Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Central Politics and government'

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1

Teichgräber, Martin H. (Martin Hubert). "Political Parties in Central America: A Reassessment." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500670/.

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Studies of political parties in Latin America have often been descriptive and not directed to link a theoretical foundation about political parties with qualitative or quantitative empiricism. This was in part because parties in the region were usually perceived as rather unimportant in the political arena. This study attempts to correct this often unjustified proposition by focusing on the development of political parties in five Central American countries: Costa Rica, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. The analysis focuses particularly on the relationship between party fragmentation, party polarization, the level of democracy, and socio-economic modernization. The quantitative analysis uses a cross-national longitudinal research design and tries to overcome shortcomings in prior descriptive approaches based on case studies. The overall findings show that party fragmentation and party polarization are positively related to the level of democracy in Central America.
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張逸峯 and Yat-fung Cheung. "Modernization and rural politics in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B27772718.

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Choi, Ho-Taek. "Central-local government fiscal relations in South Korea the impact of central government grants on local authorities' finance /." Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.311609.

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4

Huaxing, Liu. "Why is local government less trusted than central government in China?" Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6162/.

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The public's trust in government is a subject that arouses interest and debate among researchers and politicians alike. This thesis is concerned with public trust in government in China and particularly in local government. It provides insights both on the patterns of public trust in different levels of government and explores the key factors that account for variance in this respect. In light of the findings in this respect, the thesis also makes suggestions about measures that might be taken to improve public trust in local government particularly in the China context. A mixed methods research design has been employed that has included analysis of responses to a major trans-China quantitative survey of public opinions and the conduct of a series of semi-structured interviews with local government officials operating at different governmental levels within one municipal city. The research examines the commonalities and differences between the perspectives of citizens and of officials with regard to the scale, nature and causes of public distrust in local government. The thesis considers the implications of the findings and makes suggestions as to the kinds of policy and practice responses that would seem necessary to improve Chinese's citizens' trust levels in their local government.
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MacDougall, Audrey. "Strategic capacity in post devolution government in the UK : a comparative analysis of the lifecycle of central strategy units." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/1744.

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This thesis analyses the changing role of central government strategy units in the devolved UK polity using a lifecycle model. At each stage of the lifecycle the units develop a different aim, undertake different tasks and follow different working approaches. At different stages agency, in the person of the Prime/First Minister, existing structures, or culture and attitudes, particularly around the concept of a corporate centre, form the main influence on change. Following through the lifecycle, it becomes apparent that such central strategic units have a defined life trajectory tending towards their demise through bureaucratic capture or ideological marginalisation. Divergence or convergence between the units is primarily based on leadership style rather than pre-existing structures or constitutional arrangements. Adopting a lifecycle approach, more commonly associated with the business world, provides an alternative conceptual approach to examining the maintenance of governmental organisations. It is a logical progression from the borrowing of business ideas on management and organisation generally categorised as New Public Management. It provides a more appropriate framework of analysis in a situation whereby government is less dependent on traditional polarised ideological positions and instead adopts a strategic, managerial approach to government. As governmental organisations copy the modes of operation of large corporations, the tools of the business world add additional insights into formation, development, change and decline in such organisations not clearly revealed by more commonly adopted political science models.
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Langevin, Mark Steven 1960. "Christian Democratic administrations confront the Central American caldron: Presidents Jose Napoleon Duarte of El Salvador and Marcos Vinicio Cerezo Arevalo of Guatemala." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/277239.

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This thesis posits that Christian Democracy arose in Central America because of its emphasis on basic reforms and social justice, and that its messianic appeal and charismatic leadership propelled it to national political power in El Salvador and Guatemala. The study continues by examining the presidencies of Napoleon Duarte of El Salvador and Vinicio Cerezo of Guatemala, concluding that their economic, political, and foreign policy agendas did not resolve the basic social conflicts which fuel both countries civil wars and economic crises. The findings of the study indicate that these Christian Democrats' alliances with their countries' armed forces and their inability to tap the potential of the movement's messianic, reformist vigor, prevented their administrations from ending the political violence and achieving a national unity capable of launching equitable development.
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Grant, Patrick J. "All Politics is Local: Examining Afghanistan's Central Government's Role in State-Building at the Provincial Level." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1333061472.

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8

Khan, Taj Moharram. "Central-local government relations in Pakistan since 1979." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1996. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/272/.

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This thesis explores the pattern of relationship of local government institutions in Pakistan with the higher level of governments, particularly with the provincial governments, under whose jurisdictional purview they fall. Pakistan is a federation where the provinces are empowered to legislate on various aspects of the working of local councils. Despite being a provincial subject, the influence of the central government under both the military and civilian regimes has also been immense. To analyse this, field work was undertaken in two provinces of Pakistan (the Punjab and the N-W. F. P). In each a district was selected (Gujrat and Mardan respectively) and the working of their municipalities and district councils were studied in the context of the impact of party-politics, the administrative control exercised, and the implications of financial decisions taken by the higher levels of government. Part one of the thesis describes the origin and development of local government in the South Asian sub-continent, particularly an analysis of the initiatives taken for their growth by military and civilian regimes during the years preceding independence. Part two consists of the case studies of four local councils and an analysis of the provincial-local government relations under the present Local Government Ordinance of 1979 introduced by General Mohammad Zia-ul Haque. Part three reflects the concerns and recommendations of experts and those involved in the working of local government in Pakistan. The conclusions drawn from the thesis material show that, though local government institutions have been operating in an environment of political expediency and without assistance from the general political cultural background, they have been able to make positive contributions to the development of democracy and to the provision of local services for the general welfare of the people. Local government in Pakistan has suffered from gaps between theory and practice, public statements and practical realities, and a pervasive political context which has neglected the development of services. There has been a tendency to proclaim the virtues of local government in theory and to make promises to support local institutions but in practice to do much less and to continue with practices which do not enable local government and its services to flourish. The clearest exemplification of this is that periods of martial law, where democracy at a national level has been imperilled, have seen the positive encouragement of local government and local democracy as a means of gaining popular support for the regime. In contrast, in periods of democratic central government, local institutions have proved to be obstacles to central authority, and they have been neglected or abused in favour of a more bureaucratic mode of governing. Both military and civilian rulers have manipulated local institutions for their own benefit. The outcome has been that the relationship between centre and provinces and the provinces and the local institutions has never been balanced or fully articulated. At the local level, as illustrated in the case studies, the consequences has been a lower level of civic amenity than is either desirable or what local persons know is practicable with a more stable institutional base. The past record of the cases studied shows that, despite the impact of local and national politics, real progress had been made in services and in developing local democracy
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9

