Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Champagne, Comtes de – Histoire'
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Baudin, Arnaud. "Emblématique et pouvoir en Champagne : les sceaux des comtes de Champagne et de leur entourage (fin XIe début XIVe siècle)." Paris 1, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA010667.
Full textAfter being adopted by Hugues I in the late XIth century, seals gradually came into wider use in the entourage of the Count of Champagne. The corpus of seals of the members of Thibaudian lineage, of the count’s officers and administrative personnel constitutes a coherent set of 192 seal holders and 273 seals, in Champagne but also in Navarre, after the 1234 succession. The seal bears the public image of its holder, an image which is personal but also emblematic and genealogical. Affixed to the charter it authenticates, the seal impression conveys the political and cultural aspirations of the count and his entourage and bears witness to public representation strategies at the court of Champagne. The very example of Thibaud IV, affixing his own seal for the first time at the age of thirteen raises questions about, first, his representation as an armed prince although not yet dubbed, then about the commissioner of a matrix which undoubtedly partakes in the consolidation of a power at the time contested. The seal is also the prime receptacle for heraldic arms. The arms of the House of Blois-Champagne appeared in 1176 on one of Henry the Liberal’s seals, while Thibaud IV designed those of the House of Navarre. These coats of arms on administrative seals are more than mere identification signs, they are a manifestation of the count’s power, creating in the collective mind a sense of belonging to the principality. Besides, the study of the emblematic system in use among high-ranking officers casts a new light on feudal relations in medieval Champagne
Adoptado por Hugo I en los últimos años del siglo XI, el uso del sello se extiende gradualmente a la sociedad del conde de Champaña. El cuerpo sigilario de los miembros del linaje de Champaña, funcionarios y administración condal ofrece un conjunto coherente de 192 sigilantes y 273 sellos, en Champaña pero también en Navarra después de la sucesión de 1234. El sello lleva la imagen mediática de su poseedor, una imagen a la vez personal, emblemática y genealógica. Colgada del charter que válida, la impronta sigilaria transmite las aspiraciones políticas y culturales del conde y de su entorno y deja constancia de las estrategias de la representación en la corte de Champaña. El ejemplo de Teobaldo IV, poniendo por primera vez su sello a la edad de trece años, interroga acerca de la figuración en armas de un príncipe que aún no ha sido nombrado caballero y acerca del comanditario cuya matriz se inscribe en el refuerzo de un poder entonces contestado. El sello es también el receptáculo privilegiado del escudo de armas. El de la casa de Blois-Champaña aparece en 1176 en un sello de Enrique el Liberal, mientras que Teobaldo IV imagina el de Navarra. Más que unas sencillas señas, esta heráldica reproducida en los sellos de la administración pone de manifiesto el poder del conde y da origen en la conciencia colectiva el sentimiento de pertenecer al principado. Por otro lado, el estudio del sistema simbólico de los altos dignatarios arroja una nueva luz sobre la cuestión de las relaciones feudales en Champaña medieval
Wilsdorf, Christian. "Histoire des comtes de Ferrette. 1105-1324 /." [Riedisheim] (BP 26, 98400) : Société d'histoire Sundgauvienne, 1991. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35479849x.
Full textCrochet, Benoît. "Les saints guerisseurs en champagne." Reims, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989REIMM102.
Full textVatan, Anne. "Histoire de l'archeologie celtique en champagne. Des origines a 1941." Paris, EPHE, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996EPHE4039.
Full textThe champagne has been in the heart of the celtic archeology elaboration. In this region, the quantity of available materials for the research is considerable : about thirty thousand celtic graves have been found out since 1940. They are at the birth of many collections. But the value of an old collection is only worth if we can attest of its origins and of its documentation. We must for this take in consideration many factors : the evolution of the archeologiocal knowledges, the methods employed for the discovery and the digging of the sites, the way in which these collections have been gathered and transmitted, the raisons of the men who have incited or made them. To prove and to explain these ideas, the book is composed in two parts. The first part is a history of the research in champagne, which teachs the birth and the evolution of the thought. The second part is a biographic list of champagne's archeologists who have worked on the celtic epoq. This work is to help the present research
Desbois-Thibault, Claire. "Dynamisme et prospérité d'une Maison de Champagne : Moët & Chandon (1792-1914)." Paris 4, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA040225.
Full textDuring a large XIX century (1792-1914), from a small family business in wine trade, the Moët & Chandon firm has become a big industry in production and trade of champagne in an international large scate. Taking advantages of various technical (machines and transports) and scientific improvements (vine-growing and oenology) as well as a favaurable economical conjuncture, the firm has shown an exceptional growth combining both its growing good results in trade and the strengthening of its notoriety. This dynamism was the result of a prosperity of the firm, as well as the qualities of the fondators who ruled it. With this massive success, these people would give to their own name an international renown
Musset, Benoît. "Vignobles de Champagne et vins mousseux : 1650-1830 : histoire d'un mariage de raison /." [Paris] : Fayard, 2008. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41238481f.
