Journal articles on the topic 'Champa Kingdoms'

The Cham are commonly defined as an ethnic group associated with the ancient Southeast Asian kingdoms of Champa. Corresponding to present-day central and southern Vietnam, these kingdoms were progressively conquered by the Vietnamese Dai Viet empire from the 15th to 19th centuries. The article sets out to trace the extent to which a connection between Cham and Champa is actually articulated in Vietnam’s relevant museums and heritage sites. The nationalist narrative in the title refers to that of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, which tends to underplay the Dai Viet empire’s progressive ‘southward march’ from its centre in the Red River Delta towards the Mekong Delta. The article concludes that on the whole, juxtaposing representations of Cham ethnicity with Champa artefacts does not amount to a real engagement with the legacy of Champa, though we discuss limited exceptions.

There is a theory that explains the origins of Campā (Champa) by rendering a paradigm in which a kingdom referred to as Xi-Tu emerged in the Thu Bồn valley (a part of Quảng Nam Province today in central Việt Nam) around the 3rd century CE, and then absorbed the Lin-Yi kingdom by the end of the 6th century, resulting in what today is known as Champa. In contrast to this assumption, this paper uses both historical and archeological evidence to show that there was, in fact, no such a kingdom in the Thu Bồn valley in the 6th century. Instead, the evidence shows that from the beginning of the 4th century Lin-Yi conquered many small neighbouring kingdoms, including Xi-Tu (if it in fact existed). Champa, or Campā, was the Sanskrit name used by the ruling class of the Kingdom of Lin-Yi to refer to their territory (Lin-Yi is the name derived from Chinese historical documents). The discussions concerning the existence of Xi-Tu aim to clarify the nature of the birth of the polity with Indic influences located on the coast of Indochina,known as Champa. Determining the cradle of Champa, once known to be in the territory of Lin- Yi, could lead to a better understanding of the growth of this kingdom, with its unique historical and geographical background. With this in mind, the author would like to share his views on the issue, currently regarded as "a critical point in the historiography of Champa" (Taylor, 2021, 581).

Abstract From 2009 to 2012, a joint research team of Japanese and Vietnamese archaeologists led by the late Prof. Nishimura Masanari conducted surveys and excavations at fifteen sites around the Hoa Chau Citadel in Thua Thien Hue Province, built by the Champa people in the ninth century and used by the Viet people until the fifteenth century. This article introduces some findings from recent archaeological excavations undertaken at three Champa citadels: the Hoa Chau Citadel, the Tra Kieu Citadel in Quang Nam Province, and the Cha Ban Citadel in Binh Dinh Province. Combined with historical material and field surveys, the paper describes the scope and structure of the ancient citadels of Champa, and it explores the position, role, and function of these citadels in the context of their own nagaras (small kingdoms) and of mandala Champa as a whole. Through comparative analysis, an attempt is made to identify features characteristic of ancient Champa citadels in general.

QUAN HỆ GIỮA CHAMPA VÀ PHƯƠNG TÂY THẾ KỶ XVI – XVII Nguyễn Văn Quảng (Khoa Lịch sử, Trường Đại học Khoa học, Đại học Huế) Champa là một vương quốc cổ tồn tại ở miền Trung Việt Nam từ cuối thế kỷ thứ 2 đến đầu thế kỷ thứ 19. Vào thời kỳ thịnh vượng nhất, lãnh thổ của vương quốc này trải dài từ vùng đất Quảng Bình đến Bình Thuận, miền Trung Việt Nam hiện nay. Từ các yếu tố vật chất và tinh thần, có thể thấy văn hóa Champa chịu ảnh hưởng sâu sắc của văn hóa Ấn Độ, đặc biệt là Ấn Độ giáo. Ngoài ra, trong quá trình tồn tại và phát triển, Champa còn có quan hệ mật thiết với Trung Quốc, Đại Việt, Java, Angkor..., điều này thể hiện tính năng động của nền văn hóa này. Đáng chú ý, bên cạnh quan hệ truyền thống với các nước phương Đông, thế kỷ XVI - XVII, Champa còn có quan hệ với một số nước phương Tây như Bồ Đào Nha, Hà Lan. Tuy nhiên, ít có công trình nghiên cứu đề cập đến vấn đề này. Trên cơ sở các nguồn tư liệu hiện có, bài viết nhằm mô tả mối quan hệ giữa vương quốc Champa với một số nước phương Tây trong giai đoạn thế kỷ XVI - XVII. Nghiên cứu đặc biệt tập trung làm rõ nguyên nhân, quá trình, bản chất và kết quả của mối quan hệ này. Kết quả của nghiên cứu có thể góp phần đáng kể vào việc làm phong phú thêm hiểu biết về sự tồn tại của vương quốc Champa cũng như mối quan hệ ngoại giao đa chiều của nó trong các thế kỷ XVI - XVII. Ngoài ra, nó có thể làm phong phú thêm tài liệu về vương quốc này trong lĩnh vực lịch sử và văn hóa. Champa was a ancient kingdom that existed in the Central Vietnam from the end of the 2nd century to the beginning of the 19th century. In its most prosperous period, the territory of this kingdom stretched from the land of current Quang Binh to Binh Thuan province in the Central of Vietnam. From the material and spiritual elements, we could see that Champa culture was deeply influenced by Indian culture, especially Hinduism. In addition, in the process of existence and development, Champa also had strong relations with China, Dai Viet, Java, Angkor..., which could help describe itsdynamic of culture. Noteworthy, besides the traditional relations with the countries in the East, dunging the XVI - XVII centuries, Champa also had relations with some Western countries such as Portugal and Netherlands. However, there seems little knowledge of such relations in the field of history and culture. On the basis of the sources of available documentation, this research aims todescribe the relation between ancient Champa kingdom and some Western countries in the XVI – XVII centuries. It specifically focuses on the content of the causes, process, nature and result of this relation. The results of this research can significantly contribute to enriching the understanding of the existence of the Champa as an ancient kingdom as well as its multi-dimensional diplomatic relation during the XVI – XVII centuries. In addition, it can enrich material documentation about this ancient kingdom in the field of history and culture. Keywords: Champa, diplomatic relations, the West, the XVI – XVII centuries. THE RELATION BETWEEN ANCIENT CHAMPA KINGDOM AND THE WEST DURING THE XVI AND XVII CENTURIES PhD. Nguyễn Văn Quảng (Faculty of History, University of Sciences, Hue University)

Based on 1989 statistics, approximately 131,282 Cham live in Vietnam.They are the descendents of Champa, an Indian-Hindu kingdom that, centurieslater, was heavily influenced by Arabic-Islamic culture. Buddhismalso made its way into Champa, but was confined to the royal circle duringthe reign of King Indravarman II (c. 896-905). Historically, the Cham weredivided along religious lines: Hindu and Muslim. The Muslim population issubdivided further between the Cham Banis and the mainstream (Sunni)Cham Islam. The Cham population is concentrated mainly in the lowermiddleand southern parts of Vietnam. In the middle part, they live scatteredin the Phan Rang and Phan Ri regions. In the southern and southwesternparts, they live in Tay Ninh, Chau Doc, An Giang, Ho Chi Minh City, LongKhanh, and Binh Phuoc cities. The Cham Banis and Cham Hindus onlyreside in Phan Rang and Phan Ri. There, the Cham Banis make up about onehalfof the Cham population, while the remaining half is Cham Hindu. However,in the south and southwest, all of them follow mainstream Islam ...

In the 17th century, the Champa Kingdom, which had operated for more than 1,000 years in what is now central and southern Vietnam, ceased to exist. The Hindu influence of the Cham state remained visible in the brick tower-temples that still exist, as well as in sculptures some of which are in Vietnamese museums. The first research into the Cham culture and history was carried out by French colonisers in the early 20th century, followed by Polish archaeologists and the Vietnamese government, among others. The study of the legacy left by the Cham poses significant difficulties, due to years of warfare, environmental influences, the passage of time and theft. However, the homogeneous culture and architectural structural integrity enable conducting a research analysis of the legacy left behind. The heterogeneous level of tourist development of the different tower groups poses a challenge to create a high standard of tourist attractiveness. The high quality of tourism provision characteristic of My Son and Po Nagar, setting an example to be followed throughout the Southeast Asian region, stands out against the low level of tourism development at other Cham temples.