Lohse, Stephen Alan. "U.S. Foreign Assistance and Democracy in Central America: Quantitative Evaluation of U.S. Policy, 1946 Through 1994." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277758/.

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U.S. policymakers consistently argue that U.S. security depends on hemispheric democracy. As an instrument of U.S. policy, did foreign assistance promote democracy in Central America, 1946 through 1994? Finding that U.S. foreign assistance directly promoted neither GDP nor democracy in Central America, 1946 through 1994, I conclude that U.S. policy failed consistently in this specific regard.
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Russel, Duncan John. "Environmental policy appraisal in UK central government : a political analysis." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.426987.

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Environmental policy integration (EPI) is a strategy that aims to help institutionalise sustainable development. It seeks to overcome the sectoral tendencies inherent within government to address the environment across its constituent parts. The main tool of the UK's EPI strategy is the ex-ante application of environmental policy appraisal (EPA). Critics maintain that EPA is weakly implemented across Whitehall. However, the empirical base for these claims is limited. Therefore, this thesis employs theories and methods of political science, organisational analysis, public administration, public policy and economics to examine empirically the implementation of EPA in UK central government. Elite interviews and detailed documentary analysis are used to complete four tasks. First, the general patterns of EPA usage are mapped. Next, three in-depth case studies are presented. Then, the factors discouraging EPA, and by implication EPI, are discussed using public policy making theories of bureau-shaping, bureau-culture and policy networks. Finally, suggestions are offered to improve the cross-departmental uptake of EPA. This thesis arrives at four main findings. First, the implementation of EPA in UK central government is limited and sectorized, with departments each having separate systems and guidance to facilitate EPA production. Between 1997 and 2003 only 62 EPAs appeared to have been published. None of these fulfilled specified best practice criteria and the majority were ex-post justifications of pre-determined policy. Secondly, the underlying factors hindering EPA's cross-governmental implementation are two-fold: difficulties associated with the rational and quantitative manner in which appraisal is advocated within official guidance; and sectorization associated with endemic departmentalism. Thirdly, the weak implementation of EPA means that the whole of the UK's EPI strategy is breaking down as few policy spillovers relating to the environment are being uncovered. Consequently, this thesis concludes that the success of the UK's EPI strategy depends on two key factors: how well policy makers are stimulated to build their capacity to appraise for environmental impacts; and the willingness of the Prime Minister and other central actors in government to provide sustained leadership in order to override the sectoral tendencies of Whitehall.
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Wang, Muxuan. "Centralization and Decentralization in Natural Disaster Response: A Comparative Case Study of 3.11 Earthquake and Hurricane Katrina." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/909.

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March 11, 2011 Earthquake in Japan and 2005 Hurricane Katrina both caused significant destruction and were both viewed as examples of government failures in natural disaster management. One year after the disasters, both countries enacted several policy reforms in response to their failures. However, while in the U.S, the central government's emergency power was strengthened, the DPJ (Democratic Party of Japan)'s government carried out reforms to strengthen the local governments. On the other hand, the other prominent political party in Japan, the LDP (Liberal Democratic Party), argued for more centralized power. How did these parties take different lessons from the natural disasters? This paper will first analyze the factors that led to government failures in the disaster relief period, and then evaluate the most influential factors that led to the policy reforms. Eventually, we would be able to figure out the exact factors that led the U.S, the DPJ and the LDP to their conclusions.
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12

Smith, Alison F. "The effect of electoral institutions on party membership in central and east Europe." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2c9c60b1-5fd8-435e-a485-a5322de60246.

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Party membership levels in the new democracies of central and east European were predicted to remain universally low, stymied by post-communist legacies, the availability of state funding and the prevalence of mass media communications (van Biezen, 2003; Kopecký, 2007). However, more than two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, membership levels vary considerably between countries, and also between individual parties within party systems. Using freshly gathered party membership data, elite surveys and interviews, this thesis explores a number of institutional hypotheses to test whether, as in western democracies, electoral institutions influence how parties organise and campaign. This thesis finds that national electoral systems, municipal electoral rules and business funding regulations have an observable impact on how parties use their members. In particular, 'decentralised' electoral systems encourage greater involvement of members in voter contacting and other small campaign tasks. This thesis concludes that, contrary to the dominant literature, the availability of state funding has little impact on party membership recruitment. Instead, central and east European parties' attitudes to members are shaped by a complex interaction of institutional, cultural, ideological and strategic factors.
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Hoffman, Barak Daniel. "Political accountability at the local level in Tanzania." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3229904.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed October 11, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 223-232).
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Rofi'i, Imam. "Soviet anti-religious policies and the Muslims of Central Asia, 1917-1938." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26320.