Full textCartonnet, Jean-François. "Veuve Clicquot , une grande maison de Champagne face à la conjoncture, management et gestion financière, 1900-1939." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040187.
Full textThe permanence of Veuve Clicquot among the most illustrious names of champagne firms for more than two centuries is not a mere accident. It is the outcome of resilience for a family enterprise with a long term vision, business dynamism coupled with precautionary investment, eager to maintain social relationships of a paternalistic kind with its workers.As a global company since its origin, it could early combine capital, market, production tool, labour, and preserve coherence. From 1900 to 1939, its working conditions are deeply altered. While the Belle Epoque period offered a stable environment, although altered by the phylloxera crisis, the post war years are characterized by war damages, convulsions of prices and exchange rates, the 1929 depression, the 1936 and 1937 strikes. However the firm succeeds in perpetuating its growth strategy in conjunction with the top-of-the-range market of high quality champagne.The firm successfully copes with ups and downs of the economic cycle, and teaches a lesson of modernity. It adjusts its selling prices to monetary instability, drives and stimulates its resellers network. It pursues an aggressive buying policy for grapes and wine, in order to meet demand, develops and modernizes its production capacity. A generous social policy retains workers and staff. The succession of generations fosters family consensus. A high profitability fuels self-financing, consolidated through shareholders loans, while providing the family with dividends, interest and potential capital gains. A sound and balanced financial structure secures the future of the company, even at the worst moments
Tesson, Yves. "« Histoire des politiques sociales d’une grande maison de champagne : la Maison Veuve Clicquot Ponsardin (1908-1964) »." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040098.
Full textIt is throughout a great number of consecutive crises : the phylloxera, the two World Wars, Prohibition, the 1929 crisis, the 1936 strikes, that champagne built its original social model. This social model is the foundation on which the professionals were able to develop their business during the second part of the twentieth century. From 1908 to 196, Veuve Clicquot is a good illustration of this phenomenon. During this period, the firm created a social protection for its workers. This policy was part of a management plan which tried to maintain the stability of workers elite for whom the trade culture was a central aspect. This social policy was able to follow society and production shifts. For instance, when mechanization and workers emancipation appeared, throwing the model back into question, the executive gave away paternalism to introduce new joint relationships (between labor and management) thanks to the institution of a profit-sharing system.At the same time, the champagne houses developed external social policies that were beneficial for their suppliers, the wine growers. The stakes of these social policies were to secure their loyalty and to warrant them an economic stability despite the great variations of the market during the period of champagne sales. The same evolution from paternalism to a new kind of classless relationships, that can be observed in this field of activity, is demonstrated with the constitution of corporate interprofessional institutions. Veuve Clicquot played a decisive part in this setup
Roger, Jean-Marc. "Le prieuré de Champagne des "chevaliers de Rhodes" : 1317-1522." Paris 4, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA040193.
Full textThe prieuré de Champagne of the Order of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem was set up by Pope John XXII in 1317 due to the dismemberment of the priory of France. .
Bussière, Roselyne. "L'Abbaye de Lagny au Moyen âge : histoire et architecture." Paris 4, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA040397.
Full textFounded by st fursy around 650, wrecked by the Vikings, then restored by earl "Herbert de Champagne" around 1000, Lagny's abbey was once more helped by the family of champagne, when "Henri le liberal" and abbot Hugues, his brother, rebuilt the monastery, repaired the ancient nave and erected a new choir after a fire broke out in 1157. But a new fire in 1184 slowed the works and abbot Jean Britel, taking advantage of the abbey's prosperity, especially due to the fairs in Champagne, began to build a new and vast sanctuary. First and fare most, the radiant chapels were built and the lady axial chapel was dedicated in 1206. In the following decade, the lower level of the choir was finished. But the decline of the fairs, the end of privileged links with the earls of Champagne become the beginning of a very difficult period; the triforium was built around 1250 but the choir was never vaulted. The hundred years' war and the wars of religion increased difficulties and st Pierre abbey had to enter the st Maur congregation in the XVIIth century. The community disappeared during revolution
Bourget, Charles. "Saint-Rémy de Troyes et l'architecture paroissiale flamboyante en Champagne méridionale (1400-1550)." Paris 4, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA040126.
Full textLeroy, Thierry. "L'ordre du Temple en Champagne : implantation et patrimoine." Thesis, Reims, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016REIML012.