Indochina was divided into three main regions namely Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam. These three countries were countries where the majority of the population adheres to the Buddhist belief system or religion. Islam was a very minority religion in these three countries. This article aimed to explain how the process of Islamization in the Indochina region. This research used qualitative research methods by focusing on literature studies through historical methods with three stages, namely heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results of this study indicated that the process of Islamization in Cambodia which was initially welcomed by the king and local people went through the dark period of the red Khemr regime and finally the Muslim community in Cambodia was free and they rebuilt their religious system, so that the latter could live hand in hand with other religions. The process of Islamization in Laos was engaged in trading and managing butcher shops. They lived in the jami' mosque in Vientiane. Meanwhile, the process of Islamization in Vietnam started from the kingdom of Champa. There were several theories which state that the process of the arrival of Islam in Vietnam started from the relationship carried out by the crew of the Champa royal ship with traders from Brunei and Banten (Indonesia).

The Cham Muslims of Cambodia are descendents of Champa, a once-powerful Hindu-Buddhist kingdom located in modern-day central and southern Vietnam. Champa existed from the second century CE until its complete annexation by its long-time rival, the Dai Viet, in 1832.1 Its gradual loss of territory caused several waves of immigration to Cambodia between the crucial dates of 1471 and 1835 (the start of violent repression against the Cham in their last, and finally also annexed, principality: Panduranga).2 It seems that the first wave allied itself with Cambodia’s Malay community, with whom the Cham share ethno-linguistic (as both groups are speakers of Austronesian languages) and cultural (e.g., matrilinear customs) heritage, as well as their status as foreign immigrants. Through this contact, they were Islamized. This article presents an overview of the religious and political development of Cambodia’s Cham Muslims, most of whom are Sunnis, from the days of French colonialism up to the present, and shows how this formerly neglected minority became a showcase of Islamic internationalism. Contact persons or interviewees were recommended to me by Dr. Sos Mousine (CMDF, CAMSA, and the Ministry of Agriculture), Set Muhammadsis (CAMSA, CMDF) or Dato Hajji Alwi Muhammad (MAI Terengganu), or were sought out by myself. As I was mainly interested in religious change and the rebuilding of religious infrastructure, I visited many mosques and schools for interviews, which were conducted in English, Arabic, or with a Khmer or Cham translator.

The Cham Muslims of Cambodia are descendents of Champa, a once-powerful Hindu-Buddhist kingdom located in modern-day central and southern Vietnam. Champa existed from the second century CE until its complete annexation by its long-time rival, the Dai Viet, in 1832.1 Its gradual loss of territory caused several waves of immigration to Cambodia between the crucial dates of 1471 and 1835 (the start of violent repression against the Cham in their last, and finally also annexed, principality: Panduranga).2 It seems that the first wave allied itself with Cambodia’s Malay community, with whom the Cham share ethno-linguistic (as both groups are speakers of Austronesian languages) and cultural (e.g., matrilinear customs) heritage, as well as their status as foreign immigrants. Through this contact, they were Islamized. This article presents an overview of the religious and political development of Cambodia’s Cham Muslims, most of whom are Sunnis, from the days of French colonialism up to the present, and shows how this formerly neglected minority became a showcase of Islamic internationalism. Contact persons or interviewees were recommended to me by Dr. Sos Mousine (CMDF, CAMSA, and the Ministry of Agriculture), Set Muhammadsis (CAMSA, CMDF) or Dato Hajji Alwi Muhammad (MAI Terengganu), or were sought out by myself. As I was mainly interested in religious change and the rebuilding of religious infrastructure, I visited many mosques and schools for interviews, which were conducted in English, Arabic, or with a Khmer or Cham translator.

DigiPal is a digital platform of paleographical primary sources that provides free access to a rich collection of medieval English manuscripts. Developed by the Department of Digital Humanities at King’s College London, United Kingdom, this project is designed to offer a way for paleographers and scholars of medieval studies to compare hands of transcription and patterns from different periods in time. It is a great example in the field of digital humanities as it brings new methods to the study of medieval handwriting.

It is believed that Islam was first introduced to the Chăm community around the eleventh century. Despite vicissitudes of the Champa kingdom’s history, this religion has remained and thrived in Vietnam until today. Specifically, Islam can only be found in a part of the Chăm – an ethnic of minority. Currently, the population of the Islamic community has reached about 40,000 and been distributed unevenly in 12 provinces and cities from the Central region to the Southern region. Based on the analysis of data gathered from survey and fieldworks conducted during 2019-2020 across the country where the Muslim Chăm community present, this article presents an overview of the Islamic community in contemporary Vietnam. Main features generalized and analyzed here includes population, distribution, and relationships of the Muslim community with the broader society and with international partners. It also identifies emerging problems putting forwards for this community at the present. We would argue that recent and notable changes of the Muslim community have revealed its efforts of adaptation toward the current social context characterized by modernity, secularization, urbanization and world integration.

Cochrane Library (ISSN 1465-1858) is owned by Cochrane and published by Wiley. The library includes the Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews (CDSR), Cochrane Central Register of Controlled Trials (CENTRAL), and Cochrane Clinical Answers (CCAs). Cochrane Library is an online collection of databases that provides high-quality, independent, peer-reviewed systematic reviews, trials, and Clinical Answers on health care‐related topics. Much Open Access content is available as well. The database is sophisticated and allows for multiple facet searches, including title, title abstract, abstract, author, and trial registry number. There are options for Basic Search, Browse by Topic, Browse by Cochrane Review Group, and Advanced Search. A Cochrane Library app is available via the Apple Store and Google Play. Cochrane Library is freely available in the United Kingdom and a few other countries, which are listed on the main Cochrane website. In the United States, it is available through a subscription and valuable to any institution with health care‐related programs.

This article discusses the life-story of Suchet Singh (1841–1896). The ruler of the Himalayan kingdom of Chamba, Singh was deposed by the colonial authorities soon after his accession in 1870, and spent the rest of his life seeking restitution. We argue that the strategies employed by Singh, who combined appeals to the international press with political manoeuvrings in India and Europe, evince a novel type of cosmopolitanism. This new development allowed elites from the colonies to contest the empire by exploiting unprecedented technological advancements in communications and travel alongside the support of a widening liberal lobby in the metropole. While Singh ultimately failed to regain his patrimony and died destitute in exile, his life story demonstrates the capacity of judicious engagement with the public sphere and the cultivation of global support-networks to improve the standing of colonial subjects in the Age of Empire.

Western Cham spoken in Cambodia is categorized as Malay-Polynesian under the West Malay Polynesian with the largest speakers compared to its sister, Eastern Cham spoken in Vietnam. The fallen kingdom of Champa in 1442 brought pervasive and massive change to this language both spoken and writing system. The language contact between these languages to the neighboring language makes these languages survive by adopting the phonotactics of neighboring languages. However, this change can be traced back to its family and this research aims to find and to describe the difference and similarity between Bahasa Indonesia and Cham language using contrastive analysis. This analysis is used to elaborate the phrase structure, and simple clause structure with different voices, negation, and the use of adverb already which has its unique application. This research, which was fully funded by PPSDK (Pusat Pengembangan Stategi Diplomasi dan Kebahasaan) under the Ministry of Education of Republic Indonesia and also supported by Universitas Ahmad Dahlan and Musa Asiah Foundation (YASMA), was conducted in four months in a Muslim private School in Krouch Chmar, Cambodia and has secondary aim to support the development of this language and to preserve it from language endangerment status, because of its limited use in social settings.

