Journal articles on the topic 'Central Politics and government'
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1
WAY, CHRISTOPHER. "Central Banks, Partisan Politics, and Macroeconomic Outcomes." Comparative Political Studies 33, no. 2 (March 2000): 196–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414000033002002.
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What are the implications of the trend toward granting central bank independence for partisan theories of the macroeconomy? The conventional view is that parties of the Left and Right strive to achieve distinctive macroeconomic outcomes when in government. However, when faced with an independent central bank, parties of the Left may prove unable to produce their preferred partisan outcomes, whereas Right parties may be privileged in their ability to pursue their goals. Moreover, granting the central bank independence can be expected to have differing effects depending on whether Left or Right parties prevail in government. These issues are explored with a pooled time-series model of inflation and unemployment in 16 Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development countries from 1961 through 1991. The results support the claim that the effects of partisan government and central bank organization are mutually contingent. The pattern of results anticipated by partisan theory only arises where central banks are under political control, whereas when central banks are independent, Left governments are disadvantaged and Right governments privileged in their ability to achieve their partisan goals. On the other hand, the effects of central bank independence also depend on the partisanship of government, casting doubt on the claim that an independent central bank always provides a “free lunch” of lower inflation with no attendant costs in terms of increased unemployment.
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Sbragia, Alberta. "Capital Markets and Central–Local Politics in Britain." British Journal of Political Science 16, no. 3 (July 1986): 311–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004439.
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Local government borrowing is often referred to as a highly technical, not to say arcane, activity of local government. It should not be dismissed so easily. In reality, such borrowing illuminates broader relations between government and market by highlighting interdependencies which exist between central government, local government and financial markets.
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Skaerbaek, Peter. "The politics of accounting technology in Danish central government." European Accounting Review 7, no. 2 (July 1998): 209–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/096381898336457.
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Haryono, Fendi. "Tin Mining Licensing in the Era of Local Government Reform." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 9, no. 2 (February 3, 2022): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v9i2.3355.
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The dynamics of the legal politics of regulating mineral and coal licensing authorities have undergone significant changes. Initially, the authority was given by law to local governments, and now this authority is taken over by the central government. The purpose of this research is to find out the direction and philosophical basis of the legal politics behind the amendments to the Mineral and Coal Law and its implications for the mining licensing authority. The benefits obtained from research are that some significant changes in mining licensing authority can be identified and the terms and stages. The research method uses normative legal research. The research study results concluded that the centralistic paradigm of granting permits in an integrated manner also marks the shift of regional authority from attribution to delegation authority. Affirming the political direction of mining law is a priority for the central government's authority when several strategic articles have been amended and even eliminated. Amendments to the formulation in Article 4 (mineral and coal control rights) and Article 6 (mining management authority) of the 2020 Mineral and Coal Law show no longer partiality for local governments to allocate mining licensing authority.
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Han, Guanghua, and Yida Zhai. "Risk society and the politics of food safety problems in China." Japanese Journal of Political Science 23, no. 1 (January 4, 2022): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109921000372.
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AbstractIn China, the public has gradually shifted their focus from GDP growth to quality-of-life issues, which imposes new challenges for the government. The food safety problem, as a salient issue, is one such example. This article analyzes how food safety problems affect ordinary Chinese people's trust in the government and their attribution of governmental responsibility using nationally representative survey data. As food safety risks are unequally distributed in China, the political impact of food safety problems varies among people of different socioeconomic statuses. The results show that food safety problems weaken the public's trust in both the central and local governments, but this negative effect is attenuated among people with a low level of education. Moreover, the Chinese public tends to attribute major responsibility to the central government rather than local governments when perceiving the severity of food safety problems, and this tendency becomes stronger for the low-income population. The results deepen the understanding of the local-central political trust patterns and the political implications of food safety problems in China.
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Lee, Dalgon. "Local Government Reforms in Korea: A Transition from a Marionette Performance toward an Elementary Class Day." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 12 (December 31, 1997): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps12001.
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This paper deals with the recent reform-oriented measures in the area of national local policies. The just begun local autonomy in Korea now faces opportunities as well as serious challenges. The new developments are divided into four categories: 1) local politics and autonomy; 2) recent consolidation of local governments; 3) distribution of Government functions ; and 4) financial arrangement. The first section involves difficulties of independent local politics and local autonomy under strong culture of centralism. Local political elites are basically dependent upon the national politicians and the nomination as a candidate for local position is directly influenced by the central political machinery and national politicians. The last local election was severely hurt by national political issues. In addition, local animosities among several regions helped turn the political arrangement back to the old one, furthering the dependency of local politics. Nevertheless, it is evident that a new climate for autonomous governance in local society becomes high-spirited. The second section discusses the strength and weakness of the recent consolidation measures of local government which has been carried out nationwide. Majority of the lower - tier (basic) local governments' boundary have been expanded resulting in 230 local governments in number from 265. The upper-tier (widearea) local governments, whose number is 15, has readjusted their specific boundaries only. It may be claimed to facilitate managerial economies but technical efficiencies of specific local service delivery cannot be improved easily. To the worse, the consolidation cannot guarantee the healthy growth of local democracy. The third section deals with the bureaucratic struggle of government task redistribution after the introduction of local autonomy system. Because there is no clear principle of the division of labour between the three tiers of governments, bureaucratic politics takes larger share of the redistribution game. Although some tasks as been transferred to the local governments, the process seems very slow and the structure is not favorable to the local governments which are in weak position in the tug of war. The last section discusses the recent developments in the area of local tax, central-local financial coordination system in terms of central-local configuration. There are many skeptics who doubt whether local governments will have access to the administrative talents and financial resources essential to run the affairs of the country in truly decentralized way. In fact, there are relatively serious weaknesses in the financial management competence of local government officials. Decentralization advocates, however, assert that local financial resources should be expanded from the present 55% of total government sector money so that local governments carry out their present functions and tasks sufficiently.