Full textIf the brotherhood of the Christ Knights Poor was born in the Holy Land, the Order of the Temple was born in Champagne.The Order was created by Hugues de Payns, a Champagne lord who became the first master, favored by two counts (Hugues became Templar and Thibaud II was one of the principals members of the founder Council of this order) and supervised by Bernard de Clairvaux.Templars were in fact a child of the Champagne’s aristocracy.So, I propose to study the implementation of the Templars in Champagne, at the crossroads of the monastic’s renewal and an unprecedented economic boom. I would study nature of Templars’s patrimony too, around Troyes, capital of the county, thanks to family’s and aristocratic’s networks, all in the context of the crusades
Wolikow, Claudine. "La maison commune, culture politique et démocratie locale : communautés du vignoble de Champagne méridionale dans la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle." Paris 1, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA010668.
Full textIn the last decades of the old regime, under the leadership of their syndics and procureurs speciaux, the communities of wine growers of southern Champagne developped various democratic practices to contest seigneurial domination and found various means to reduce their fiscal obligations. At the same time, they offered a great resistance to the reforms which meant the suppression of their village organization and general assemblies. The strength of village communities as well as the numerous debates and projects for municipal reforms proposed and applied since 1750 form the background of revolutionary legislation for municipalities and communes. The unrivaled density of french communes is considered as a powerful motive for french political centralization
Guilardian, David. "Les actes des comtes de Louvain-Ducs de Brabant (XIe-XIIe s.). Contribution à l’étude de la formation de la principauté territoriale." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/276996.
Full textWithin the project of editing the charters of the counts of Louvain and the dukes of Brabant (before 1190), some of the institutions having preserved such princely records are examined. These charters are briefly contextualized in their institutional archives, and a chronological survey of the relationship between the princes and the institutions is presented (including records from other authors and narrative sources). Hence the diplomatic analysis of some charters can be completed (e.g. the countal documents of 1047 and 1086), and some hints are given at the power and authority of the princes of Louvain-Brabant in their early days.
Doctorat en Histoire, histoire de l'art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Lewandowska, Dorota. "Histoire culturelle du vin français en Pologne : moitié XVIIè-début XIXè siècle." Phd thesis, Université Michel de Montaigne - Bordeaux III, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00911740.
Full textDinet, Dominique. "Réguliers et vie régionale dans les diocèses d'Auxerre, Langres et Dijon (fin 16e siècle - fin 18e siècle)." Paris 1, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA010629.
Full textConsiderable place of monks and muns (all the orders and congregations) in three dioceses of burgundy and champagne during the modern age (between 1598 and 1790) revealed by complex and multiple relations (legal, economical, social, cultural, religious. . . ) with the people and local authorities
Frignet, Georges. "Rouvres, la châtellenie, le château, au temps des deux premiers ducs de Valois de Bourgogne (vers 1360 - vers 1420)." Paris 4, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA040259.
Full textThe study of 50 accounts from Rouvres-En-Plaine castellany, covering the years 1360 to 1420, has enabled the analysis of its incomes, in cash and in kind, and the view of their evolution, along the period. The study of expenses has revealed a lot of pieces of information on the garden and about the castle seen as a fortress as well as a family place of residence. The vastness and old age of the premises meant considerable maintenance costs, which were, by no means, in proportion to the low incomes of the castellany. These incomes were, more over further impacted by Rouvres inhabitants lower capability to pay the major in kind contribution, called matroce. These inhabitants were affected by wars and epidemics and were no longer capable to pay due taxes. So, money wanted to finance the works of the castle, came mainly from the burgundian state budget, and, in a minor part, from the villages of the castllany contribution, which was due as a participation to the fortress empowerment. The building of a new tower, which was the main and the last undertaking of these period, was suddenly stopped by the assassination of the duke of Burgundy, John the fearless. It was the beginning of a long decline which ended a few years before the french revolution, by the discontinuance of the castellany and the sale of the last remains of the castle
Crété-Protin, Isabelle. "De la cité au diocèse de Troyes : histoire d'une christianisation (IVème-IXème siècles)." Paris 4, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA040159.
Full textApart from ancient works of local knowledge, whose data is often doubtful or inaccurate, the origins and the development of Christianity in a particular diocese have generally only been the object of brief review articles. However, the collection and collation of written, archaeological and toponymic sources allows the writing of a Christian history of the diocese of Troyes, from its origins to the end of the IXth century, an era of Viking’s invasions after which northern Gaul was the subject of deep political, social and religious changes. After establishing its geographical context, and stripping the legends left by the middle ages from the religious origins of the diocese, the analysis concerns itself first with the time period of, the setting and the participants in the first evangelization; followed by the Christian topography of the episcopal city describing the first monasteries and hermitages - witness to the widespread Christianization during the Merovingian era ; then the religious activity of the diocese during the IXth century and its place within the Christian history of northern Gaul ; and finally, the rural Christianization through the investigation of the creation of the parishes. The analysis first confined to the Christian town of Troyes, starting point of the evangelization, progresses to the diocese in order to give a picture of an expansive Christianity
Cochet, François. "Retour et réinsertion des prisonniers, déportés et rapatriés : l'exemple des champenois (1945-1954)." Reims, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990REIML001.