Sex & Sexuality, Module II: Self-Expression, Community, and Identity published by Adam Matthew Digital is a collection of digitized primary sources obtained from archives in the United States, United Kingdom, and Australia with content from the nineteenth to twenty-first centuries “showing the shifting attitudes and varied experiences of sexuality.” While covering the full range of human sexuality, the collection primarily focuses on the LGBTQ+ experience. This module will be a beneficial resource for academic programs studying gender and human sexuality at the undergraduate and graduate levels. Sex and Sexuality makes use of the artificial intelligence capabilities of Handwritten Text Recognition (HTR) to enable keyword searching of handwritten documents. The documents and images in the collection have been meticulously digitized by Adam Matthew Digital making them discoverable, visually appealing, and adjustable. The proprietary interface is intuitive to navigate with the product being compatible with a range of browsers and electronic devices. Contract provisions are standard to the product and permit for use across locations and interlibrary loan sharing. As pricing is primarily determined by size and enrollment, the collection may be affordable for libraries of varying sizes. Users seeking more current, global primary and secondary resources on gender, women's, and LGBTQ+ topics may find ProQuest's GenderWatch a more suitable choice. Those seeking information on sexuality from the sixteenth to mid-twentieth centuries, or a more global perspective from the nineteenth to twenty-first centuries, may prefer modules three and four respectively of Gale's Archives of Sexuality & Gender.

The Cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health Literature (CINAHL) Ultimate is a subscription aggregate health and allied health sciences database available exclusively from EBSCO. CINAHL Ultimate is the premier product in a lineup of five tiered versions, including CINAHL, CINAHL with Full Text, CINAHL Plus with Full Text, and CINAHL Complete. The database is widely used by educators, students, researchers, and practitioners. CINAHL Ultimate is valued for its substantial indexing of publications core to the nursing and allied health field, use of the MeSH structure for subject headings, and numerous options for advanced searching specific to the needs of the health sciences. The collection indexes more than 3,800 journals beginning in 1937, with 925 being offered full text from non‐open access journals and with a substantial number with no embargo. In particular, the number of full-text, peer-reviewed journals with no embargo available from non‐open access sources is a significant upgrade from CINAHL Complete, and one that may very likely justify the additional investment. Value-added features include accredited continuing education modules, evidence-based care sheets, and quick lessons. With contributing publishers from 73 countries, the majority hail from the United States and the United Kingdom. Some potential drawbacks for those considering CINAHL Ultimate may be the lack of video-based continuing education content and source material beyond academic journals, as well as the limited emphasis on international perspectives; such perspectives may be more evident in competitors such as ProQuest’s Nursing & Allied Health Premium and MEDLINE Ultimate.

AbstractPredominantly Buddhist Cambodia is home to a distinctive Islamic manuscript tradition, introduced into the country by Cham settlers from Champa in present-day Vietnam, and further developed in the Khmer kingdom. Commonly written in Cham script (akhar srak) or in a combination of the latter and Arabic, it has largely fallen into disuse among the majority of Cambodian Muslims since the mid-19th century, as the community increasingly turned towards Islamic scholarship and printed books in jawi (i.e. Arabic-script-based) Malay. Among the side effects of this development was the adoption of jawi also for the Cham language, which has, however, only been employed in a modest number of manuscripts. A minority of akhar srak users and discontents of growing Malay religious and cultural influence, based mainly in central and northwestern Cambodia, have, however, kept the local Islamic manuscript tradition alive. Recognized by the Cambodian state as a distinct Islamic religious community in 1998, this group now known as the Islamic Community of Imam San, has made the physical preservation of, and engagement with, their manuscripts a central pillar of identity and community formation. The present article provides insight into the changing fates of the Islamic manuscript tradition in Cambodia as well as an overview of content, distribution and usage of Islamic manuscripts in the country.

In the history Islam has existed in Thailand since the 13th century. Muslims have been active in trade and administration in the Thailand kingdom. However, in its development, as a minority, there was conflict due to discrimination and intimidation. In 2000 the percentage of religion in Thailand was Buddhist (95%), Islam (4%), Christian (0.6%), and other religions (0.4%). This paper seeks to examine the existence of Islam and the problems of Muslims as a minority in Thailand. In general, the Muslim population in Thailand is divided into two groups, namely Malay Muslims and Thai Muslims. The majority of Muslims are in the Southern part of Thailand, especially in Pattani area so they are often referred to as Muslim Patani Darussalam or Patani Raya which is closer to Malay. While the Thai Muslims are in the Middle and North that includes the descendants of Iranian Muslims, Champa, Indonesia, India, Pakistan, China, and Malay. Problems faced by Muslims in Thailand are more commonly experienced by Malay Muslims or Pattani in southern Thailand. They are regarded as Khaek (guests or foreigners), a negative prejudice. Malay language and names are prohibited from being used in public institutions, such as schools and government agencies. This resulted in the emergence of Pattani's reaction and resistance to the part of Southern Thailand to obtain special autonomy, even to separatists. Finally, in early 2004 there were several incidents and riots occurring in Southern Thailand, especially in Narathiwat, Yala, and Pattani. This conflict occurs because the demands of the separatist movement and the government act hard against them in militaristic ways, on the other hand people are also dissatisfied with government discrimination as well as violence actions separatist movement. This is exacerbated and worsened by USA intervention in the conflict under the pretext of fighting Islamic separatist violence.

In the history Islam has existed in Thailand since the 13th century. Muslims have been active in trade and administration in the Thailand kingdom. However, in its development, as a minority, there was conflict due to discrimination and intimidation. In 2000 the percentage of religion in Thailand was Buddhist (95%), Islam (4%), Christian (0.6%), and other religions (0.4%). This paper seeks to examine the existence of Islam and the problems of Muslims as a minority in Thailand. In general, the Muslim population in Thailand is divided into two groups, namely Malay Muslims and Thai Muslims. The majority of Muslims are in the Southern part of Thailand, especially in Pattani area so they are often referred to as Muslim Patani Darussalam or Patani Raya which is closer to Malay. While the Thai Muslims are in the Middle and North that includes the descendants of Iranian Muslims, Champa, Indonesia, India, Pakistan, China, and Malay. Problems faced by Muslims in Thailand are more commonly experienced by Malay Muslims or Pattani in southern Thailand. They are regarded as Khaek (guests or foreigners), a negative prejudice. Malay language and names are prohibited from being used in public institutions, such as schools and government agencies. This resulted in the emergence of Pattani's reaction and resistance to the part of Southern Thailand to obtain special autonomy, even to separatists. Finally, in early 2004 there were several incidents and riots occurring in Southern Thailand, especially in Narathiwat, Yala, and Pattani. This conflict occurs because the demands of the separatist movement and the government act hard against them in militaristic ways, on the other hand people are also dissatisfied with government discrimination as well as violence actions separatist movement. This is exacerbated and worsened by USA intervention in the conflict under the pretext of fighting Islamic separatist violence.