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Keating, M., and A. Midwinter. "The Politics of Central—Local Grants in Britain and France." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 12, no. 2 (June 1994): 177–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c120177.
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Redistribution of resources through central–local government grant systems is justified as fiscal equalization, the subject of a substantial literature, underpinned by normative assumptions and a rational-synoptic model of the policy process. Goals are known and policy outcomes are measurable. In Britain and France, this approach is not helpful to understanding. Theories of fiscal equalization are problematic and inconsistent. There is no agreed territorial welfare function against which outcomes can be assessed. A politically based interpretation sees grant allocation as part of intergovernmental politics, in which conceptions of fiscal equalization are used largely for legitimation. Politics guides decisionmaking and the main test of policy applied by governments is political acceptability. The two cases of Britain and France do show important differences in intergovernmental politics. In France, change is incremental and negotiated. In Britain it is radical and unilateral, though outcomes often fall short of expectations as policy is modified in implementation.
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Tan, Qingshan. "County Government Reform in Urbanizing China." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 9, no. 4 (October 19, 2011): 353–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/9.4.353-371(2011).
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Many rising issues, such as urbanization, migration, social equality, housing, provision of public goods and services, are presenting the greatest challenge to county governments. In order to effectively tackle those social issues, the central government has delegated greater power and responsibility to local governments, particularly county governments. This paper seeks to address the following question: Does empowering county government improve local governance in rapidly urbanizing China? By answering the question, this study evaluates the effects of decentralization of the central policy regarding urbanization and governance at the county level, and addresses the issue of how empowering county government could improve local governance in rapidly urbanizing China.
Keywords: • local politics • self-government • county reform • urbanization
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Zeng, Wenna, and Colin Sparks. "Production and politics in Chinese television." Media, Culture & Society 41, no. 1 (April 6, 2018): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443718764785.
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Political pressure and censorship are unavoidable conditions for producing an entertainment show in Chinese TV. The relationships between a production team and the government are, however, extremely complex. Based on participant observation in a TV channel and in-depth interviews with related television professionals, this article analyses the tensions between production and politics in Chinese television. The article argues that a centralized and top-down model fails to capture all the aspects of power relations in television production. A more productive starting point is that television production necessarily involves negotiation between different participants. This article analyses relations between the production team, the central broadcasting authorities and local governments. The production team in this case study utilized different strategies to negotiate with multiple levels of government.
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Debrah, Emmanuel. "The Politics of Decentralization in Ghana’s Fourth Republic." African Studies Review 57, no. 1 (April 2014): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2014.5.
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Abstract:This article assesses how the District Assemblies in Ghana’s Fourth Republic have exercised political, administrative, and fiscal powers transferred to them by the central government. It notes that the creation of the assemblies has promoted popular participation and boosted the autonomy of front-line officials in terms of decision-making and the allocation of financial resources at the local level. However, the central government retains the authority to appoint the District Chief Executive and 30 percent of the assembly members. Local governments experience delays in the transfer of funds, an inability to absorb civil servants of decentralized departments into the local culture, and a lack of capacity to raise revenue for development. The article argues that local election of the District Chief Executive and increased allocation of funds to the rural districts would attract entrepreneurs and skilled civil servants who would be able to implement effective decentralization.
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Musah-Surugu, Issah Justice, Albert Ahenkan, and Justice Nyigmah Bawole. "Local Government Financing of Climate Change in Ghana: Politics of Aid and Central Government Dependency Syndrome." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 5 (December 7, 2018): 619–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618812911.
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Uncertainties about the amount of resources needed to combat climate change, dwindling local resources, limited local autonomy and limited expertise constrain local governments (LGs) in their response to the effects of climate change. As a result, financing climate change remains a major nightmare for LG actors across diverse nested territorial containers. It certainly requires the embracing of a multifaceted approach – the use of system thinking where local governments’ resource husbandry is optimised to support external aid and central government transfer. A multifaceted approach brings onboard blended resources, diverse stakeholders, diverse resource mobilisation skills and schemes, and accountability measures. Also, given projected increases in future climate-induced public expenditure, albeit with uncertainties, reliance on a single resource mobilisation approach will be a recipe for inefficiency. This article argues that developmental aid and central government’s transfer remains inadequate to meet the increasing demand for adaptation cost at the local level in Ghana. In the face of the unequivocal impact of climate change risk, we contend that local resource husbandry must be optimised through different innovations to complement other major sources of financing. Our contention resonates with the school of thought that argues local level resources are more resilient to politicisation, are stable, and are predictable compared to international aid and central government transfer. Through qualitative in-depth interviews, empirical data has been drawn from local governments in Ghana to justify our claims.
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Hallett, Andrew Hughes, and Diana N. Weymark. "Independence Before Conservatism: Transparency, Politics and Central Bank Design." German Economic Review 6, no. 1 (February 1, 2005): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1465-6485.2005.00119.x.
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Abstract The problem of monetary policy delegation is formulated as a two-stage game between the government and the central bank. In the first stage the government chooses the institutional design of the central bank. Monetary and fiscal policy are implemented in the second stage. When fiscal policy is taken into account, there is a continuum of combinations of central bank independence and conservatism that produce optimal outcomes. This indeterminacy is resolved by appealing to practical considerations. In particular, it is argued that full central bank independence facilitates the greatest degree of policy transparency and political coherence.
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Wilks-Heeg, Stuart. "‘You can't play politics with people's jobs and people's services’: Localism and the politics of local government finance." Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 26, no. 8 (November 29, 2011): 635–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269094211422190.