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This thesis examines the impact of Soviet anti-religious policies on the Muslims of Central Asia from 1917 to 1938. The long struggle of the Bolsheviks to come to the power, their attempts to perpetuate the Russian hegemony in Central Asia, and the reactions of the Central Asian people towards the new regime will all form part of this thesis. Having successfully brought about the revolution, the Bolsheviks faced many challenges. One the famous slogans of the revolution, recognition of each nationality's right of self determination, boomeranged on the Bolsheviks, with the European proletariat deserting from the path of the revolution and proclaiming their own independence. In this situation, the Bolsheviks endeavored to gain the support of the Muslims. The government made many promises to the Muslims but, at the same time, dissolved the Kokand government established by the Muslims, causing Muslium revolts throughout the Central Asian region. The Muslim threat was met with measures of appeasement. The government's promises succeeded in attracting the modernist Muslims to cooperate with the regime. A strategy of "divide and rule" and of indirect attacks on Islam was employed, aiming at the annihilation of Islam. Conservative Muslims continued to vehemently oppose the Soviet regime and its policies. But, given the success of the regime in the civil war, and the lack of unity and the strength among Muslims, the Soviet anti-religious policies in Central Asia succeeded at the institutional level, to do great damage to Islam. However, these policies proved ineffectual in destroying the influence of Islamic teachings on the Muslims of Central Asia.
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Carmichael, Paul. "Central-local government relations in the 1980s : Glasgow and Liverpool compared." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.262030.

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Huang, Chen-Yu. "The changing politics of UK central government under Europeanisation since the Maastricht Treaty: A historical institutionalist analysis and its limitations." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.488766.

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17

Elston, Thomas. "Reinterpreting agencies in UK central government : on meaning, motive and policymaking." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2014. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/14045/.

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This thesis is a qualitative and interpretive exploration of continuity and change in the role of executive agencies in UK central government. Its three objectives are: (i) to test the longevity of the semi-autonomous agency model first introduced by Conservative governments after 1988; (ii) to explore the department-agency task division in the policymaking processes supposedly fragmented by this ‘agencification’; and (iii) to evaluate the paradigmatic testament of contemporary agency policy and practice in Whitehall. The thesis builds from an extended case study conducted during the 2010 Coalition Government in the Ministry of Justice and three of its agencies – the National Offender Management Service, HM Courts and Tribunals Service, and the Office of the Public Guardian. Social constructivist meta-theory and the application of narrative and discourse analysis together make for an account of interpretive transformation that is theorised by discursive institutionalism. Substantively, the thesis first describes an asymmetric departure from the ‘accountable management’ philosophy which the 1988 Next Steps agency programme originally epitomised. Agency meaning is multivocal, but contemporarily converges towards accountability and transparent corporate governance, rather than managerial empowerment, de-politicisation and decentralisation. Secondly, institutional preservation of the policy-delivery work dichotomy is registered, yet found to be a poor descriptor of both historic and contemporary policy processes. Agency staff act as policy initiators and collaborators, contrary to Next Steps’ quasi-contractual, principal-agent logic, and further evidencing the departmentalisation of the once arm’s-length agency model. Thirdly, and paradigmatically, while no unidirectional trend is found, the thesis adds to the growing literature positing some departure from the former ideological and practical predominance of ‘new public management’. In so doing, it also demonstrates the challenges faced by large-N population ecology and administrative systems analysis – the favoured methodology in much international agencification scholarship – in accounting for continuity and change in policy, practice and paradigm.
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Hustedt, Thurid, and Jan Tiessen. "Central government coordination in Denmark, Germany and Sweden : an institutional policy perspective." Universität Potsdam, 2006. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2006/813/.

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The paper analyses the processes of central government coordination in Denmark, Germany and Sweden. First it gives an account of the existing coordination patterns, second it analyses changes within these coordination patterns over time and finally it asks, whether these changes can be attributed to an intentional institutional design. To answer this set of questions, we introduce an institutional policy analytic perspective to the study of central government change. This perspective focuses on central actors, interests, strategic motivations and the degree of the actors reflexivity as a promoter of intentional institutional change in government coordination. The empirical analysis shows the prevalence of negative coordination as the dominant pattern of coordination in all three countries. However, country-specific constitutional and political traditions result in a variety of different coordination techniques actually used. The paper concludes by identifying three different patterns of change, depending on the degree of change and the reflexivity involved : "fragmented institutional politics" in Denmark, "policy-driven institutional politics" in Germany and "adaptive and symbolic institutional politics" in the case of Sweden.
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Daly, G. "Housing politics and pressure groups : The impacts of central-local government relations and reformers on American public housing policy, 1933-1953." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372649.

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Vasilevskaya, Marina. "The phenomenon of federalism division of authorities, intrastate stability, and international behavior /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2008.

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21

Nguena, Charles Beautrel. "The role of the Economic Community of Central African States in the maintenance of peace and security in Central Africa." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/18626.

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This academic research is focusing on the role of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) in the maintenance of peace and security in Central Africa. It assesses the effectiveness of this Regional Economic Community in dealing with issues relating to peace and security. The study firstly discusses the legal framework that supports the mandate of the Central African subregional institution in the field of peace and security, and then it addresses its peace and security architecture. Secondly, this work stresses the achievements made by ECCAS in coping with security issues; it also stresses its shortcomings and examine the reasons behind them. Most importantly, although this research highlights the shortcomings of the ECCAS in maintaining stability and peace in the Central African subregion, it strongly advocates that the role played by ECCAS should not be underestimated and therefore, it makes some recommendations which can contribute to its rationalisation and make it more effective.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
nf2012
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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22

Papageorgiou, Ioannis. "Eléments de supranationalité dans le processus d'intégration politique en Amérique centrale à partir des années 1980." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211546.