Abstract: This article studies the representations that Mira Nair and Gurinder Chadha, film directors from the South Asian diaspora, offer to portray and denounce the educational attainment inequality suffered by women from the diaspora in the United Kingdom and the United States. The paper analyses how Chadha and Nair’s depictions challenge the socioeconomic structures that limit these characters both in their homelands and in the welcoming countries and how they disrupt the limiting structures imposed on them for being women.Key words: Gurinder Chadha, Mira Nair, diaspora, South Asian Subcontinent. Logros educativos en la diáspora del Subcontinente Surasiático: La representación de los conflictos de género en las películas de Gurinder Chadha y Mira Nair Resumen: Este artículo estudia las representaciones que las directoras de cine de la diáspora del Subcontinente surasiático Gurinder Chadha y Mira Nair realizan para presentar y denunciar la desigualdad que sufren las mujeres de esta diáspora en Reino Unido y Estados Unidos a la hora de acceder y elegir qué estudios realizar. Analizando algunos de sus personajes se demuestra que Chadha y Nair desafían el orden socioeconómico que limita a sus personajes tanto en sus comunidades como en el país que las recibe presentando mujeres transgresoras que rompen con las estructuras limitantes impuestas sobre ellas por el hecho de ser mujer.Palabras clave: Gurinder Chadha, Mira Nair, diáspora, Subcontinente Surasiático

O artigo de José Maria Vigil, Claretiano, enumera, no momento “Ver”, os mais fundos desafios que a Vida Religiosa (VR) enfrenta em nossa época. A seguir, no momento “Julgar”, chama a atenção para as profundas e céleres mudanças que estão ocorrendo nesta “época-eixo”, tanto na dimensão temporal como na espacial. Num terceiro momento, o do “Agir”, identifica as tarefas que acredita poder deduzir desta situação para a VR. Em particular, sugere: a) recuperar a teologia da VR; b) recuperar a antropologia da vida radical; e c) adequar o capital simbólico da VR. Concluindo, sintetiza suas propostas em duas grandes tarefas: 1) “desabsolutizar o cristocentrismo da VR”, e 2) “reinocentralizar a VR”. Reflexão pertinente quando se pensa na “refundação” da VR!Abstract: The article by José Maria Vigil, a Claretian, lists, in the moment “See”, the gravest challenges faced by the Religious Life (RL) in our times. In the moment “Judge” he calls attention to the deep and fast changes that are taking place in this “axle-age” both in the temporal and in the spatial dimensions. In a third moment – that of “Act” – he identifies the tasks that, in his opinion, should be carried out by the RL in the present situation. In particular, he suggests: a) rescue the theology of the RL; b) rescue the anthropology of the radical life; c) adjust the symbolic capital of the RL. In the conclusion, he synthesizes his proposals into two large tasks, namely: 1) “make the Christ-centrism of the RL less absolute” and 2) “make the RL more Kingdom-centric”. A pertinent idea when one thinks of the “re-founding” of the RL!

Second-hand cultural objects not only possess a very definite biography but also have a multi-layered history. The nature of this history and the cultural artefact’s evolving identity is determined, firstly, by its journey from first into second exchange and beyond, and, secondly, by the institutions, including second-hand or charity shops, individuals or groups who came to own it. Artefacts as well as places where they are exchanged, such as second-hand shops, can each provide a valuable lens to investigate the nature, social function, locational politics and exchange journey of these places and artefacts as a marker of memory. This is amply demonstrated by research into an obscure second-hand artefact, namely a beer tankard inscribed ‘Knysna Half Marathon Family Champ’, acquired from a charity shop. The object was initially appropriated by a South African family as a sports trophy to reward the best-performing athlete within their circle in the Knysna Half Marathon. Through their actions, the family inadvertently tied together the different geographic localities associated with the artefact (Knysna, South Africa and Sheffield, United Kingdom) to the Le Roux/Rous family in a manner not originally foreseen. The trophy was continuously and ritually awarded for 14 years before its mysterious disappearance. Following a long search, the researcher unravelled the mystery of its origins and use. Finally, the trophy was reunited with its original owners. Within this context, the tankard served as a record of one family’s engagement with a form of purposive leisure and their relations of love, intimacy and caring. Therefore, this article seeks to map the Knysna tankard’s cultural biography, itinerary and intersection with several diverse issues such as location, charity shopping or second exchange, sports, and family.

The estimated population of congestive heart failure (CHF) patients in Pakistan is 28 millions.1 Besides epidemics of type 2 diabetes mellitus and coronary heart disease, South Asian countries are also be at an increased risk of heart failure at earlier ages than other racial/ethnic groups.2 Heart failure sub classified into three categories: With preserved ejection fraction (LVEF>50%), Mid-range ejection fraction (LVEF41-49%), Reduced ejection fraction (LVEF<40%).3 According to studies in United States of American (USA) and United Kingdom (UK)4,5 heart failure with reduced ejection fraction (HFrEF) prevalence has increased due to ageing population, improved survival from myocardial infarction and high prevalence of co-morbid conditions like diabetes and obesity. With increasing number of young patients (<40 years) with acute myocardial infarction (AMI) 12%6 in our population, prevalence of heart failure with predisposing factors need to be explored. Other than diagnosing and work up of these patients, the most challenging part is the pharmacological treatment by therapeutic agents proven to reduce morbidity and mortality in HRrEF. Registries have shown under-usage of angiotensin-converting enzyme (ACE) inhibitors, angiotensin II receptor blockers (ARBs), angiotensin receptor-neprilysin inhibitor (ARNI), Beta-blockers and mineralocorticoid receptor antagonists (MRA) in such patients.7 Reason of not acheving the outcomes were due to not attaining the target levels of drugs dosages.8 With recommendations from new guidelines new novel drug therapies i.e. sodium-glucose cotransporter-2 (SGLT2) inhibitors, most debatable questions from the physicians are keeping in view the hemodynamic status and kidney function. Questions coming to the Physicians minds include;9 Should all guideline directed medical therapies be started together or stage wise? Which drugs should be titrated first? How quick can one up-titrate B-blockers and ARNI? At what level of kidney impairment should one stop ACE/ARB/ARNI/SGLT2 inhibitors? When should one refer these patients for cardiac resynchronization therapy device (CRTD) or Heart Transplantation? When should one repeat transesophageal echocardiography (TEE)? Physicians need to have clear answers and stance on the above queries. HFrEF is a major public health concern in our population especially with early onset of ischemic heart disease (IHD). Awareness, education and up to date knowledge regarding early diagnosis, work up and adjustments of drugs in such patients with proper follow up is important to reduce the ever rising morbidity and mortality in our population. References Sheikh SA. Heart failure in Pakistan: A demographic survey. J Card Fail. 2006;12(8):S157. Martinez-Amezcua P, Haque W, Khera R, Kanaya AM, Sattar N, Lam CS, et al. The upcoming epidemic of heart failure in South Asia. Circ Heart Fail. 2020;13(10):e007218. Yancy CW, Jessup M, Bozkurt B, Butler J, Casey Jr DE, Colvin MM, et al. 2017 ACC/AHA/HFSA focused update of the 2013 ACCF/AHA guideline for the management of heart failure: a report of the American College of Cardiology/American Heart Association Task Force on Clinical Practice Guidelines and the Heart Failure Society of America. J Am Coll Cardiol. 2017;70(6):776-803. Virani SS, Alonso A, Benjamin EJ, Bittencourt MS, Callaway CW, Carson AP, et al. Heart disease and stroke statistics—2020 update: a report from the American Heart Association. Circulation. 2020;141(9):e139-596. Mozaffarian D, Benjamin EJ, Go AS, Arnett DK, Blaha MJ, Cushman M, et al. Heart disease and stroke statistics—2015 update: a report from the American Heart Association. Ccirculation. 2015;131(4):e29-322. Batra MK, Rizvi NH, Sial JA, Saghir T, Karim M. Angiographic Characteristics and in Hospital Outcome of Young Patients, Age Up to 40 Versus More Than 40 Years Undergoing Primary Percutaneous Coronary Intervention. J Pak Med Assoc. 2019;69(9):1308-12. Greene SJ, Butler J, Albert NM, DeVore AD, Sharma PP, Duffy CI, et al. Medical therapy for heart failure with reduced ejection fraction: the CHAMP-HF registry. J Am Coll Cardiol. 2018;72(4):351-66. Konstam MA, Neaton JD, Dickstein K, Drexler H, Komajda M, Martinez FA, et al. Effects of high-dose versus low-dose losartan on clinical outcomes in patients with heart failure (HEAAL study): a randomised, double-blind trial. Lancet. 2009;374(9704):1840-8. Murphy SP, Ibrahim NE, Januzzi JL. Heart failure with reduced ejection fraction: a review. JAMA. 2020;324(5):488-504.