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Despite growing cross-party support for the principles of localism, the coalition's radical devolution agenda looks set to provoke a level of tension in central–local relations not seen since the 1980s. This article argues that the central cause of this friction, the front-loading of cuts in the local government financial settlement for 2011–2013, must be understood as the centrepiece of theConservatives’ agenda for local government reform. It is argued that, as with the introduction of the poll tax after 1987, the Conservatives have adopted a high-risk political strategy that will require the government to persuade voters that cuts in services arise from the failings of local councils. Evidence from opinion polls in the first half of 2011 suggests that the public is yet to be convinced that the blame lies with local government, but that they remain open to persuasion. However, a regionalized analysis of projected public sector job loss and voting patterns at the 2011 English local elections suggests that voters look set to blame central government in the areas where the cuts will hit hardest. If future local elections repeat this pattern, the limitations of the political strategy behind the localism agenda will become highly apparent.
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Naumann, Ingela K., and Colin Crouch. "Rescaling education policy: central‐local relations and the politics of scale in England and Sweden." Policy & Politics 48, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 583–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557320x15835195302535.
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Governments worldwide have sought to introduce greater choice and competition as mechanisms to improve the quality of education provision and outcomes. However, there is considerable cross-national variation in education policy, particularly regarding the role of local government. To explain such differences, this article focuses on recent reforms in compulsory education in England and Sweden. It shows that although governments in both countries have advocated choice, competition and participation, education reform has led to the centralisation of school governance in England but decentralisation in Sweden. Drawing on the concept of ‘scalecraft’ as a specific form of ‘statecraft’, it argues that these differences in the rescaling of education policy reflect different conceptions of central‐local relations and the role of local government. More broadly, the article shows how national governments strategically use scalar reorganisation (scalecraft) to support broader political goals (statecraft), contributing to a better understanding of the spatial dimensions of public policy reform.
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PIERSON, PAUL, and MIRIAM SMITH. "Bourgeois Revolutions?" Comparative Political Studies 25, no. 4 (January 1993): 487–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414093025004003.
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Much of the literature on reform politics has focused on social democratic governments. This article reexamines the dynamics of reform by concentrating on conservative governments in four advanced industrial democracies during the 1980s: Britain, Canada, the United States, and West Germany. Conservative governments have attempted to dismantle well-institutionalized systems of government intervention in market economies. The authors argue that the structure of national political institutions is of central importance in explaining variation across these cases in government goals, strategies, and success rates. This article also stresses the need to consider the distinctive characteristics of different policy arenas. Governments found market-oriented reforms considerably easier to implement in some policy arenas than in others.
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Mosley, Layna. "Room to Move: International Financial Markets and National Welfare States." International Organization 54, no. 4 (2000): 737–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081800551352.
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A central research question in international political economy concerns the influence of financial markets on government policy outcomes. To what extent does international capital mobility limit government policy choices? I evaluate the relationship between international financial markets and government policy outcomes, with a focus on the government bond market in developed democracies. Evidence includes interviews with financial market participants and a cross-sectional time-series analysis of the determinants of interest rates. This evaluation suggests that governments of developed democracies face strong but narrowly defined financial market pressures. Financial market participants are concerned with a few macroeconomic policy indicators, including inflation rates and government deficit/GDP ratios, but not with micropolicy indicators, such as the distribution of government spending across functional categories. In these areas, governments retain policymaking autonomy. I conclude by exploring the role of financial market influences within domestic politics and offering suggestions for further research.
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Kurzer, Paulette. "The Politics of Central Banks: Austerity and Unemployment in Europe." Journal of Public Policy 8, no. 1 (January 1988): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00006838.
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ABSTRACTThis article examines the divergences in labor market-performances in four small, open economies: Austria, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Sweden. It argues that great unemployment in Belgium and the Netherlands is partly due to the implementation of deflationary policies during the 1980s. The decline of Keynesian intervention in Belgium and the Netherlands is traced to the institutional independence of their central banks to set monetary and exchange rate policies separate from government. Because the Swedish and Austrian central banks are more integrated in the policy process and their countries are not members of the Common Market or the European Monetary System, social democratic governments have been able to go against the European trend of monetary restrictiveness and fiscal austerity. Accordingly, business in Austria and Sweden is more optimistic about future profit returns and is more willing to invest in productive capital, resulting in lower unemployment.
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Dickovick, J. T. "Municipalization as Central Government Strategy: Central-Regional-Local Politics in Peru, Brazil, and South Africa." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 37, no. 1 (October 10, 2006): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjl012.
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Wisnu, Ditta. "Food Estate Program Law Politics." Journal of Contemporary Sociological Issues 2, no. 1 (February 23, 2022): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/csi.v2i1.28051.
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This study aims to determine the implications of the food estate program on the fulfillment of the rights of the Dayak people of Central Kalimantan and the legal policy of the preparation and implementation of the National Economic Recovery Program (NERP) through the Food Estate in Central Kalimantan in line with the principles of human rights and traditional values of the Central Kalimantan Dayak. The type of research used in compiling this research is empirical normative juridical research. This research is descriptive. The types of data used are primary data and secondary data. Primary data collection techniques through interviews while secondary data obtained through library research. Primary and secondary data were analyzed qualitatively. The results of the study show that: First, the Food Estate Program in Central Kalimantan, which is one of the national economic recovery programs (NERP) has had a significant impact on the indigenous Dayak people of Central Kalimantan who have ties to forests, land and rivers as well as causing vertical and horizontal conflicts in their lives’ implementation. Second: the Central Government and Local Governments in formulating regulations and policies, on the one hand, have the enthusiasm to pay attention to the customary values and traditions of the Dayak indigenous people of Central Kalimantan but are weak at the implementation stage, causing conflicts due to the issuance of Law of the Republic of Indonesia No. 11 of 2020 concerning Job Creation and its derivative regulations that put forward the principle of omnibus law which aims to create a quality business and investment climate without paying attention to the principles of human rights, ecological justice and the customary values and traditions of the Dayak people of Central Kalimantan.