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Zhelo, Inessa. "Impact of Economic, Political, and Socio-Demographic Factors on the Parliamentary Election Outcomes in Central and Eastern European Countries." Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2008. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29712.

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This study determines how economic, political, and socio-demographic factors impact the parliamentary election outcomes in central and eastern European countries in transition period. A one-way fixed-effect method has been applied to analyze two main economic models. The dependent variables are share of the Western-oriented and traditional-oriented parties. Data of sixteen countries have been used in the thesis. According to the results of this study, it is possible to conclude that outcomes of parliamentary elections in central and eastern European countries depended on political and socio-demographic factors from I 990-2001. Factors such as loans, received from the United States, per capita in the pre-election year, as a measure of external pressure, and share of agriculture in GDP, as a measure of country`s level of development, demonstrate consistent significance in both variations of the model.
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Haworth, Peter Daniel. "Community and federalism in the American political tradition." Connect to Electronic Thesis (ProQuest) Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2008. http://worldcat.org/oclc/454044697/viewonline.

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Xi, Jinrui. "The King Arrives: Chinese Government Inspections and Their Effects." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011819/.

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This dissertation studies a critical facet of Chinese politics, inspections by higher Chinese government to villages. Principally, it looks at how village economic development determines government inspection decisions and how inspections, once conducted, impact village politics. Specifically, I argue that villages perceived as destabilizing to the Chinese regime, villages with higher levels of economic inequality and villages located at the two extremes of economic development, should see more inspections. In addition, I argue that inspections, in return, drive village politics: they increase village leaders' governing efficacy and raise villagers' political awareness. This theory has received strong support from both field work and quantitative empirical tests using the Chinese Household Income Project (2002) dataset.
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Pongatichat, Panupak. "The alignment between performance measurement and strategy in central government agencies." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2005. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2601/.

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This research involved an investigation of the alignment between performance measurement and strategy in central government agencies. A review of the literature suggested that, although the topic is of great interest and importance, it has been underresearched. The context of the existing studies appears to be based primarily on for-profits/business rather than not-for-profit/public sector domain. Moreover, the existing research is mainly normative lacking supporting empirical evidence. The objectives of this research were to (1) develop greater understanding of performance measurement in the public sector, and (2) provide supporting empirical evidence in place of the normative arguments regarding the alignment between performance measurement and strategy. This research aimed to answer the question, ‘how, in central government agencies, is the alignment between performance measurement and strategy managed?’ This interpretive multiple-case research comprised of the studies of four central government agencies in Thailand. The primary data source was interview data supported by documentation. The interpretational analyses were conducted both at intra-case and inter-case levels. This research found that public officials often regarded, ‘strategy’ as equivalent to ‘policy’ and that these terms were used interchangeably. The research also found that the existing definitions of fundamental performance measurement/management terminologies did not fit comfortably with public sector management owing mainly to their lack of practical perspectives. This research proposed refined terminologies. Additionally, the research found eight advantages of stategy-misaligned performance measurement despite the absence of their recognition in the existing literature. As a result, misalignment could be preferable in some circumstances. However, public managers were under pressure to demonstrate alignment between performance measurement and strategy thus ‘alignment tensions’ occurred in practice. In order to deal with these tensions, three strategies were identified including (1) neglecting the tensions (as in ‘do-nothing strategy’), (2) attempting to realign performance measurement with strategy (as in ‘realigning strategy’), and (3) directing attention from the alignment issue (as in ‘distracting strategy’).
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Short, Michael John. "The political relationship between central government and the local administration in Yorkshire, 1678-90." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1999. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/470/.

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The long decade from 1678 to 1690 was one of the most turbulent in the history of early modern England. In this thesis the politics of the period is re-evaluated with the help of source material deriving specifically from Yorkshire. Its primary focus is the complex relationship between central government and its agents on the one hand and a wide range of local administrators, activists and commentators on the other. The thesis employs a broadly chronological (as opposed to a thematic) framework, and places particular emphasis on three structural devices - a close analysis of the workings of central and local institutions of all kinds; potted biographies of hundreds of men, many of them relatively modest; together with a strong grounding in the national politics of the day. As well as using public records held in the great London repositories, it draws widely on material produced by the municipal corporations, the ridings and other political institutions in Yorkshire, without overlooking less formal documentation such as letters and diaries. Much of the local material has never been used before. Indeed some of it is identified here for the first time. A great many events, half-known and unknown, have been disinterred while researching the thesis. Some of them had a national and not just a local resonance, and these have been picked out for closer scrutiny. As a result, a number of historical orthodoxies have been challenged and reassessed. There is, for example, a radical (and much more positive) reappraisal of James II's longer-term prospects. Several unexamined assumptions have also been disposed of - for instance, that parliamentary boroughs were by definition chartered boroughs. But most important of all, this is the first fullscale study of the national politics of the period to be written from a regional standpoint. As such, it makes a distinct contribution to the historiography of late seventeenth century England.
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Bello, Mark Richard. "Urban Regimes and Downtown Planning in Portland, Oregon and Seattle, Washington, 1972-1992." PDXScholar, 1993. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1196.