Full textVaillancourt, Éric. "L'atelier d'orfèvrerie de Gilles Beaugrand." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/23728.
Full textWarin, Fabienne. "Les figurines de terre cuite gallo-romaines dans le Nord de la France." Paris 1, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA010623.
Full textThis study is about the north of France : Champagne-Ardenne, Nord-Pas-de-Calais and Picardie. It is a survey of all available data concerning the history of the discovery : the situation of the production workshops, the improvement in dating terracotta production, the manufacturing techniques that were used, the distribution in the western part of the roman empire. This work mainly provides an inventory of discoveries made in these areas, from the end of the 18th century until the 20th century. It includes 352 statuettes of precise representations arranged accordingly (51 themes) ; 39 figurines cannot be precisely indentified. From this catalogue one can divide terracotta in find-spots and numbers ; one can also determine what representations were most frequent and in what find-circumstances, where they came from (production to supply local demand, imports from the western gaulish and rhine-mosel and above all central gaulish workshops), how central gaulish production was distributed. Various means were used to find a more precise dating hairstyles (from the Flavian to the Severan Dynasty), find
De, Palma Julien. "Le prince en armes : image et représentations des ducs de Bourgogne de la maison Valois en chefs de guerre(1363-1477)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université de Lille (2018-2021), 2021. https://pepite-depot.univ-lille.fr/ToutIDP/EDSHS/2021/2021LILUH055.pdf.
Full textOften forgotten comparing with the splendours of the court by which the dukes of Burgundy of the House of Valois exalted their power and wealth, war was nonetheless an instrument of political and symbolic communication just as important to these princes: a tool of conquest, essential in the development of the State, war was also a showcase of power, which allowed them to build and enforce a fundamental aspect of it, their status as war chiefs. This manipulation of war took two major forms, the image, that is how the dukes of Burgundy appeared on the battlefield, and the representations created after the event. As a result, it became clear that an imaginary prince existed alongside the real prince. In the present work, we will study these two aspects of the prince as war chief and think about how they coexisted. Firstly, this reflection will be based on written sources, starting with financial records, to identify the real prince, that is how the dukes appeared and acted on the battlefield. Iconographic sources will allow us to characterize the imaginary prince: it will be an opportunity for us to update our knowledge about the representations of the dukes of Burgundy by building a corpus which attempts to be as complete and diversified as possible. Through this work focusing on image and representations, we will be able to study the dukes’ relationship with war, their view on the role of war chief, but also the use of war in their propaganda: to this end, we will look at their involvement in the process of creation and dissemination of the various representations. Eventually, this work will enable us to develop a better understanding of what a war chief was by the end of the Middle Ages, through the example of the dukes of Burgundy
Guilloteau, Éric. "Étude d’une fortification disparue et de son évolution dans le contexte géopolitique de la Provence orientale du XIIIe siècle au début du XVIIIe siècle : du château des comtes de Provence à la place forte des ducs de Savoie à Nice." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015AIXM3059/document.
Full textThe objective of our thesis was the systematic study of the architectural evolution of the Castle and Citadel of Nice against the geopolitical backdrop of the Duchy of Savoy from the late 13th century to the early 18th century, covering the work of the medieval master builders to those of the engineers of the modern era. Our research focused on the continuity and differences, and on the complexity of a site that was remodeled throughout the centuries in a quite particular and constrained topography. The concern for space and time was an integral component in the study of this imposing architectural estate, erected at a period when military architecture was undergoing a dramatic evolution. This fortified town was also reexamined as part of a manifold ensemble of fortifications composed of former medieval, modern or intermediate fortified towns, which expanded from the border of the Italian states to that of eastern Provence. In an attempt to revive the image, form, and successive transformations of the now destroyed Castle of Nice, our work drew on the study of texts and iconography, and on a comparative archeological study of the site.The historical reality of the Castle of Nice can therefore reclaim its architectural, temporal, and geographical unity
Kernévez, Patrick. "Vicomtes et seigneurs de Léon du XIe au début du XVIe siècle." Brest, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011BRES1009.