Keywords: Legal policy, Human Rights, Ecological Justice.
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Dellepiane-Avellaneda, Sebastian. "Gordon Unbound: The Heresthetic of Central Bank Independence in Britain." British Journal of Political Science 43, no. 2 (July 25, 2012): 263–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000221.
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This article combines theory and narrative to shed new light on the politics surrounding the making of central bank independence in contemporary Britain. Its central argument is that Gordon Brown's rewriting of the British monetary constitution in May 1997 constituted political manipulation in a Rikerian sense. The government removed a contentious issue from party politics in order to signal competence and enforce internal discipline. Building on Elster's constraint theory, the paper argues that Brown adopted a pre-commitment strategy aimed at binding others. The heresthetic move had dual consequences, both constraining and enabling. The institutionalization of discipline enabled New Labour to achieve economic and political goals. By revisiting the political rationality of precommitment, this article questions the dominant credibility story underlying the choice of economic institutions.
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Saud, Ilham Maulana, and Gisti Fairuz Trisha. "DESENTRALISASI FISKAL, POLITIK DINASTI, SISTEM PENGENDALIAN INTERNAL, KINERJA, AKUNTABILITAS PELAPORAN KEUANGAN: BUKTI EMPIRIS DI INDONESIA." AKUNTABILITAS 14, no. 1 (July 12, 2020): 103–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.29259/ja.v14i1.11208.
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This study aims to analyze the influence of fiscal decentralization, dynastic poltical, and total violation of internal control system on accountability of financial reporting of district/city governments moderated by performance variable at District/City Government in Indonesia in 2013-2015. This study used secondary data obtained through the website of BPK RI, the Ministry of Finance, and the Ministry of Home Affairs. The sample in this study was selected based on the purposive sampling method, so as many as 190 samples were obtained, with details of 95 main samples namely district / city governments that were indicated dynastic politics in Indonesia in 2013-2015 and 95 comparative samples namely district /city governments that were not politically indicated dynasty in Indonesia in 2013-2015. Testing the hypothesis in this study using multiple linear regression with MRA (Moderated Regression Analysis), so there are 2 models in the study. The data collected was analyzed first by testing the classical assumptions, then testing the hypothesis was carried out with the SPSS 26.0 test tool. Based on the results of the study it can be concluded that partially the dependent variable on the central government, dynastic politics, and the number of violations of the internal control system has a significant negative effect on the accountability of local government financial reporting, while the variables of regional independence and financial effectiveness do not affect the financial reporting accountability of local governments. Furthermore, the performance variable is able to moderate the effect of dependence on the central government on the accountability of local government financial reporting, but is unable to moderate the influence of regional independence and dynastic politics on the accountability of local government financial reporting
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Choi, ByungSun. "The Politics of Financial Control and Reform in Korea." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 6 (December 31, 1991): 41–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps06004.
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Government control over finance has been a persistent feature of the politco-economic structure of Korea. This paper first seeks to explain the process in which the government's control over finance had intensified by the late 1970s. with a focus on particular episodes such as the dramatic interest rate reform in 1965, Emergency Decree in August 1972, and several recurring "restructuring (in effect, bail-outs)" attempts, and in relation to the changing industrialization strategy and the consequent relationship between the government and chaebol. And then it will review critically the financial liberalization policies in the 1980s: the privatization of commercial banks, the conflict between the banks and the non-bankfinancial intermediaries (NBFI's) in the process of the restructuring the financial industry, and the freeing of interest rate and to "policy funds." The central argument of this paper is that a considerable progress of financial liberalization notwithstanding, the financial system of Korea still serves as the fulcrum of Korean industrial policy and as a fundamental tool with which Korean policymakers can induce business cooperation and compliance.
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Nikolenyi, Csaba. "Positive Political Theory and Politics in Contemporary India: An Application of a Positive Political Model in Non-Western Politics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 35, no. 4 (December 2002): 881–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423902778487.
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This article argues against the apparent aversion to apply positive political models in the comparative literature on non-Western politics. To provide an example of the utility of such models, the article draws on Peter Van Roozendaal's game theoretical model of cabinet stability to account for the instability of coalition governments in India. It argues that government durability in this non-Western democracy can be modeled as the function of the motivations and incentives of two sets of key actors, the dominant and the central parties, the same way as it can in a Western context.
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Chung, Jae Ho. "Studies of Central–Provincial Relations in the People's Republic of China: A Mid-Term Appraisal." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 487–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000035025.
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Spatial aspects of power have been relatively neglected in the field of political science in general, with the notable exception of federalism. Many have argued that the study of political power has generally confined itself to the national level and paid scant attention to the interactions between the central government on the one hand and regional and local authorities on the other. Several tendencies have worked against the flourishing of political research on central-local government relations in the last three decades. First, in methodological terms, the “behavioural revolution” that swept the discipline caused a sudden premature end to the institutional analysis so crucial to central-local government relations. Secondly, in thematic terms, political scientists have been overly preoccupied with central-level processes of decision-making while neglecting the politics of central-local relations. Thirdly, in conceptual terms, the rise of “state” as an encompassing concept was facilitated largely at the expense of complex intra-governmental dynamics.
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Weir, Margaret. "States, Race, and the Decline of New Deal Liberalism." Studies in American Political Development 19, no. 2 (October 2005): 157–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x05000106.