When studying the production of knowledge for policy, focus is typically on science that is being done and taken up. This paper looks at the other side of the coin: science that remains undone or unseen. We analyse sports policies through the prism of ‘agnotology’, using the case of anti-doping as a ‘regulatory science’ (Jasanoff, 2011). Theoretical framework Agnotology refers to social production of ignorance (Proctor, 2008). Science may be suppressed, or otherwise not undertaken, or remain invisible (Boudia & Henry, 2022). Ignorance can range from deliberate hindrance to structural impediments (power to put issues onto the research agenda; resource allocation). Framing matters in policy, since any problem representation manages complexity by simplifying, and leaving gaps (Bacchi, 2009). Undone science may reproduce social inequality structures (Boudia & Henry, 2022). Connections can be made with sociology frameworks, such as Bourdieu’s concepts of habitus and field theory (Bourdieu, 1976). Scientific habitus is an incarnated form of being a scientist, which shapes issue selection and treatment (Jeon, 2019). Scientists self-censor for their career; certain research areas, or methods, are frowned upon. Ignorance is intrinsic to the construction of science: some statements may never be fortified into facts, e.g. if no scientist takes them up or challenges them (Latour & Woolgar, 1976). Various typologies exist of how organisations react to ignorance (Boswell & Badenhoop, 2019: elucidation, denial, resignation), or keep uncomfortable knowledge at bay (Rayner, 2012: denial, dismissal, diversion and displacement). Research questions How is ignorance created or maintained in anti-doping science? Research emphasis and gaps: what is (not) researched? What issues/methods are favoured/considered invalid? Policy uptake: what research is made visible or kept invisible? What actors are influential in the process? Influence of structures and power: who is authorised to do science? What is the role of the the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) and its regulatory framework? What strategies are developed in the face of ignorance? Methods i.) Analysis of the regulatory framework and other documents (Minutes of WADA Committees 2000-2022); ii.) semi-structured interviews with scientists (researchers with a record in publishing on doping related science) & decision-makers (officials at WADA & anti-doping organisations). We perform a content and discourse analysis, combining an inductive approach based on our experience in the field and the above frameworks. Preliminary Results The document analysis shows that scientists congregate into a community in which WADA authorizes who provide valid science. The most obvious aspect is accreditation by WADA of laboratories to perform doping analyses. Science predominantly involves these laboratories, based on their specialised expertise, but also privileged access to samples. WADA issues yearly research grants, selected through its expert committees. What science is then brought to the decision-making table also depends on WADA’s expert groups and science department. Through control of access to resources (samples, funding), coupled with regulation, WADA has a strong hold on the science produced. Next we identify, through interviews, specific areas of science that were/are unexplored or invisible, and can be furthered as case studies. References Bacchi, C. (2009). Analysing Policy: What’s the problem represented to be? Pearson. Boswell, C., & Badenhoop, E. (2019). “What isn’t in the files, isn’t in the world”: Understanding state ignorance of irregular migration in Germany and the United Kingdom. Governance, 34(2), 335-352. https://doi.org/10.1111/gove.12499 Boudia, S., & Henry, E. (2022). Politiques de l’ignorance [Politics of ignorance]. Presses universitaires de France. Bourdieu, P. (1976). Le champ scientifique. Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales, 2(2-3), 88-104. Jasanoff, S. (2011). The Practice of Objectivity in Regulatory Science. In C. Camic, N. Gross & M. Lamont (Eds), Social Knowledge in the Making (pp. 307-337). University of Chicago Press. Jeon, J. (2019). Invisibilizing politics: Accepting and legitimating ignorance in environmental sciences. Social Studies of Science, 49(6), 839–862. https://doi.org/10.1177/0306312719872823 Latour, B., & Woolgar, S. (1979). Laboratory Life. The construction of scientific facts. Princeton University Press. Steve, R. (2012). Uncomfortable knowledge: The social construction of ignorance in science and environmental policy discourses. Economy and Society, 41(1), 107-125. Proctor, R. N. (2008). A missing term to describe the cultural production of ignorance (and its study). In R. N. Proctor & L. Schiebinger (Eds), Agnotology. The Making & Unmaking of Ignorance (pp. 1-37). Stanford University Press. Rayner, S. (2012). Uncomfortable knowledge: The social construction of ignorance in science and environmental policy discourses. Economy and Society, 41(1), 107-125. https://doi.org/10.1080/03085147.2011.637335

In the history of humankind, maritime economic and trade connections always play an important role in development. The sea trade routes contributed part towards the development of cultures, diplomatic ties, and cooperation between nations. In Asia, the Champa maritime space used to be very significant for the connection of Southeast Asia with the markets in Northeast Asia and Southwest Asia. As a group of islands in Central Vietnam, the Cham Islands (Vietnamese: Cù Lao Chàm) kept an extremely significant position in the Southeast Asian coastal trade route. At the same time, it had a close linkage with other sea routes running across Insular Southeast Asia. Over many centuries, the Cham Islands were known as an outport of the port town by the estuary of the great kingdom of Champa, which was an extremely important trade port of the maritime polity of Champa. Using an interdisciplinary and multifaceted approach, the paper focuses on analysing the role and position of the Cham Islands in the East Asian trade and transportation networks, highlighting the regional and inter-regional linkage, describing the characteristics of the Cham Islands as an outport, an island port, and a multi- functional port, and interpreting changes in the role and functions of the Cham Islands during the maritime history of the kingdom of Champa and the period under the reign of the Nguyen lords in Đàng Trong (lit. Inner land, the region in Central to South Vietnam, which was later enlarged to become Cochinchina) from the 16th to the 18th century.

In this paper the author discusses the social roles of ceramic jars in Katu ethnic culture; how they contributed to the building of the economic background of the ancient Champa kingdom(s); and how they participated in the ceramic trade network in Mainland Southeast Asia.Trong bài này tác giả thảo luận về vai trò xã hội của cái ché trong văn hóa Katu; nó đã góp phần như thế nào vào sự xây dựng nền kinh tế của vương quốc cổ Champa; và tham gia vào mạng lưới buôn bán gốm sứ ở Đông Nam Á lục địa.

New construction technology and new aesthetic trends are emphasized as the characteristics of Chola influence which have been adapted in Cham religious architecture. The temple architecture and sculptures of Champa thus provide the best information on reflecting the pinnacle of Champa art dating from the 11th and 13th centuries CE. Champa became a center for transportation with its prosperous port-cities/port-polities expressing demand for import-export commodities, especially the trade between South India and South China. The Champa kingdom had thus been one of the main bridges for Chola art to reach Southeast Asian states which was achieved through the commercial perspective and religious art. Kiến trúc tôn giáo Champa từng tiếp thu những đặc điểm của Chola mà tiêu biểu là kỹ thuật xây dựng và xu hướng nghệ thuật. Kiến trúc và điêu khắc đền-tháp Champa hàm chứa những thông tin tốt nhất về thời kỳ hưng thịnh của vương quốc từ thế kỷ 11 đến 13 trong mối quan hệ văn hóa với Chola. Champa từng là một trung tâm vận chuyển với hệ thống cảng-thị phát triển, có khả năng đáp ứng được các nhu cầu xuất nhập khẩu hàng hóa cao cấp, đặc biệt trong mối giao thương giữa vùng Nam Ấn và Hoa Nam, do đó vương quốc duyên hải này đã giữ vai trò là cầu nối cho nghệ thuật Chola phổ biến ở Đông Nam Á, thành quả này được phản ảnh qua lăng kính của các mối quan hệ hải thương cũng như các công trình nghệ thuật tôn giáo.