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Portland and Seattle are often considered to be divergent in character, partly because civic leadership in each city has a different vision. The adoption of contrasting downtown core plans, projects, and policies in each city allows us an opportunity to understand the nature of each city's regime. As defined by Elkin, an urban regime is the community's governing coalition, those who exercise public authority in a legal sense and those private actors able to act collectively and bring concerted influence to bear. The time frame for this study begins with the first modern planning document, the 1972 City of Portland Downtown Plan. During this period, both central business districts were transformed, simultaneously losing some retail, commercial and industrial functions while gaining further control of regional economies. Portland perfected the entrepreneurial urban regime. The linkage among the land use alliance (property owners, investors and private professionals); the bureaucracy; and politicians was established by the success of the 1972 Downtown Plan. There is little conflict in Portland. Systemic bias is masked by overly extensive citizen involvement processes; city subsidies and grants which influence activists' positions; and use of tax increment money to hire consultants who reinforce the business point of view. Seattle never perfected the entrepreneurial regime. The business community was fractured into conservatives and progressive camps. Also, the bureaucracy was caught in the Mayoral-Council crossfire. There is great controversy in Seattle. The prodevelopment decisions are still made but activist groups can successfully make it to the ballot box. Primary sources of information included planning studies; reports; memoranda; minutes of meetings; resolutions; budgets; and activists' printed materials. Participants in each city were interviewed. Secondary sources of information included articles, and census materials.
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Ovseiko, Pavel Victor. "The politics of health care reform in Central and Eastern Europe : the case of the Czech Republic." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d8f1c4d3-9dda-4a2b-94d1-5afcb0cf5c87.

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This thesis examines the political process of health care reform between 1989 and 1998 in the most advanced sizable political economy in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) – the Czech Republic. Its aim is to explain the political process bringing about post-Communist health policy change and stimulate new debates on welfare state transformation in CEE. The thesis challenges the conventional view that post-Communist health care reform in CEE was designed and implemented to improve the health status of the people, as desired by the people themselves. I suggest that this is a dangerous over-rationalisation, and argue that post-Communist health care reform in the Czech Republic was the by-product of haphazard democratic political struggle between emerging elites for power and economic resources. The thesis employs the analytical narrative method to describe and analyse the actors, institutions, ideas and history behind the health policy change. The analysis is informed by welfare state theory, elite theory, interest group politics theory, the assumptions of methodological individualism and rational choice theory, and Schumpeter’s doctrine of democracy. Its focus is on the interests of health policy actors and how they interacted within an unhinged, but fast-consolidating, institutional framework. The results demonstrate that, while historical legacies and liberal ideas featured prominently in the rhetoric accompanying health policy change, in Realpolitik, these were merely the disposable, instrumental devices of opportunistic, self-interested elites. The resultant explanation of health policy change stresses the primacy of agency over structure and formulates four important mechanisms of health policy change: opportunism, tinkering, enterprise, and elitism. In conclusion, the relevance of major welfare state theories to the given case is assessed and implications for welfare state research in CEE are drawn.
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Herman, John E. "National integration and regional hegemony : the political and cultural dynamics of Qing State Expansion, 1650-1750 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10519.

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López-Portillo, García-López José-Juan. "'Another Jerusalem' : political legitimacy and courtly government in the Kingdom of New Spain (1535-1568)." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2012. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/8545.

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My research focused on understanding how viceregal authority was accepted in Mesoamerica. Rather than approaching the problems from the perspective of institutional history, I drew on prosopographical techniques and the court-studies tradition to focus on the practice of government and the affinities that bound indigenous and non-indigenous political communities. In Chapters two and three I investigate how particular notions of nobility informed the ‘ideals of life’ of the Spanish and indigenous elites in New Spain and how these evolved up to 1535. The chapters also serve to establish a general context to the political situation that Mendoza faced on his arrival. Chapters four to seven explore how the viceroys sought to increase their authority in New Spain by appropriating means of direct distribution of patronage and how this allowed them personally to satisfy many of the demands of the Spanish and indigenous elites. This helped them impose their supremacy over New Spain’s magnates and serve the crown by ruling more effectively. Viceregal supremacy was justified in a ‘language of legitimacy’ that became increasingly peculiar to New Spain as a community of interests developed between the local elites and the viceroys who guaranteed the local political arrangements on which their status and wealth increasingly depended. I conclude by suggesting that New Spain was governed on the basis of internal arrangements guaranteed by the viceroys. This led to the development of what I define as a ‘parasitic civic-nobility’ which benefitted from the perpetuation of the viceregal system along with the crown. The internal political logic of most decision making and a defined local identity accompanied by increasingly ‘sui generis’ ‘ideals of life’ qualify New Spain to be considered not as a ‘colony’ run by an alien bureaucracy that perpetuated Spanish ‘domination’ but as Mexico City’s sub-empire within the Habsburg ‘composite monarchy.
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32

Walker, J. E. "Central government policy and the local authority labour market in England and Wales 1979-1984." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372636.

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33

Paksoy, H. B. "Alpamysh." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d83d772b-baca-4336-bff6-2cf0d1c096a6.

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The present work employs the detailed study of one case to illustrate a pattern that may well exist in other cases. It must be borne in mind that the subject population comprises approximately one fifth of the Soviet Union (and steadily growing at a rapid pace) and spread across a substantial portion of the Asian continent What is described in the following pages may have taken place with respect to other non-Russian nationalities in the USSR. Therefore, although this work focuses on Central Asian-Russian relations, it constitutes a possible model for analysis and investigation of Soviet policy toward other nationalities. There is strong evidence to indicate that those policies toward history and literature which were applied to Alpamysh have already been employed with respect to various developing countries as well, not the least of which are those bordering the USSR. It is the hope of this writer that this inquiry will induce others to pursue the questions raised here. Various disciplines and area studies might benefit from this investigation, aside from the obvious Central Asian and Soviet studies. The artificial separation of "areas" and disciplines, that have not existed during the evolution of the subject matter, cannot yield complete understanding. Given the restrictions imposed by the Soviet censorship and bureaucracies who control collections of materials and published works, documentation is not exhaustive. It is anticipated that subsequent research shall unearth additional information. Therefore, the temptation to hold back and wait for such new discoveries is immense. I almost succumbed to it, except for the constant reminders from friends and colleagues - among other reasons, pointing to the number of copies of the manuscript I had circulated in the academic community for comments and criticism who have insistently hounded me to go to print. I do so with mixed feelings, for, since the completion of this manuscript, a German translation (GDR printing) of Alpamysh has been issued It was translated not from the original, but from an earlier Russian translation. Moreover, it has been discovered that at least one, or perhaps two additional printings of Alpamysh have been offered for sale in Central Asia.
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Boshoff, Willem Hendrik. "Political reality of local government service provision in the Free State Province." Thesis, Bloemfontein : Central University of Technology, Free State, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11462/133.