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There is no escaping the New Deal's pivotal place in studies of twentieth-century American politics. Social scientists have vigorously debated the causes of the New Deal's distinctive features and continue to argue about its consequences for subsequent American political development. The predominant perspective advances a coherent linear history in which the central features of New Deal reform shape the understanding of political developments both before and after the 1930s. The era of Progressive reform is viewed as a precursor to the expanded public power and the practice of activist government that was consolidated in the 1930s. The Great Society is the effort to extend the benefits of liberal reform to African Americans, who had reaped only scant benefits from the central achievements of New Deal reform. When this effort went “too far,” it resulted in a far-reaching backlash against activist government. The “rise and fall” of a New Deal order that had the creation of active government at its core has thus provided a central narrative for the study of twentieth-century politics.
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QI, Dongtao. "Taiwan’s Politics in 2016: Movement Government and Movement Society." East Asian Policy 09, no. 01 (January 2017): 102–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930517000083.
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Taiwanese President Tsai adopted a least provocative China policy. Negatively impacted social groups in Taiwan organised large scale protests against Tsai administration’s reforms. The main opposition party Kuomintang has been beset by an unpopular pro-China leader, open internal conflicts, lack of financial sources and low popularity. The Chinese government has frozen all official connections with Taiwan at the central level and blocked Taiwan’s participation in some international conferences. The Tsai-Trump phone conversation signals unstable Taiwan-China-US triangle relations in 2017.
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Shin, Chol Kyun. "Politics of the relationship between government-funded research institutes and central ministries." Korea Society Of The Politics Of Education 26, no. 3 (September 30, 2019): 141–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.52183/kspe.2019.26.3.141.
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Coulson, Andrew. "Local Politics, Central Power: The Future of Representative Local Government in England." Local Government Studies 30, no. 4 (December 2004): 467–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0300393042000318941.
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Adigun, Muyiwa. "Judicial Interpretation in Resolving the Conflict on Jurisdiction between the Central Government and the Federating Units." McGill GLSA Research Series 1, no. 1 (November 22, 2021): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/glsars.v1i1.123.
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The tension between the central government and the federating units has always been an intractable issue between the forces of centralization and decentralization in a federalism with the judiciary at the intersection of the conflict. Therefore, this study examines judicial interpretation in resolving the conflict on jurisdiction between the central government and the federating units. It applies Henri Lefebvre’s theory of space, Richard Ford’s analysis of jurisdiction, Benjamin Cardozo’s and Oliver Wendell Holmes’s psychology of judging to judicial interpretation in resolving the conflict on jurisdiction between the central government and the federating units. It finds that the justices on the majority and the minority who interpret the constitution to resolve questions of jurisdiction between the central government and the federating units often play politics of space hidden within the interstices of legal rules without being conscious of their psychological biases. Hence, it argues that instead of playing politics of space, what the justices should do is to apply the principles in Keynesian federalism bolstered by the rule of presumption. With this, the influence of politics borne of psychological biases can be reduced while both the central government and the federating units are given equal chances. In conclusion, it recommends that whenever the judges are called upon to resolve the conflict between the central government and the federating units, the principle in Keynesian federalism with the rule of presumption should be applied.
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Tull, Denis M. "Troubled state-building in the DR Congo: the challenge from the margins." Journal of Modern African Studies 48, no. 4 (November 4, 2010): 643–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x10000479.
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ABSTRACTThis paper examines contentious state–society and centre–periphery relations in the DR Congo and their implications for state-building. Since the 2006 post-conflict elections, the state's authority has come under fire in the western province of Bas Congo, where a politico-religious group (Bundu Dia Kongo) has emerged as a serious challenger. Enjoying huge local legitimacy, the group has articulated political grievances that the newly elected central government has violently repressed. As locally perceived, elections are a legitimising tool in the hands of the government to impose its unfettered authority in the name of the state-building project. Furthermore, and backed by donors, the Kinshasa authorities also refuse to implement a wide-ranging decentralisation reform. This has fed disenchantment about post-conflict politics in Bas Congo, boding ill for democratic politics and the prospects of state-building in the DR Congo.
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Willis, Eliza, Christopher da C. B. Garman, and Stephan Haggard. "The Politics of Decentralization in Latin America." Latin American Research Review 34, no. 1 (1999): 7–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100024298.
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AbstractOne of the most significant developments in Latin American politics and political economy in the last two decades has been the increasing decentralization of government. This development has generated a substantial literature on the pros and cons of decentralization and on subnational politics but few attempts to explain differences in the pattern of decentralization across countries. Fiscal decentralization must be understood as a political bargain involving presidents, legislators, and subnational politicians, each having somewhat conflicting preferences. How these bargains are struck will depend heavily on the lines of accountability within political parties. In systems with centralized political parties, the central government has exercised greater control over resources and uses than in countries with decentralized parties, in which subnational politicians exercise strong influence over legislators. The article explores this hypothesis through a comparative analysis of decentralization in Brazil, Argentina, Colombia, Venezuela, and Mexico.
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Hapsari, Murti Ayu, Suswoto Suswoto, and Nita Ariyani. "Politik Hukum Hubungan Pusat dan Daerah dalam Penanggulangan Bencana." Journal of Law and Policy Transformation 6, no. 1 (June 11, 2021): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.37253/jlpt.v6i1.4425.
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The 1945 Constitution of Republic of Indonesia states that it is mandatory for government to ensure all of citizen life and well-being in any conditions and to protect them. This mandate take its concrete form by constructing the relevant National Development Plan. The government responsibility in disaster management is in the hands of central and local government—it is supposedly in well-planned and integrated manner. However, in reality, there is still a lot of overlapping authority and bureaucracy from both the central and local or regional governments in disaster management. The harmonization is needed between the central and regional governments, with the basis of granting the widest possible autonomy within the framework of a unitary state. The purpose of this research is to identify the central and regional relationship arrangements in disaster management in the prevailing regulations and to identify steps that must be taken to realize the harmonization of regulation arrangement between the central government and the regions in disaster management. This research is a normative juridical research and uses a basic, systematic approach and the law synchronization approach. From this paper, it is found that the legal politics of central and regional relations in the planning document have been designed to always be synchronous and consistent and have a high level of harmonization, but in the implementation stage it still needs to be reviewed because there are still disharmony caused by the lack of involvement of local governments as partners and communication between the central government and the local government.