AbstractThis article describes the endangered situation of Cham manuscripts in Vietnam. Cham are a minority people in Vietnam who used to have their own kingdom called Champa that lasted from the seventh century until 1832, when Champa was eliminated by the Vietnamese. For hundreds of years, Cham people have produced many palm-leaf and paper manuscripts recording their religious teachings, culture, and history. About 600 Cham manuscripts have been collected by institutions in France and Vietnam. Yet, there are a few thousand more manuscripts still available in Cham communities located in Central Vietnam. Most of the manuscripts kept by these communities are however in poor physical condition and urgently need to be better preserved. This article first provides background information on Cham people and Cham manuscripts. Next, it describes the current preservation of Cham manuscripts in Vietnam, explaining why these invaluable materials of the Cham cultural heritage are in an endangered situation. Finally, it briefly discusses solutions for the preservation of Cham manuscripts in Vietnam. Information used in the article is mainly based on observation from two recent field trips to Vietnam by the author.

The peculiarity of the African iron industry is its cultural dimension; where in, symbolism was evident in virtually all the stages of the production chain. With the use of archival, secondary and oral sources, this paper investigated the Taavisa slag heap which revealed that smelting residue was cleared to create space for a royal cemetery and a hut constructed over the grave of Fon (king) Sanggu of Nso’ around 1750. Sanggu was probably the seventeenth Sovereign of the Nso’ Dynasty at Kovifem, who died while in refuge on the peripheries of his kingdom, subjected to Chamba and later Fulani raids. Taavisa was a retreat spot in several situations and developed into a rest palace for reigning Fons of Nso’. Given its strategic location, smelting, pre-forging and sanctity which emanated from iron works, this old iron working site became a place of honour and thus mutated into a shrine. Thus, multidimensional values attached to Taavisa account for Nso’ seizure of the area and subsequent expansion towards its southern boarder Fondoms (Kingdoms). A new element therefore adds to symbolisms attached to the African iron industry that is: a smelting site turned into a royal cemetery.

A avaliação do ensino superior, um dos principais compromissos da atual administração do Ministério da Educação, está, com ênfase crescente, na agenda dos governos do mundo inteiro. Em se tratando de uma problemática bastante nova e decididamente polêmica, é comum avançar nessa área a partir de um escrutínio da experiência de outros para adotar e adaptar o que parece de interesse. O sistema de avaliação britânico, proposto pela Quality Assurance Agency (QAA), criada em 1997, é um sistema que chama a atenção pela abrangência e sofisticação da sua concepção. Além de promover e integrar as avaliações internas das próprias instituições e as externas (avaliação de cursos e avaliação institucional), a agência aceitou o desafio de definir pontos de referência de qualidade. Por meio de programas, tais como "Estrutura das Titulações Acadêmicas", "Padrões de Referência de Qualidade de Área" e "Especificações de Programa", a QAA se propõe a definir de forma explícita e consensual padrões e exigências a serem cumpridas em diferentes cursos e níveis de ensino. Da análise dessa experiência, em fase de avançada implementação, são extraídas lições para melhor articular e fortalecer o Sistema Nacional de Avaliação do Ensino Superior no Brasil. Palavras-chave: sistemas de avaliação; ensino superior; Reino Unido. Abstract Quality assurance in higher education, a major commitment of the current administration of the Brazilian Ministry of Education, is increasingly being placed on the agenda in most of the countries of the world. As this is a relatively new and highly controversial issue, a common strategy is to scrutinize the experience of others and adapt and adopt what seems to be of interest. The British quality assurance system, formulated by the Quality Assurance Agency (the QAA, created in 1997), is often cited for its comprehensiveness and sophistication. Besides promoting internal evaluation by the institutions of higher education themselves and its integration with external evaluation by the agency "Subject Review" and "Institutional Review"), the QAA has taken up the challenge of defining "reference points for quality". Through programmes such as the "National Qualifications Framework", "Subject Benchmarking" and "Programme Specification", the QAA intends to define, in an explicit and consensual way, the standards and demands to e met by students and institutions in different subjects and at different levels. From assessment of this experience, which is already at an advanced stage of execution, lessons are being learned to better integrate and strengthen the Brazilian system of quality assurance in higher education. Keywords: quality assurance; higher education; United Kingdom.

O presente artigo almeja refletir acerca dos fluxos e refluxos entre o Brasil e a África mítica de matriz iorubana. Como aparato metodológico, utilizaremos a sociologia dos atores e leituras pós-coloniais, interpretações das relações internacionais que nos ajudam a estabelecer os liames dialéticos entre os atores, as estruturas e as instituições em jogo. Ao longo do texto, faremos uso de relatos acadêmicos e literários trazidos pelos intelectuais das humanidades, que, ao longo do século passado, estabeleceram esses trânsitos entre o Brasil e a África iorubana, dando especial destaque para a atuação de Martiniano Eliseu do Bonfim, Pierre Verger e Agostinho da Silva. À guisa de conclusões, analisaremos a conjuntura contemporânea da cooperação Sul-Sul à luz de um evento em que o Estado brasileiro foi convidado a dar apoio à preservação da cultura iorubana na África, através da salvaguarda do sítio histórico de Oyo, qual seja, o reino mítico do Rei Xangô. Palavras-chave: África, povo iorubá, candomblé, política externa, cooperação Sul-Sul. BAHIA AND ITS FLUXES AND REFLUXES TOWARDS MYTHICAL MAMA AFRICA: a possible field for the exercise of the South-South cooperation? Andre Luis Nascimento dos Santos Marcos Fábio Rezende Correia Paulo Victor de Oliveira This article reflects upon the fluxes and refluxes between Brazil and the mythical Africa of Yoruban matrix. Methodology will include sociology of actors and post-colonial readings – interpretations of social relations that helped establish the dialectic links between the actors, structures and institutions at play. Throughout the text we will use academic and literary reports by intellectuals of human sciences who, over the last century, established these transits between Brazil and Yoruban Africa, with special attention for the participation of Martiniano Eliseu do Bonfim, Pierre Verger and Agostinho da Silva. In place of drawing conclusions, we analyze the contemporary conjecture of the South-South cooperation in light of an event in which Brazil was invited to support Yoruban cultural preservation in Africa with the safeguard of Oyo historical site, that is, the mythical kingdom of King Shango. Keywords: Africa, Yoruban people, candomble, external politics, South-South cooperation. Bahia et ses flux et reflux vers la mythique Mama Africa: un possible champ d’exercice de la coopération Sud-Sud Andre Luis Nascimento dos Santos Marcos Fábio Rezende Correia Paulo Victor de Oliveira Cet article réfléchit sur les flux et reflux entre le Brésil et l’Afrique mythique yoruba. Comme méthodologie, nous allons utiliser la sociologie des acteurs et lectures postcoloniales, comme des interprétations des relations internationales qui nous permettent d’établir les liens dialectiques entre les acteurs, les structures et les institutions en jeu. Nous allons utiliser des récits académiques et littéraires apportés par les intellectuels des sciences humaines qui, dans le cours du siècle dernier, ont établi ces transits Brésil-Afrique yoruba, avec un accent particulier sur le rôle de Martiniano Eliseu do Bonfim, Pierre Verger et Agostinho da Silva. Pour finir, nous analysons la situation actuelle de la coopération Sud-Sud à la lumière de l’invitation à l’Etat brésilien de soutenir la préservation de la culture yoruba en Afrique, par la protection du site historique d’Oyo, qui est le royaume mythique du roi Xangô. Mots-Clé: Afrique, peuple yoruba, candomblé, politique extérieure, Coopération Sud-Sud. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH no Scielo: http://www.scielo.br/ccrh Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