Full textAround the l000s, a powerful lineage of viscounts appeared in the Léon, a region located in the northwest end of the dukedom of Brittany. The family’ s reign was in its heyday in the middle of the 12th century, until the dynasty became submitted to Henri II Plantagenêt’s and his son Geoffroy’s authority. Between 1180 and 1240, the dukes Pierre Mauclerc and Jean Le Roux successively seized the family’ s fortresses and lordships of Morlaix, Lesneven and Brest; driving them to min in the 1270s. A smaller branch of the family, that of the Lords of Léon, appeared at the end of the 12th century. It prospered around the valleys of the Elorn and of Landerneau, but the family also owned several estates in the neighbouring Cornouaille. However in 1363, the lordship of Léon passed through marriage to the Viscounts of Rohan’s powerful family, thus becoming an outlying fief. A more abundant documentation enables the study of those territories
Adot, Lerga Álvaro. "Construire les archives. Du temps des Foix-Béarn à celui des rois de Navarre. Pratiques de l'écrit et enjeux de pouvoir." Thesis, Pau, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PAUU1033/document.
Full textThis international-wide thesis(theory), has not only the objective to restore a history(story) of the family Foix-Béarn-Navarre from their archives. It is rather a question of highlighting the complex links between the royal family of Navarre and its archives in particular between XVth century and the XVIIth century, by envisaging the status and the role of archives established(constituted) in the construction of the history(story), the identity and the memory of this house between the end of the Middle Ages and the beginning of modern period.For the realization of this thesis(theory), we studied, among others, two voluminous inventories realize in the XVIth century who allowed us to know the evolution of the history(story) of archives kept(preserved) in the time(period) in the treasure of the castle of Pau. Concretely these two inventories mark an important time(period) of auto-assertion of the power of the royal family of Navarre, because the first one of these inventories was of a big interest for this family in the process of creation of a modern State with Béarn, under Henri II de Navarre's reign, and the second (realize by 1580-1582) was the last inventory of the sovereignty, because from the arrived of Henri III de Navarre in the throne of France, the archives of the treasure of this castle fossilized.We have to underline at the beginning of this summary the international dimension(size) of the subject of this thesis(theory) because a part(party) of the archives of this royal house, kept(preserved) at present in the ADPA is in narrow relation with documents kept(guarded) at the moment in Archivo General of Navarre, situated in Pamplona. This subject was little studied as well as the history(story), the identity and the memory of the royal family of Navarre under the reigns of Catherine de Foix ( 1483-1517 ) and Henri II ( 1517-1555 ).The organization of archives is a part of the political construction of kings of Navarre, of a political identity in which Béarn (with Navarre) exercises since the end of the XVth century a leading role as independent territory in margin of France. It is the politics led by these kings, that explains the process of centralization in the chartrier of Pau of archives proceeding of their diverse domains (even if most of them are territories dependent on the Crown of France).Finally, we want to quote the study realized by the evolution of techniques or archive systems of the documentation of the treasure of charters of Pau in the long lasting: as regards first of all the evolution of the models of preservation, classification(ranking) and the archival description between the end of the Middle Ages and the modern time(period), is set up an organization of the more and more clear and effective archives. The inventory of the first half of the XVIth century is divided by the diverse domains station wagons but shows us a poor poor organization which follows no thematic and methodical order in the way documents had been listed. On the other hand, the register developed at the beginning of decade 1580 follows a more methodical organization, as proves him(it) the division of every title by thematic chapters, and subdivision of every chapter in bundles numbered. Besides, unlike the numerous systems of documentary quotation used by the archivists in the first half of the XVIth century, those who developed the inventory of the beginning of decade 1580 opted for the standardization of a system of digital quotation in Roman numerals.As regards the evolution of the models of preservation, classification(ranking) and archival description, this study also explains us the successive systems of quotation of the documentation of the treasure of charters of Pau according to the contexts in which they were realized in the modern time(period) and more particularly in the XIXth century, at the time of the birth of the called(mentioned) as archival modern