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Thesis (D. Tech.(Public Management)) -- Central University of Technology, free State, 2011
The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, No. 108 of 1996 (SA, 1996) brought about a new system of government comprised of the national, provincial and local government spheres. In terms of the Constitution, these spheres of government must establish effective, transparent and accountable government. Local government is specifically responsible for the provision of democratic and accountable government to local communities, and for ensuring that municipal services are rendered to the community. As in the case of the national and provincial spheres of government, local government has a distinctive political nature and character. Councillors are elected to represent the voters who participate in municipal elections, as well as the relevant political parties, on municipal councils. The decisions of municipal councils are influenced by political considerations, as well as by the policy directives of the ruling party. The Constitution also establishes and describes the various governmental bodies that exercise the powers of the state. These governmental bodies represent the state and can be classified in terms of three primary groups, namely legislative, executive and legal structures. In a bona fide democracy, the doctrine of separation of powers, also known as the trias politica, is of fundamental importance in order to prevent autocracy and ensure civil liberty. The provision of viable municipal services is the most crucial reason for the existence of local government. The community has a legitimate expectation with regard to the provision of appropriate municipal services; and in terms of the Municipal Systems Act, No. 32 of 2000 (SA, 2000c) municipalities must supply basic municipal services in order to ensure an acceptable quality of life. However, inadequate levels of municipal service provision are encountered in South Africa in general, and in the Free State in particular. Such inadequate service provision has led to several violent community-protest actions in the country. These protests are an indication that municipal service provision does not meet the expectations of the communities. Various factors tend to have a negative effect on local government in the Free State, including capacity shortages, such as the lack of professional and experienced staff; financial shortages; and the extensive quantity and complexity of local government legislation. Political challenges that influence local government service provision include factors such as the absence of the political will to provide services, political in-fighting within the ruling party, the selection criteria for the appointment of municipal employees, and political interference in municipal administration. It is also essential that the ruling party should put acceptable mechanisms in place to ensure that the public sector becomes an effective instrument for carrying out the ruling party‟s mandate, rather than allowing political interference to affect the day-to-day activities of government. In order to meet the needs of the community with regard to service provision, it is essential that the three spheres of government should function as a coherent unit. Intergovernmental relations therefore play a central role in ensuring that the joint functions of government are effectively carried out. The national and provincial departments have a specific responsibility to support and strengthen local government capacity, and also to ensure the effective execution of municipal functions. However, various intergovernmental challenges need to be dealt with, namely ineffective co-ordination and integration, as well as the absence of the political will to promote intergovernmental relations. Therefore, the aim of this study is to identify specific actions and strategies that can be implemented by the government in order to address the challenges that have a negative influence on local government service provision, with specific reference to the political challenges.
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Mkasiwa, Tausi Ally. "Accounting changes and budgeting practices in the Tanzanian central government : a theory of struggling for conformance." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2011. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/210543/.

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This research investigates the phenomenon of budgeting practices in the Tanzanian Central Government. It seeks to understand how budgeting systems under the New Public Management (NPM), World Bank- and IMF-exhorted systems were adopted and implemented. There were several motives for this research: the significance of budgeting in financial management, the sparsity of empirical studies on NPM in developing countries, and a call for an understanding of the local contexts of the country and an evaluation of the reforms themselves. Additionally, the complexity of NPM reforms and the mixed results of previous empirical studies, indicated the need for a more appropriate methodology. The study adopts interpretive research and executes a grounded theory strategy. It develops a substantive grounded theory on budgeting practices and a formal grounded theory on accounting changes in organizations (Glaser and Strauss, 1967; Strauss, 1987). Fieldwork was undertaken in three Tanzanian Ministries. Struggling for conformance is the central phenomenon of the substantive and the formal grounded theory. The substantive grounded theory explained a process through which the Tanzanian Central Government actors were determined to implement budgetary reforms, despite difficulties. Struggling for conformance was illustrated by the establishment of rhetorically applied (rhetorical) rules and regulations, followed by budgeting attempts and games in their implementation, due to the uncertain environment, complex budgeting systems, the donors‟ influence, and cultural and administrative practices. The process of struggling for conformance had positive and negative impacts on budgeting operations and budgeting allocations. The formal grounded theory proposes that organizations adopt and implement accounting changes in order to achieve legitimacy, efficiency and self-interests. Rhetorical rules on accounting changes are established and implemented through accounting attempts and games, which may reveal the coexistence of instrumental and ceremonial aspects of accounting (Covaleski and Dirsmith, 1991), and even fulfill individual, rather than organizational, interests (strategic deterioration). Struggling for conformance is caused by conflicting and enabling power, complex rules, and a fragmented environment. Its consequences reflect the extent of the acquisition of efficiency and legitimacy. This research contributes to the limited amount of empirical accounting research on NPM in developing countries, to grounded theory and interpretive accounting research, and to the expansion of New Institutional Sociology. It further provides a framework of struggling for conformance, which produces possible explanations for the complexities of budgetary and NPM reforms, the adoption and implementation of accounting changes in organizations, and loose coupling.
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Williams, P. E. "Central government capital expenditure and regional growth : The impact of project expenditure on two regions of Guyana." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.379131.