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Firdausi, Firman, Willy Tri Hardianto, and Asih Widi Lestari. "Legal politics of the establishment of reserve funds for cemetery." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 35, no. 1 (March 7, 2022): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v35i12022.107-120.
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Malang City as one of the developed cities in Indonesia has a lot of development potential. Development in the city certainly has its own obstacles. Malang City is experiencing growth and an increase in population. This certainly affects all regional developments in this city. One of the obstacles to this development is a legal vacuum in the provision of a cemetery for the public interest which is carried out by local governments based on the Regional Government Law. This study aims to find out the gaps in the authority of local governments in land acquisition through the agenda of Reserve Funds and land acquisition in the public interest. This study used a normative legal method that takes regulatory data from the central to regional governments and analyzed it using legal theory and social analysis. This study concludes that the procurement of cemeteries by the local government can be carried out by means of a limited area of 5 hectares and can be submitted through a reserve fund. A reserve fund is established because large-scale developments cannot be completed in one fiscal year.
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Mohd Udin, Mashitah. "Determinant Factor of Central Government Relocation In Palangkaraya, Central Kalimantan Province." International Journal of Business and Management 2, no. 3 (June 10, 2018): 52–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.26666/rmp.ijbm.2018.3.8.
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Relocation of the central government today has become a strategic issue at the national level considering the condition of Jakarta as the capital of the country faced with the intensity of social, political and economic problems that are increasingly high and difficult to overcome. The vision of the government in solving the problems of the nation's capital seems to be losing hope unless the option of relocating the center of government to a potential alternative region. The relocation of the central government of the region is not without consequences, including the relocation plan to Palangkaraya, Central Kalimantan Province. By making Palangkaraya as one of the alternative options, then the determinant factors that can be the support and power of departure if the government relocates the central government to the intended location. This study uses the theory of central place by Walter Christaller. Through qualitative observation of the range and threshold aspect, the required distance to get the desired needs of the community and the minimum number of community members needed to maintain the supply of goods balance can be determined Palangkaraya position as the ideal center of government. This study, at least in the short term, can contribute to the government's foothold to develop further in the form of a comprehensive research involving all stakeholders so that the central government relocation stage can be done according to the government's vision in the next 10 to 15years.
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Aucoin, Peter. "Organizational Change in the Machinery of Canadian Government: From Rational Management to Brokerage Politics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, no. 1 (March 1986): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900057954.
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AbstractOrganizational change in the central machinery of government is essentially a function of executive leadership. The major determinants of such change are invariably political and not administrative in character and derive from the leadership paradigms of chief executive officers—their philosophy of government, management style and political objectives. This phenomenon is examined in the recent transformation of the Canadian central executive system from one based upon the Trudeau paradigm of rational management to one structured to fit the Mulroney paradigm of brokerage politics. The organizational instruments of each paradigm are considered and their respective capacities to meet the requirements of executive leadership in our modern administrative state are assessed. It is argued that the two different systems and the changes introduced by them are best explained by the paradigms of these two prime ministers.
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Tome, Dhavid Kristofel Dira, and Yaspis Edgar N. Funay. "Melampaui Politik Identitas: Elaborasi Publik dalam Meretas Kemiskinan di Kabupaten Timor Tengah Selatan." POLITICOS: Jurnal Politik dan Pemerintahan 1, no. 1 (March 2, 2021): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22225/politicos.1.1.2791.14-23.
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This paper will describe and analyze the elaboration of government programs and realities that occur in society as one of the strengths to create a system of integration in the context of poverty in South Central Timor. Furthermore, the article was appointed to show how the identity politics of local communities not only become a symbol of resistance but can also be synergized as a critical space in order to achieve an ideal social transformation. Therefore, the method used in collecting data in the form of reviewing the facts of literature sources will then be tested for relevance to the reality of poverty that is happening in the community. Using Manuel Castells' theory of identity and Peter Blau's explanation of social exchange, this paper will examine the extent to which the incorporation of the values or habits of local communities and government policies can play a role in cracking poverty in the context of South Central Timor. In the end, this paper will also explore the benefits of a mutually beneficial relationship between grassroots residents and the government as a political elite to support economic development and community maturity.
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BOIX, CARLES, and DANIEL N. POSNER. "Social Capital: Explaining Its Origins and Effects on Government Performance." British Journal of Political Science 28, no. 4 (October 1998): 686–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123498000313.
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With the rise of analytical or positive approaches to the study of politics over the last three decades, the collective action problem has emerged as one of the central concepts in political science. The concept's widespread acceptance as a descriptive and diagnostic tool, however, cannot obscure the fact that its predictions do not always hold. Co-operation sometimes does take place in contexts where, according to the theory, actors should have little incentive to engage in it.
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Süssner, Henning. "Still Yearning for the Lost Heimat? Ethnic German Expellees and the Politics of Belonging." German Politics and Society 22, no. 2 (June 1, 2004): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503004782353258.
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As a result of Nazi race politics, World War II, and the restructuringof Europe in the postwar era, the painful experience of forced migrationbecame a reality in the lives of many Europeans. About 12 million1ethnic Germans shared the fate of being forced to leave theirancestral areas of settlement in Eastern and Eastern/Central Europebetween 1939 and 1948. These people were either forced to move“back to the Reich” by the Nazi government, fled from advancingenemy forces in 1944/45, or were forced out of their homes by Easternand Central European postwar governments.
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Bueno, Natália S. "Bypassing the Enemy: Distributive Politics, Credit Claiming, and Nonstate Organizations in Brazil." Comparative Political Studies 51, no. 3 (August 1, 2017): 304–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414017710255.