Esta tesis de dimensión internacional no tiene como único objetivo restituir une historia de la familia Foix-Bearne-Navarra, a partir de sus archivos. Se trata más bien de poner en evidencia los complejos lazos entre la familia real de Navarra y sus archivos, principalmente entre los siglos XV -XVII, abordando el estatus y el papel de los archivos constituidos en la construcción de la historia, la identidad y la memoria de esta casa real entre el final de la Edad Media y el comienzo de la Edad Moderna.Para la realización de esta tesis, hemos estudiado, entre otros aspectos, dios voluminosos inventarios realizados en el siglo XVI, que nos han permitido conocer la evolución de los archivos conservados en el "trésor" del castillo de Pau. Ambos inventarios marcan una época importante de autoafirmación del poder de la familia real de Navarra, ya que el primero tuvo un gran interés para dicha familia en el proceso de creación de un Estado Moderno en Bearne, bajo el reinado de Enrique II de Navarra, y el segundo (realizado hacia 1580-1582) fue el último inventario de la soberanía, ya que a partir de la llegada de Enrique III de Navarra al trono de Francia, los archivos de Pau se fosilizaron.Hemos comentado al inicio de este resumen la dimensión internacional del sujeto de esta tesis, ya que una parte de los archivos de esta casa real, conservado actualmente en los ADPA está en estrecha relación con documentos custodiados en el Archivo General de Navarra, situado en Pamplona. Este tema ha sido tan poco estudiado como la historia, identidad y memoria de la familia real de Navarra bajo los reinados de Catalina de Foix (1483-1517) y Enrique II (1517-1555). La organización de los archivos forma parte de la construcción política de los reyes de los reyes de Navarra, de una identidad política en la que Bearne ejerce desde fines del siglo XV un papel preponderante (junto a Navarra) en tanto que territorio independiente al margen de Francia. La política desarrollada por estos reyes explica el proceso de centralización en el cartulario de Pau de archivos procedentes de sus diversos dominios (incluso si la mayor parte de los mismos son territorios dependientes de la Corona de Francia).Finalmente, queremos citar el estudio realizado de la evolución de las técnicas de archivo de la documentación del "tresor de chartes" de Pau en el tiempo : En primer lugar, en lo concerniente a la evolución de los modelos de conservación, clasificación y descripción archivística entre el fin de la Edad Media y la época moderna, se lleva a cabo una organización cada vez más clara y eficaz. El inventario de la primera mitad del siglo XVI está dividido por los diversos dominios familiares pero nos muestra una pobre organización que no sigue ningún orden temático ni metódico en la manera en la que los documentos son clasificados. Por el contrario, el registro elaborado a inicios de la década 1580 sigue una organización más metódica, como lo prueba la división de cada título en capítulos temáticos, y la subdivisión de cada capítulo en legajos numerados. Además, a diferencia de los numerosos sistemas de signaturas utilizados por los archivistas en la primera mitad del siglo XVI, quienes elaboraron el inventario de comienzos de los años 1580 optaron por la uniformización en un único sistema de signatura (utilizando las cifras romanas).En lo que concierne a la evolución de los modelos de conservación, de clasificación y de descripción archivística, este estudio nos explica también los sucesivos sistemas de signaturas de la documentación del "trésor de chartes" de Pau, en función de los contextos en los que fueron realizados en la época moderna y más particularmente en el siglo XIX, época del nacimiento de lo que conocemos como la archivística moderna
Chaffenet, Paul. "Aristocratie et communautés religieuses aux marges septentrionales du royaume de France (fin IXe - début XIIe siècles) : le cas du diocèse de Noyon." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/251748.
Full textIn the north of the kingdom of France and more particularly in mediaeval Picardy, the history of the diocese of Noyon, apprehended from the point of view of the relations between aristocracy and religious communities from the end of the 9th to the beginning of the 12th centuries, reveals a relative documentary exception :in Vermandois as in Noyonnais, a certain profusion of sources (essentially diplomatic) allows a refined understanding of the place of the abbeys and chapters in the manifestation of secular religious policies. The same sources require special but not exclusive attention to the comital and episcopal policies in this area. However, for the whole period chosen, the latter were too often perceived as structured and linear blocks. It is necessary to overcome these impressions of homogeneity and immobility by showing the diversity and evolution of the reciprocal influences uniting on the one hand the religious communities, on the other hand the counts of Vermandois and the bishops of Noyon. While the churches of the studied diocese have been regarded as key places of expression of the fidelity of the second-rate aristocracy towards the high princely powers, we must also question the religious behavior of all the powerful (especially castellan) in order to show how they demonstrate individualized attitudes and contribute to drawing the contours of local authorities. In other words, the relations between aristocrats and religious communities, studied both in their material and spiritual aspects, are part of political societies polarized by the prince, whether the latter is bishop of Noyon, count of Vermandois or even castellan ?
Doctorat en Histoire, histoire de l'art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Copy, Jean-Yves. "Etre roi à Pampelune, à Paris et "en son pays" : la culture de la revendication royale chez les ducs de Bretagne." Rennes 2, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010REN20012.