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Littler, S. M. "The centralising paradigm in central-local government relations : The case of the State housing policy implementation in Wales 1974-1983." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.373882.

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38

Towongo, Oba Cicilia Tito. "Examining the role of local government County legislative council in promoting service delivery in South Sudan, case of Yei River County, Central Equatoria State." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1007097.

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This Study was conducted in Yei River County, Central Equatoria State the Republic of South Sudan from July-December/2012 under the topic: Examining the role of Local Government County Legislative Council in promoting service delivery. The Legislative Council in Yei was established since 2007 inaccordance with the provisions of the Transition Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan, 2011:166, LG Act, 2009:8-29 and Governors’ Decree dated 25/August/2007 with the mandate to enact laws and policies and supervise the Executive to implement its decisions. The study investigated into why there was under performance of Legislative Council in promoting service delivery in Yei River County (YRC) and how can service delivery be improved in YRC. The findings revealed that, the capacity of the Council is low in making appropriate decisions and supervising the Executive to implement its decisions, it lacks the necessary working requirements to facilitate its duties, some of its directives are not implemented by the Executive and negative attitudes towards the work of the Council by some members of the Executive. Despite the difficulties encountered, the Council was able to enact 31 laws, conducted some joint consultative meetings on County projects and the study recommended that, the relevant institutions of Local Government to review the irregularities in the Local Government Act of 2009 to regulate the duties of the Council and to guide the recruitment of the future Councillors, training of the Councillors to improve performance, improve the working conditions of the Council, conduct public awareness on the role of the Council and promotion of exchange programs for further learning purposes. The significance of this study is that, the topic was good according to the participants, the recommendations of the study may be adopted by the Local Government Authorities to address the identified gaps and challenges facing the Council not only in Yei River County but also in other parts of the Country and finally, the report may be used by the University of Fort Hare for further Academic purposes and/or other interested individuals/institutions or organizations of the same or similar objectives.
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Lottholz, Philipp. "Post-liberal statebuilding in Central Asia : a decolonial perspective on community security practices and imaginaries of social order in Kyrgyzstan." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2018. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/8358/.

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This thesis presents a development of the concept of post-liberalism to analyse processes of statebuilding in Central Asia by the example of Kyrgyzstan from a decolonial angle. Recent debates in peace, conflict and intervention studies have conceived of ‘post-liberal’ and ‘hybrid forms of peace’ as modalities of resistance against and re-negotiation of a globally dominant ‘liberal peace’ template promoted by Western governments and the international intervention architecture. This research proposes to critically reconsider these debates by introducing ‘imaginaries of statebuilding’ – understood as mental constructs structuring people’s thoughts and actions – through which the study captures the complex and contradictory processes of reception, adoption and resistance against globally dominant notions of capitalist economic development, democracy, and peacebuilding and security practices. Practices of peacebuilding and community security – and their embeddedness in the post-liberal trajectory of statebuilding – are analysed by the example of local crime prevention centres, territorial youth councils, and a national level NGO network working on police reform and participatory provision of public security. The research demonstrates how exclusion, structural violence and precarity are reproduced and feed into patterns of post-conflict governmentality which exist in sync with seemingly emancipatory and contextually meaningful ways of coexistence and steps towards institutional reform.
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Cook, Lara. ""Inside Lenin's Government : Party-State Relations, Practical Functionina and Political Culture in the Soviet Central Administrative Apparatus, October 1917-April 1923"." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.525052.

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41

Gomozias, Nashla Aline Dahás. "O comício da Central: trabalhismo e luta política através da imprensa no Brasil (1961-1964)." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2010. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=1423.

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Em 13 de março de 1964 um comício realizado em Praça pública e comandado pelo então presidente João Goulart ganhou enorme repercussão no campo político, na grande imprensa e na sociedade civil. Era a expressão de um conflito deflagrado com a posse de Goulart, em agosto/setembro de 1961. Num contexto de fortes demandas sociais, crescente politização popular e polarização política e social, o comício da Central explora a construção de novos espaços políticos e ocorre em nome da ampliação democrática. Nessa conjuntura, entre 1961 e 1964, os periódicos se destacam como meios de comunicação de maior alcance, profundamente engajados no conflito político. Assim, o espaço da imprensa constitui um campo de luta privilegiado na disputa pela conquista da opinião pública e os seus principais atores tornam-se também sujeitos do processo político. Através da análise crítica desse passado político recente espera-se trazer novas questões ao debate histórico-político. Procura-se ampliar as possibilidades de observação de argumentos e forças que, vez ou outra, atuam no sentido de postergar a implantação de uma democracia mais ampla e estável no Brasil.
On March 13th 1964, a political rally headed up by then president João Goulart gained enormous traction in political circles, in the press and in civilian society. It was the expression of a conflict that began with the election of João Goulart, in August/September 1961. In a context of strong social demands, growing political awareness and social and political polarization, the rally of Central explores the construction of new political spaces in the name of furthering the expansion of democracy. In this conjuncture, among 1961 and 1964, the periodic ones if detach as medias of bigger reach, deeply engaged in the conflict politician. Thus, the space of the press constitutes a privileged field of fight in the dispute of the conquest of the public opinion and its main actors also become citizens of the process politician. Through the critical analysis of this past recent politician one expects to bring new questions to the debate description-politician. It is looked to extend the possibilities of comment of arguments and forces that, time or another one, act in the direction to delay the implantation of a ampler and steady democracy in Brazil.
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De, Waele Jean-Michel. "Analyse comparée du processus d'émergence des partis et des systèmes politiques en Europe centrale après 1989: la République tchèque, la Slovaquie et la Pologne." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212287.

