslie Roy. "Discourse and the oppression of nonhuman animals: a critical realist account." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003951.
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This work examines the use of nonhuman animals in the farming industry and seeks to understand why this practice takes place and what supports its continuation. The research is approached from a critical realist perspective and after a description of past and current practices in the industry, it uses abduction and retroduction to determine the essential conditions for the continuation of the phenomenon of nonhuman animal farming. One essential condition is found to be the existence of negative discourses relating to nonhuman animals and this aspect is examined in more detail by analyzing a corpus of texts from a farming magazine using Critical Discourse Analysis. Major discourses which were found to be present were those of production, science and slavery which construct the nonhumans respectively as objects of scientific investigation, as production machines and as slaves. A minor discourse of achievement relating to the nonhumans was also present. Further analysis of linguistic features examined the way in which the nonhumans are socially constructed in the discourses. Drawing on work in experimental psychology by Millgram, Zimbardo and Bandura it was found that the effects of these discourses fulfil many of the conditions for bringing about moral disengagement in people thus explaining why billions of people are able to support animal farming in various ways even though what happens in the phenomenon is contrary to their basic ethical and moral beliefs.
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Bezerra, André Augusto Salvador. "Consenso e força perante a mobilização Tupinambá: o discurso do poder dos meios de comunicação e do Judiciário." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8161/tde-30052018-132000/.
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A legalização de direitos dos povos indígenas não tem obstado práticas colonialistas justificadas por discurso hegemônico de origem moderna e eurocêntrica. Em tal contexto, o presente trabalho desenvolve estudo interdisciplinar que relaciona a incidência do mencionado discurso sobre a mobilização pela implementação do direito à demarcação da Terra Indígena Tupinambá de Olivença. Por se tratar de discurso do poder, considera os dois elementos que o compõem: o subjetivo (o consenso à dominação) e o objetivo (o uso da força quando não obtido o consenso). Diante da midiatização e da judicialização sobre a mobilização Tupinambá, o trabalho analisa, especificamente, o discurso manifestado pelos meios de comunicação de massa (a representarem o elemento subjetivo do poder) e pelos membros do Judiciário (a representarem o elemento objetivo do poder). Adota a metodologia da Análise Crítica do Discurso. A pesquisa constata intensa semelhança envolvendo os discursos da mídia e do Judiciário. Percebe, em ambos, os elementos que historicamente compõem as falas e escritos da modernidade eurocêntrica: a defesa incondicionada da propriedade individual e o dualismo evolucionista a caracterizar os povos indígenas como viventes em sociedades estáticas.The legalization of indigenous peoples rights has not prevented colonialist practices justified by a hegemonic discourse based on a Modern and Eurocentric perspective. In this context, the present work features an indisciplinary study that relates the incidence of this discourse on the mobilization for implementation of the reservation rights of Indigenous Land Tupinambá de Olivença. As a result of being a discurse of power, the study considers its two elements: the subjective (the consensus to domination) and the objetive (the use of force when the consensus is not obtained). On the context of mediatization and judicialization of Tupinambá mobilization, the work examines the discourse expressed by mass media (to represent the subjective element of power) and by members of the judiciary (to represent the objective element of power). It adopts the Critical Discourse Analysis methodology. The research finds an intense resemblance between the discourses of the mass media and of the judiciary. In both discourses, it notices the presence of the elements that historically make up the speeches and writings of Eurocentric modernity: the unconditional defense of the individual property and the evolutionary dualism to characterize the indigenous people as living in static societies.