Full textStudy of the Breton artistic heritage reveals the existence of royal signs running from 1260 to 1514. Any attempt to find their meaning involves questions about their homogeneity and purpose. Do they all bear the same political meaning? How can one account for the paradox that the Breton sovereigns were both great feudal lords of the kingdom of France, yet at the same time displayed their aspirations for independence? Was the Duke of Brittany a king therefore? Or did he aspire to royal title? How can one reconcile the appropriation of royal signs and the a minima set of titles, as Counts and Dukes, granted to them by the king of France? Is it a singular characteristic of claims? Laying claim involves acting as if, defying the king in his external appearance, positioning oneself via opposition. This thesis, based mainly on the study of funerary sculpture, shows the two successive fields of their claims. The Dukes of Brittany Pierre Mauclerc, d. 1250, and John I, d. 1286, like their ancestors the first two Counts of Dreux who were of Capetian descent and thus of royal blood, dreamt of a royal throne and above all the throne of France, a grandiose dream expressed in the funerary images in the Nantes region and taken up eighty years later by Charles of Blois. The lineage continued to defy the State. Another symbol of emancipation then appeared, based on the link to the royal Breton lineage of the High Middle Ages, and thus unconnected to the Capetian world. Having descended from heaven, the Breton royal crown sustained quarrels over succession between Bretons before becoming a means of opposition to the king of France
Beaulant, Rudi. "Les lettres de rémission des ducs de Bourgogne : étude sur les normativités sociales, politiques et juridiques." Thesis, Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018UBFCH042.
Full textThe letters of remission have long been neglected by historians who did not see the point of a proper study or exploited them only for their “folkloric” aspects. Yet, over the past three decades, the letters of remission of the kings of France have been studied with the aim of highlighting the history of medieval crime, proposing a social history and contributing to the political history of the royal State. The archives of the dukes of Burgundy, dispersed across many fonds, contain 800 letters from the 14th and 15th centuries, which have never been globally studied for all the Burgundian territories. The transcription and the analysis of these documents, conducted by means of computer databases, must allow to understand the evolutions of the practices of the right to pardon in the late Middle Ages and of course take into account their historical contexts so as to better understand their social, legal and political stakes.The normative dimension is privileged here, notably insofar as the letters are partially stereotyped models which reflect the image of the good person and the one of the good prince. These norms are defined by practice but their changes through time suggest a rapprochement between the practices of pardon and law, although pardon remains a derogation from the law. Some of them also constitute Burgundian specificities, which are important to study regarding the contexts in which they form and the areas in which they apply, in order to identify possible geographic disparities among the multiple territories composing the Burgundian space. The comparative dimension of the practices of criminal pardon of the dukes must be privileged too, particularly with the royal remissions but also with the ones granted by other territorial princes. Finally, in as much as the letter of remission becomes a recurring tool of the late medieval judicial landscape, it is necessary to confront it to other sources of the practice with which it articulates in the workings of Burgundian administration, whether it handles with court archives or account registers
Abelard, Karine. "Edition scientifique des Chroniques des rois, ducs et princes de Bretagne de Pierre Le Baud, d’après le manuscrit 941 conservé à la Bibliothèque municipale d’Angers." Thesis, Angers, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015ANGE0025/document.
Full textThe first version of "Chroniques des rois, ducs et princes de Bretagne" was ordered by Jean de Châteaugiron, lord of Derval and Pierre Le Baud finished writing it in 1480. Only two manuscripts reached us : the original, preserved at the Bibliothèque nationale de France (ms fr.8266),was partially edited in 1907 by Charles de LaLande de Calan, whereas the second, which canbe found at the Bibliothèque municipale d'Angers and is a copy of the first, was never transcripted. This edition transcribes the manuscript 941 in its entirety, meaning all the three books written on over 406 folios. This transcription also analyses the method the chronicler used to compile the text, the linguistic characteristics of the scribe andthe differences with the manuscript 8266 of theBibliothèque nationale de France. A glossary, aswell as an index of persons, an index of locations and an index of sources, will also enlighten the historical, geographical and cultural aspects of this publication
Grosjean, Alexandre. "Toison d'or et sa plume : la chronique de Jean Lefèvre de Saint-Rémy." Thesis, Littoral, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014DUNK0414.
Full textThe Chronicle (1408-1436) of Jean Lefèvre of Saint-Rémy (v.1396-1468) is one of sources the most used to understand the history of the Dukes of Burgundy from the dynasty Valois, particularly Princedom of John the Fearless and of Philip The Good. The historiographical work describes the civil war between Armagnac and Burgundians from 1408 until 1435, besides some original relations concerning the campaign of Azincourt of 1415 or the wedding of Philippe de Bourgogne and Isabelle of Portugal in Bruges, in January 1430. Jean Lefèvre developed his work as "Toison d'or" King of Arms (Golden Fleece chilvaric order's herald), taking his documentation from the copy of several narrative books, the most important of which are the one of Enguerrand of Monstrelet, but also from its eye testimony, from its inquiries with the Burgundians aristocracy or exchanges with the various contemporary historians evolving within the ducal courtyard. The Burgundian court influenced very widely this author, this one fascinating as type of writing that of the Reports consisted by various laymen of its circle of acquaintances. The objective of its historic papers, handling in a clearly partial way the warlike or worldly events, it situated in the encomiastic tradition towards the power to whom he owes his missions. We find a similarity with the other heralds authors of historic works of the end of the Middle Ages there, among which the protection of the fama of the Prince, which stays the main cause of writing
Karaskova, Olga. "Marie de Bourgogne et le Grand Héritage : l’iconographie princière face aux défis d'un pouvoir en transition (1477-1530)." Thesis, Lille 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LIL30019.