IntroductionFirmly located within the discourse of visible culture as the lofty preserve of art exhibitions and museum artefacts, the noun “curate” has gradually transformed into the verb “to curate”. Williams writes that “curate” has become a fashionable code word among the aesthetically minded to describe a creative activity. Designers no longer simply sell clothes; they “curate” merchandise. Chefs no longer only make food; they also “curate” meals. Chosen for their keen eye for a particular style or a precise shade, it is their knowledge of their craft, their reputation, and their sheer ability to choose among countless objects which make the creative process a creative activity in itself. Writing from within the framework of “curate” as a creative process, this article discusses how the state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II, hosted by Irish President Mary McAleese at Dublin Castle in May 2011, was carefully curated to represent Ireland’s diplomatic, cultural, and culinary identity. The paper will focus in particular on how the menu for the banquet was created and how the banquet’s brief, “Ireland on a Plate”, was fulfilled.History and BackgroundFood has been used by nations for centuries to display wealth, cement alliances, and impress foreign visitors. Since the feasts of the Numidian kings (circa 340 BC), culinary staging and presentation has belonged to “a long, multifaceted and multicultural history of diplomatic practices” (IEHCA 5). According to the works of Baughman, Young, and Albala, food has defined the social, cultural, and political position of a nation’s leaders throughout history.In early 2011, Ross Lewis, Chef Patron of Chapter One Restaurant in Dublin, was asked by the Irish Food Board, Bord Bía, if he would be available to create a menu for a high-profile banquet (Mahon 112). The name of the guest of honour was divulged several weeks later after vetting by the protocol and security divisions of the Department of the Taoiseach (Prime Minister) and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. Lewis was informed that the menu was for the state banquet to be hosted by President Mary McAleese at Dublin Castle in honour of Queen Elizabeth II’s visit to Ireland the following May.Hosting a formal banquet for a visiting head of state is a key feature in the statecraft of international and diplomatic relations. Food is the societal common denominator that links all human beings, regardless of culture (Pliner and Rozin 19). When world leaders publicly share a meal, that meal is laden with symbolism, illuminating each diner’s position “in social networks and social systems” (Sobal, Bove, and Rauschenbach 378). The public nature of the meal signifies status and symbolic kinship and that “guest and host are on par in terms of their personal or official attributes” (Morgan 149). While the field of academic scholarship on diplomatic dining might be young, there is little doubt of the value ascribed to the semiotics of diplomatic gastronomy in modern power structures (Morgan 150; De Vooght and Scholliers 12; Chapple-Sokol 162), for, as Firth explains, symbols are malleable and perfectly suited to exploitation by all parties (427).Political DiplomacyWhen Ireland gained independence in December 1921, it marked the end of eight centuries of British rule. The outbreak of “The Troubles” in 1969 in Northern Ireland upset the gradually improving environment of British–Irish relations, and it would be some time before a state visit became a possibility. Beginning with the peace process in the 1990s, the IRA ceasefire of 1994, and the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, a state visit was firmly set in motion by the visit of Irish President Mary Robinson to Buckingham Palace in 1993, followed by the unofficial visit of the Prince of Wales to Ireland in 1995, and the visit of Irish President Mary McAleese to Buckingham Palace in 1999. An official invitation to Queen Elizabeth from President Mary McAleese in March 2011 was accepted, and the visit was scheduled for mid-May of the same year.The visit was a highly performative occasion, orchestrated and ordained in great detail, displaying all the necessary protocol associated with the state visit of one head of state to another: inspection of the military, a courtesy visit to the nation’s head of state on arrival, the laying of a wreath at the nation’s war memorial, and a state banquet.These aspects of protocol between Britain and Ireland were particularly symbolic. By inspecting the military on arrival, the existence of which is a key indicator of independence, Queen Elizabeth effectively demonstrated her recognition of Ireland’s national sovereignty. On making the customary courtesy call to the head of state, the Queen was received by President McAleese at her official residence Áras an Uachtaráin (The President’s House), which had formerly been the residence of the British monarch’s representative in Ireland (Robbins 66). The state banquet was held in Dublin Castle, once the headquarters of British rule where the Viceroy, the representative of Britain’s Court of St James, had maintained court (McDowell 1).Cultural DiplomacyThe state banquet provided an exceptional showcase of Irish culture and design and generated a level of preparation previously unseen among Dublin Castle staff, who described it as “the most stage managed state event” they had ever witnessed (Mahon 129).The castle was cleaned from top to bottom, and inventories were taken of the furniture and fittings. The Waterford Crystal chandeliers were painstakingly taken down, cleaned, and reassembled; the Killybegs carpets and rugs of Irish lamb’s wool were cleaned and repaired. A special edition Newbridge Silverware pen was commissioned for Queen Elizabeth and Prince Philip to sign the newly ordered Irish leather-bound visitors’ book. A new set of state tableware was ordered for the President’s table. Irish manufacturers of household goods necessary for the guest rooms, such as towels and soaps, hand creams and body lotions, candle holders and scent diffusers, were sought. Members of Her Majesty’s staff conducted a “walk-through” several weeks in advance of the visit to ensure that the Queen’s wardrobe would not clash with the surroundings (Mahon 129–32).The promotion of Irish manufacture is a constant thread throughout history. Irish linen, writes Kane, enjoyed a reputation as far afield as the Netherlands and Italy in the 15th century, and archival documents from the Vaucluse attest to the purchase of Irish cloth in Avignon in 1432 (249–50). Support for Irish-made goods was raised in 1720 by Jonathan Swift, and by the 18th century, writes Foster, Dublin had become an important centre for luxury goods (44–51).It has been Irish government policy since the late 1940s to use Irish-manufactured goods for state entertaining, so the material culture of the banquet was distinctly Irish: Arklow Pottery plates, Newbridge Silverware cutlery, Waterford Crystal glassware, and Irish linen tablecloths. In order to decide upon the table setting for the banquet, four tables were laid in the King’s Bedroom in Dublin Castle. The Executive Chef responsible for the banquet menu, and certain key personnel, helped determine which setting would facilitate serving the food within the time schedule allowed (Mahon 128–29). The style of service would be service à la russe, so widespread in restaurants today as to seem unremarkable. Each plate is prepared in the kitchen by the chef and then served to each individual guest at table. In the mid-19th century, this style of service replaced service à la française, in which guests typically entered the dining room after the first course had been laid on the table and selected food from the choice of dishes displayed around them (Kaufman 126).The guest list was compiled by government and embassy officials on both sides and was a roll call of Irish and British life. At the President’s table, 10 guests would be served by a team of 10 staff in Dorchester livery. The remaining tables would each seat 12 guests, served by 12 liveried staff. The staff practiced for several days prior to the banquet to make sure that service would proceed smoothly within the time frame allowed. The team of waiters, each carrying a plate, would emerge from the kitchen in single file. They would then take up positions around the table, each waiter standing to the left of the guest they would serve. On receipt of a discreet signal, each plate would be laid in front of each guest at precisely the same moment, after which the waiters would then about foot and return to the kitchen in single file (Mahon 130).Post-prandial entertainment featured distinctive styles of performance and instruments associated with Irish traditional music. These included reels, hornpipes, and slipjigs, voice and harp, sean-nόs (old style) singing, and performances by established Irish artists on the fiddle, bouzouki, flute, and uilleann pipes (Office of Public Works).Culinary Diplomacy: Ireland on a PlateLewis was given the following brief: the menu had to be Irish, the main course must be beef, and the meal should represent the very best of Irish ingredients. There were no restrictions on menu design. There were no dietary requirements or specific requests from the Queen’s representatives, although Lewis was informed that shellfish is excluded de facto from Irish state banquets as a precautionary measure. The meal was to be four courses long and had to be served to 170 diners within exactly 1 hour and 10 minutes (Mahon 112). A small army of 16 chefs and 4 kitchen porters would prepare the food in the kitchen of Dublin Castle under tight security. The dishes would be served on state tableware by 40 waiters, 6 restaurant managers, a banqueting manager and a sommélier. Lewis would be at the helm of the operation as Executive Chef (Mahon 112–13).Lewis started by drawing up “a patchwork quilt” of the products he most wanted to use and built the menu around it. The choice of suppliers was based on experience but also on a supplier’s ability to deliver perfectly ripe goods in mid-May, a typically black spot in the Irish fruit and vegetable growing calendar as it sits between the end of one season and the beginning of another. Lewis consulted the Queen’s itinerary and the menus to be served so as to avoid repetitions. He had to discard his initial plan to feature lobster in the starter and rhubarb in the dessert—the former for the precautionary reasons mentioned above, and the latter because it featured on the Queen’s lunch menu on the day of the banquet (Mahon 112–13).Once the ingredients had been selected, the menu design focused on creating tastes, flavours and textures. Several draft menus were drawn up and myriad dishes were tasted and discussed in the kitchen of Lewis’s own restaurant. Various wines were paired and tasted with the different courses, the final choice being a Château Lynch-Bages 1998 red and a Château de Fieuzal 2005 white, both from French Bordeaux estates with an Irish connection (Kellaghan 3). Two months and two menu sittings later, the final menu was confirmed and signed off by state and embassy officials (Mahon 112–16).The StarterThe banquet’s starter featured organic Clare Island salmon cured in a sweet brine, laid on top of a salmon cream combining wild smoked salmon from the Burren and Cork’s Glenilen Farm crème fraîche, set over a lemon balm jelly from the Tannery Cookery School Gardens, Waterford. Garnished with horseradish cream, wild watercress, and chive flowers from Wicklow, the dish was finished with rapeseed oil from Kilkenny and a little sea salt from West Cork (Mahon 114). Main CourseA main course of Irish beef featured as the pièce de résistance of the menu. A rib of beef from Wexford’s Slaney Valley was provided by Kettyle Irish Foods in Fermanagh and served with ox cheek and tongue from Rathcoole, County Dublin. From along the eastern coastline came the ingredients for the traditional Irish dish of smoked champ: cabbage from Wicklow combined with potatoes and spring onions grown in Dublin. The new season’s broad beans and carrots were served with wild garlic leaf, which adorned the dish (Mahon 113). Cheese CourseThe cheese course was made up of Knockdrinna, a Tomme style goat’s milk cheese from Kilkenny; Milleens, a Munster style cow’s milk cheese produced in Cork; Cashel Blue, a cow’s milk blue cheese from Tipperary; and Glebe Brethan, a Comté style cheese from raw cow’s milk from Louth. Ditty’s Oatmeal Biscuits from Belfast accompanied the course.DessertLewis chose to feature Irish strawberries in the dessert. Pat Clarke guaranteed delivery of ripe strawberries on the day of the banquet. They married perfectly with cream and yoghurt from Glenilen Farm in Cork. The cream was set with Irish Carrageen moss, overlaid with strawberry jelly and sauce, and garnished with meringues made with Irish apple balsamic vinegar from Lusk in North Dublin, yoghurt mousse, and Irish soda bread tuiles made with wholemeal flour from the Mosse family mill in Kilkenny (Mahon 113).The following day, President McAleese telephoned Lewis, saying of the banquet “Ní hé go raibh sé go maith, ach go raibh sé míle uair níos fearr ná sin” (“It’s not that it was good but that it was a thousand times better”). The President observed that the menu was not only delicious but that it was “amazingly articulate in terms of the story that it told about Ireland and Irish food.” The Queen had particularly enjoyed the stuffed cabbage leaf of tongue, cheek and smoked colcannon (a traditional Irish dish of mashed potatoes with curly kale or green cabbage) and had noted the diverse selection of Irish ingredients from Irish artisans (Mahon 116). Irish CuisineWhen the topic of food is explored in Irish historiography, the focus tends to be on the consequences of the Great Famine (1845–49) which left the country “socially and emotionally scarred for well over a century” (Mac Con Iomaire and Gallagher 161). Some commentators consider the term “Irish cuisine” oxymoronic, according to Mac Con Iomaire and Maher (3). As Goldstein observes, Ireland has suffered twice—once from its food deprivation and second because these deprivations present an obstacle for the exploration of Irish foodways (xii). Writing about Italian, Irish, and Jewish migration to America, Diner states that the Irish did not have a food culture to speak of and that Irish writers “rarely included the details of food in describing daily life” (85). Mac Con Iomaire and Maher note that Diner’s methodology overlooks a centuries-long tradition of hospitality in Ireland such as that described by Simms (68) and shows an unfamiliarity with the wealth of food related sources in the Irish language, as highlighted by Mac Con Iomaire (“Exploring” 1–23).Recent scholarship on Ireland’s culinary past is unearthing a fascinating story of a much more nuanced culinary heritage than has been previously understood. This is clearly demonstrated in the research of Cullen, Cashman, Deleuze, Kellaghan, Kelly, Kennedy, Legg, Mac Con Iomaire, Mahon, O’Sullivan, Richman Kenneally, Sexton, and Stanley, Danaher, and Eogan.In 1996 Ireland was described by McKenna as having the most dynamic cuisine in any European country, a place where in the last decade “a vibrant almost unlikely style of cooking has emerged” (qtd. in Mac Con Iomaire “Jammet’s” 136). By 2014, there were nine restaurants in Dublin which had been awarded Michelin stars or Red Ms (Mac Con Iomaire “Jammet’s” 137). Ross Lewis, Chef Patron of Chapter One Restaurant, who would be chosen to create the menu for the state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II, has maintained a Michelin star since 2008 (Mac Con Iomaire, “Jammet’s” 138). Most recently the current strength of Irish gastronomy is globally apparent in Mark Moriarty’s award as San Pellegrino Young Chef 2015 (McQuillan). As Deleuze succinctly states: “Ireland has gone mad about food” (143).This article is part of a research project into Irish diplomatic dining, and the author is part of a research cluster into Ireland’s culinary heritage within the Dublin Institute of Technology. The aim of the research is to add to the growing body of scholarship on Irish gastronomic history and, ultimately, to contribute to the discourse on the existence of a national cuisine. If, as Zubaida says, “a nation’s cuisine is its court’s cuisine,” then it is time for Ireland to “research the feasts as well as the famines” (Mac Con Iomaire and Cashman 97).ConclusionThe Irish state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II in May 2011 was a highly orchestrated and formalised process. From the menu, material culture, entertainment, and level of consultation in the creative content, it is evident that the banquet was carefully curated to represent Ireland’s diplomatic, cultural, and culinary identity.The effects of the visit appear to have been felt in the years which have followed. Hennessy wrote in the Irish Times newspaper that Queen Elizabeth is privately said to regard her visit to Ireland as the most significant of the trips she has made during her 60-year reign. British Prime Minister David Cameron is noted to mention the visit before every Irish audience he encounters, and British Foreign Secretary William Hague has spoken in particular of the impact the state banquet in Dublin Castle made upon him. Hennessy points out that one of the most significant indicators of the peaceful relationship which exists between the two countries nowadays was the subsequent state visit by Irish President Michael D. Higgins to Britain in 2013. This was the first state visit to the United Kingdom by a President of Ireland and would have been unimaginable 25 years ago. The fact that the President and his wife stayed at Windsor Castle and that the attendant state banquet was held there instead of Buckingham Palace were both deemed to be marks of special favour and directly attributed to the success of Her Majesty’s 2011 visit to Ireland.As the research demonstrates, eating together unites rather than separates, gathers rather than divides, diffuses political tensions, and confirms alliances. It might be said then that the 2011 state banquet hosted by President Mary McAleese in honour of Queen Elizabeth II, curated by Ross Lewis, gives particular meaning to the axiom “to eat together is to eat in peace” (Taliano des Garets 160).AcknowledgementsSupervisors: Dr Máirtín Mac Con Iomaire (Dublin Institute of Technology) and Dr Michael Kennedy (Royal Irish Academy)Fáilte IrelandPhotos of the banquet dishes supplied and permission to reproduce them for this article kindly granted by Ross Lewis, Chef Patron, Chapter One Restaurant ‹http://www.chapteronerestaurant.com/›.Illustration ‘Ireland on a Plate’ © Jesse Campbell BrownRemerciementsThe author would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their feedback and suggestions on an earlier draft of this article.ReferencesAlbala, Ken. The Banquet: Dining in the Great Courts of Late Renaissance Europe. 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