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How do incumbents prevent the opposition from claiming credit for government programs? The received scholarly wisdom is that central government authorities favor copartisans in lower tiers of government to reward allies and punish opponents. Yet this depiction ignores the range of strategies available to incumbents at the center. I argue that another effective strategy is to channel resources through nonstate organizations, thus bypassing the opposition and reducing “credit hijacking.” Using a regression-discontinuity design with data from Brazil, I show that mayors from the president’s party receive more resources, but that the election of an opposition mayor induces the central government to shift resources to nonstate organizations that operate in the locality. Original survey data, fieldwork, and data on organizations’ leaders support the claim that opposition mayors do not hijack credit from government spending through nonstate organizations.
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Burns, Nancy, Laura Evans, Gerald Gamm, and Corrine McConnaughy. "Urban Politics in the State Arena." Studies in American Political Development 23, no. 1 (March 19, 2009): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x09000017.
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We seek to explain how states govern big cities. Political scientists' accounts of urban politics either fail to treat the state systematically or place state hostility at the center of such an account. Accounts by historians, by contrast, offer tools political scientists can use to theorize urban politics in the state arena. We use those tools, and we find that cities can manage the legislative process. This power starts with bill introduction and carries through to the vote on the floor. This ability results from a central feature of American state politics: on bills about big cities, state legislators now and in the past find their primary voting cues in the unity of local delegations. The city delegation, then, has tremendous power to manage the state's involvement in city affairs. In many respects, ours is an account of a special kind of divided government, with two institutional arenas where urban government is carried out.
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Alfirdaus, Laila, and S. Rouli Manalu. "The politics of local government environmental evaluations: Assessing bureaucracy in post-Reformasi Indonesia." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 26, no. 2 (November 30, 2020): 72–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v26i2.1134.
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This article argues that bureaucracy plays politics in Indonesia, not only during the electoral periods, but also in public service. Using the case of environmental evaluation in local government, where natural resources comprise most of the local economy, this article discusses the politics of bureaucracy in undergoing daily governing processes. The environment and natural resource businesses are two opposing fields. Environmental evaluation becomes a contentious area and is usually highly political. This article identifies the bureaucracy’s politicisation in environmental evaluation as occuring in at least in two forms—in measurement and in project implementation. In terms of measurement, bureaucracy tends to use minimum standards, while in project implementation, there are some occasions where bureaucracy tends to sub-contract the work to the third party, usually NGOs, especially in relations to sensitive issues, so that it is politically safer for them, once the result is not as pleasing as expected. This article uses some cases in Central Kalimantan, East Kalimantan, Central Java, and Bangka Belitung, and applied case study as research approach.
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Guo-Brennan, Michael. "The Weberian Politics-Administration Dichotomy in Time of Global Crisis: Neutral Competence or Cadre Organizations." Chinese Public Administration Review 12, no. 2 (December 2021): 145–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/153967542101200204.
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The 2020 Coronavirus pandemic placed enormous pressures on local, regional, and national governments to remain responsive, open, and equitable when developing solutions to protect the public. The focus of this article is an examination of these challenges, the insufficient preparedness, and the resulting response to the pandemic through the lens of the Weberian politics-administration dichotomy. Despite the fact that China does not practice a Weberian democratic form of government, the nation has managed to become a global economic powerhouse. Through a high degree of centralized planning, China has implemented market-based economic reforms synchronous with sustained socialist practices. However, this system also presents unique challenges for effective governance. Some of these challenges are the result of the governmental system in China, the relationship between the central government and local cadre organizations. For China to continue to grow as a global leader, leadership will need to balance the pros and cons of the dichotomy between the centralized political planning and the local administration by promoting more flexibility in governance structure and the central-local relationship.
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Barry, Brian. "Modern Knowledge and Modern Politics." Government and Opposition 24, no. 4 (October 1, 1989): 387–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1989.tb00730.x.
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THIS THOUGHT-PROVOKING SYMPOSIUM ORIGINATED IN A small conference organized at the London School of Economics by Government and Opposition and the papers printed here have been revised — in many cases extensively — by their authors in the light of the discussion there. With a single exception (Sir Arthur Knight) all the contributors are members of the Editorial Board or the Advisory Board of Government and Opposition, and the idea for the symposium was first put forward by one of the Editors, Professor Isabel de Madariaga.The central issue addressed in the symposium is the adequacy or otherwise of the sciences, natural and social, in providing the information required by people in various capacities — as citizens, business leaders, politicians, judges, and so on — if they are to act intelligently.
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Pasaribu, Ian. "PILKADA SERENTAK DAN HUKUM POLITIK: KONTROVERSI KEBIJAKAN PEMERINTAH PUSAT TERKAIT PUTUSAN HUKUM PILKADA KABUPATEN, SIMALUNGUN SUMATERA UTARA TAHUN 2015." Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 8, no. 1 (October 25, 2017): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.8.1.2017.82-91.
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This study examines, analyzes dna discusses Simultaneous elections Politics and Law: controversy Central Government Policies Related Legal Decisions Election District, North Sumatra Simalungun Where the Year 2015. On December 9, 2015 ago in elections Simalungun which is one of five areas was postponed due Regent Amran deputy candidate Sinaga experienced legal permaslahan. This study uses the theory of Elections, the concept of democracy and the electoral law. This study used qualitative methods with qualitative descriptive analysis techniques. The results of this study are Chronologically elections Simalungun, Inconsistency Regulations, Budget Swelling elections, Process Inaugural JR Saragih. Where the conclusions of this research local elections December 9, 2015 simultaneously experiencing the same problem as well as a substantial permasalahn. Registration problems associated pair of candidates is the responsibility of political parties to avoid any single candidate. On the issue of the availability of budget, the government and local governments need to give a strong political will to urgently solve the problem.