Full textMary of Burgundy (1457-1482) as ruler seems to be rather a non sequitur topic for a study as her short reign – sandwiched between those more important of her belligerent father, Charles the Bold, and her imposing spouse, Maximilian of Austria – is often marginalized by researchers. A somewhat ambiguous figure, whose image hovers somewhere in the space limited by two opposing concepts – an inexperienced and weak duchess, a mere pawn in the great political game played between France and the Holy Roman Empire, and a self-determined young princess who knew what she wanted and managed to dictate her will, praised by her biographers, Mary still remains generally in the shade of her nearest kinsmen despite the abundant publications concerning the Duchy of Burgundy.This attitude towards Mary was mainly formed by the politics of her successors and descendants, who employed her image in their own interests; eager to legitimize the transition of power from the House of Valois to that of the Habsburgs, they opted for the representation of Mary as the heiress of Burgundy, a noble and pious lady devoted to her family, and not as an independent sovereign. This image of “Mary the Rich” appears to be so powerful that often historians focus their attention primarily on Maximilian, thus – involuntarily or not – making him the main hero of the Burgundian epic of the crisis years. The real situation was, however, more complex. Never in fact retired from political life, never ceasing to travel across her lands in order to ensure and state the ubiquity of ducal authority, Mary was taking great care in creating and promoting her image, sending out to her contemporaries easily recognizable signs communicating her strong sense of who she was and how she wished to be seen. Recollected and examined with closer attention, these symbolic messages could depict a different image of this “lady of the country”, who was “revered and feared more than her husband”, according to the omniscient Philippe de Commynes, and reveal the clear political and cultural intentions she wanted to convey. Based on a number of important works of literature, history and iconography associated with the duchess as well as on various accounts on her, provided either by her contemporaries or – in a certain manner – by herself, principally through performing highly symbolic acts or through artistic commissions, the present research aims thus to reassess the person and the actual role of Mary of Burgundy in the history of the Burgundian state
Le, Strat-Lelong Sylvie. "Le comté de Bourgogne d'Eudes IV à Philippe de Rouvres (1330-1361) : une principauté en devenir." Thesis, Besançon, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BESA1014.
Full textThe Dukes-Counts of Burgundy inherited in 1330 within a domain already well established, whose strengths espouse the axes of penetration of the relief, according to a diagonal southwest / northeast. Although only partially and temporarily dismembered at the option of boisterous successional divisions, it has had only minor changes, aimed at strengthening the territorial mesh. It relies on a network of former administrative provosts, castellanies and, incidentally, town halls. Its archaic character is offset by the reorganization, under Eudes IV, the competence of bailiffs, which results in a partition between two bailiwicks, Upstream and Downstream. The prince is also responsible for creating the gruerie, and implementation of accounting structures to optimize the circuit for the production and marketing of salt. The Dukes-Counts have fully used the resources of the feudalism to strengthen and expand their network of vassalage. They clash with the interests of large families - Faucogney, Montbéliard, Neuchâtel, Chalon-Arlay and Chalon-Auxerre - mistresses border positions whose power allows them to compete with the prince. The government of Eudes IV is traversed by strong tensions with the nobility of the County, victim of the affirmation of the Duke-Count policy. They are expressed regularly by the use of weapons in any part of the aristocracy, which finds support among neighboring princes and especially to the king of England. A relative easing occurs with the accession of Philip of Rouvres: it raises the emergence of new balances by offering to the great vassals to participate in the government of the province. Eudes IV, meanwhile, played against the barons the card of small and medium nobility, which he included to the machinery of power through the offices and the armed service. The number of rallies proves the achieved success of this modest nobility association policy to the financial impact of the prince’s domain, including income from the salt industry, originality of the province. However, the record of the assertion of princely power, still in full development in the county of Burgundy, is mixed. If the sovereignty of the prince is clearly affirmed in principle, it is not always effective in practice, even if the Dukes-Counts, especially Eudes IV, have focused all their efforts, notably by trying to create for their benefit a draft of political, judicial and economic space, extended to fiefdoms. These enterprises face the demands of a still alive feudal law, and suffer from the general economic conditions of the Hundred Years War, which forced the King of France to spare his strength by giving satisfaction to the great vassals against their prince. However, institutions are strengthened, particularly in relation to the exercise of justice. The war drives to redefine the functions of the officers and to create new ones. And major fact, the legislative and normative power of the prince entered mentalities. The land is fully prepared for the construction of the Burgundian state under the Valois dukes