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Walks, R. Alan. "City Politics, Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 3 (September 2006): 706–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390631997x.
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City Politics, Canada, James Lightbody, Peterborough: Broadview Press, 2006, pp. 576.Scholarly research on Canadian urban politics has never been extensive, and the few who teach in the field have had to make do with a limited range of textbooks, mostly focused on the institutions of local government. Those wanting to extend their coverage to deal with such issues as the importance of globalization, social movements, race and ethnicity, social inequality, urban political culture, regional governance, the media, and federal policy, have been forced to rely on an assemblage of diverse materials. As well, the politics of, and role played by, the suburbs is often marginal to most texts, focused as they are on the politics of the largest central cities.
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Efendi, Muhsin, Hasan Basri, Alzikri Fahkrurraji, and Yusmika Indah. "The Hegemony of Uken-Toa Socio-Politics in the Regional Head Elections in Aceh Tengah." Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 13, no. 2 (October 15, 2022): 206–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.206-226.
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The purpose of this study was to investigate the hegemony of Uken-Toa socio-politics in the regional head elections in Central Aceh. In addition, this study also attempted to determine the factors that cause the occurrence of Uken-Toa socio-politics in every election held in Central Aceh. In this study, the researchers focused on the topics of local politics, identity politics, regional elections, and socio-politics. The type of this study was phenomenological and ethnographical research by describing the patterns of values, behavior, beliefs, language, reality, and experiences undergone by individuals. Moreover, the data were collected through interviews, observations, and literature review. Results of this study indicated that the influence of Uken-Toa socio-politics will be always present during the regional head elections in Central Aceh. This means that competition between community groups is unavoidable in the Gayo people. In addition, this practice, which proces actors who represent Belah-Uken and those who represent Belah Toa, greatly affects the victory of the candidates in every regional head election held in Central Aceh. This kind of political practice even has occurred from the past until the current era. Moreover, it has an impact on the system of governance run by the elected regional heads, in this case, the regent and deputy regent of Central Aceh. In other words, this practice indicates how massive a socio-political power is in the local political order of Central Aceh as a political instrument. This Uken-Toa socio-political power in the Gayo community has been formed with long historical, cultural, and political dynamics. This political practice presents the competition between political actors from Belah Uken and Belah Toa, which are influenced by the values of Uken and Toa’s lives. Through this study, the researchers recommend to political elites and the public to avoid Uken-Toa socio-politics to create political harmony and a stable government system. In addition, it is to provide opportunities for other political actors not affiliated with those groups.
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Chen, Sicheng, Tom Christensen, and Liang Ma. "Competing for father's love? The politics of central government agency termination in China." Governance 32, no. 4 (March 27, 2019): 761–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gove.12405.
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Hayat, Hayat. "Korelasi Pemilu Serentak dengan Multi Partai Sederhana Sebagai Penguatan Sistem Presidensial." Jurnal Konstitusi 11, no. 3 (May 20, 2016): 468. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk1134.
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Constitutional Court Decision No. 14/PUU-XI/2013 mandated national elections simultaneously between elections executive (President and Vice-President) and legislative (House of Representatives, Provincial and District/City). After the 1945 amendment to experience a variety of complications in the Indonesian political system nationally. Democratization deliver the Indonesian people switching system of government, ie from a presidential system to the parliamentary system. Elections as a democratic process to the leadership of the government elected by the people as a sovereign State. The system of government by consensus of the people, by the people and for the people has implications for improving the effectiveness and stability of the country. The Problem is the electoral system with the current political party system is less effective in the election which is actually held separately between the presidential election, and the election pileg. Giving rise to various problems of the complexity of government (central and local governments). In the hierarchy, the presidential system is less relevant to the separate electoral system between national elections (pileg and presidential) election and the multi-party system. Political reality with the current system adopted, lead to conflicts among constituents, a very high political costs for the government and the candidates (candidates), strengthening of money politics is difficult to avoid the impact of a majority vote, a negative effect on the psychology of candidates when lost or won in battle politics, coalitions are not “healthy” in the implementation of the government, due to various political ideologies and individual interests, as well as the problems of the strategic policies of government. The correlation between electoral systems simultaneously with a multi-party system is a simplified alternative solution in presidential systems strengthening to improve the welfare of the whole people of Indonesia.
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White, Eugene Nelson. "The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance, 1770–1815." Journal of Economic History 55, no. 2 (June 1995): 227–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700041048.
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Although largely neglected in most histories of the French Revolution, the central government’s persistent budget deficit was a factor of paramount importance. The fiscal crisis inherited from the monarchy defied solution because of the war of attrition fought by economic interest groups. The struggle produced radical changes in macroeconomic policy to shift the burden of adjustment, altering the course of and prolonging the Revolution.
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Ichwan, Moch Nur. "Governing Hajj: Politics of Islamic Pilgrimage Services in Indonesia Prior to Reformasi Era." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 46, no. 1 (June 27, 2008): 125–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2008.461.125-151.
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This article highlights that the hajj (Islamic pilgrimage to Mecca) involves not only religious devotion, but also religious tourism and its associated business, necessary to deal with massive parties of pilgrims, embracing trans-national relations, central and local governments, flight and other travel agencies, pilgrimage guidance units, catering agencies and hotels to the pilgrims themselves in its scope. The aim of this article is to analyse the politics of hajj services, which was carried out mainly through the placing of this pilgrimage under government control, leading to the assumption of its monopoly by the government during the New Order period. Although it will focus on Soeharto period, there will be some discussions on this subject during the colonial and early post-colonial periods to trace the genealogy of government control of hajj pilgrimage (and ‘umrah, known also as ‘small hajj’), especially during the New Order. The author argues that the complexities of hajj (and ‘umrah) services were not so much caused by religious aspect but rather by political and economic motives.