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43

Niyazbekov, Nurseit. "Protest mobilisation and democratisation in Kazakhstan (1992-2009)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:494a3742-e7d6-4adf-8728-e644a3f7f249.

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This thesis consists of two objectives which divide it into two parts. Thus, part one explores the cyclicity of protest mobilisation in post-Soviet Kazakhstan in the 1992–2009 period and part two investigates the relationship between protest mobilisation and democratisation in the 1990s, a decade marked by early progress in democratisation followed by an abrupt reversal to authoritarianism. Acknowledging the existence of numerous competing explanations of protest cyclicity, the first part of this study utilises four major social movement perspectives – relative deprivation (RD), resource mobilisation (RMT), political opportunity structures (POS) and collective action frames (CAF) – to explain variances in protest mobilisation in Kazakhstan over time and four issue areas. Adopting a small-N case study and process-tracing technique, the thesis’s first research question enquires into which of these four theoretical perspectives has the best fit when seeking to explain protest cyclicity over time. It is hypothesised that the ‘waxing and waning’ of protest activity can best be attributed to the difficulties surrounding the identification and construction of resonant CAFs. However, the study’s findings lead to a rejection of the first hypothesis by deemphasising the role of CAFs in predicting protest cyclicity, and instead support the theoretical predictions of the POS perspective, suggesting the prevalence of structural factors such as the regime’s capacity for repression and shifts in elite alignments. The second research question revolves around variations in protest mobilisation across four issue areas and explores the reasons why socioeconomic grievances mobilised more people to protest than environmental, political and interethnic ones. According to the second hypothesis, people more readily protest around socioeconomic rather than political and other types of grievances due to the lower costs of participation in socioeconomic protests. While the regime’s propensity for repressing political protests could explain the prevalence of socioeconomic protests in the 2000s, the POS perspective’s key explanatory variable failed to account for the prevalence of socioeconomic protests in the early 1990s, resulting in the rejection of the second hypothesis. The second part of the thesis attempts to answer the third research question: How does protest mobilisation account for the stalled transition to democracy in Kazakhstan in the 1990s? Based on the theoretical assumption that instances of extensive protest mobilisation foster democratic transitions, the study’s third research hypothesis posits that transition to democracy in Kazakhstan stalled in the mid-1990s due to the failure of social movement organisations to effectively mobilise the masses for various acts of protest. This assumption receives strong empirical support, suggesting that protest mobilisation is an important facilitative factor in the democratisation process. The thesis is the first to attempt to employ classical social movement theories in the context of post-communist Central Asian societies. Additionally, the study aims to contribute to the large pool of democratisation literature which, until recently (following the colour revolutions), seemed to underplay the role of popular protest mobilisation in advancing transitions to democracy. Finally, the research is based on the author’s primary elite-interview data and content analysis of five weekly independent newspapers.
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Chen, Chun-Fung. "The politics of renewable energy in China : towards a new model of environmental governance?" Thesis, University of Bath, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.665423.

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The use of renewable energy as part of the solution for stabilising global warming has been promoted in industrialised countries for the past three decades. In the last ten years, China, a non-democratic and less-developed state, has implemented non-hydro alternative energy sources through top-down, technology-oriented measures and expanded its renewable energy capacity with unprecedented speed and breadth. This phenomenon seems to contradict to the principle of orthodox environmental governance, in which stakeholder participation is deemed as necessary condition for effective policy outcomes. Given that little research has been conducted on environmental politics in an authoritarian context, I first set out to explore the role of the Chinese state in enabling transformation of the renewable energy sector and to understand the ways in which policy elites seek to introduce developmental state and ecological modernisation strategy in the policy area. Second, by adopting principal-agent theory, I explicate how the governance mechanisms have been deployed and how challenges of the expansion of the sector in the governance system with a large territory have being mitigated. Based upon news reports, policy documents, and interviews with 32 provincial officials, business leaders, academic researchers, and NGO practitioners in two subnational governments, I argue that the renewable energy development in China is governed through a hybrid mode of environmental policy model that uses, upon the existing developmental state regime, ecological modernisation as a policy paradigm, which is partially incorporated in the process. Ultimately, I examine in this thesis the possibility of an alternative form of environmental governance in which renewable energy can be diffused in a less-participatory manner, with more direct controls and target-oriented state intervention measures. This thesis challenges the orthodox assumption that the inclusive mode of governance are the only capable form of environmental governance that reaches desired policy outcomes of renewable energy deployment.
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45

Boshoff, Willem Hendrik. "Policy-making for local government excellence in the Free State province." Thesis, Bloemfontein : Central University of Technology, Free State, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11462/101.

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Thesis (M. Tech) -- Central University of Technology, Free State, 2008
In terms of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act 108 of 1996), local government in South Africa is obliged to ensure that sustainable services are provided to communities. Without any doubt, the effective and efficient execution of this responsibility would bring about an environment conducive to service excellence on local government level. However, South African municipalities are characterised by poor service provision; and the various incidents arising from dissatisfaction on the part of residents in respect of the services rendered are daily becoming a greater challenge to municipalities in the Free State Province. In order to meet the service provision standards, as stipulated in the Constitution, the development and implementation of municipal policies is essential. Policy is defined, inter alia, as the setting out of basic principles that must be pursued in order to achieve specific objectives. Local government has the legislative and executive competency to develop and implement policies. As a result of the diversity and complexity of policy-making, a conceptual framework for the policy-making process at local government level is an essential requirement. This process is described in the dissertation as a sequential pattern consisting of the following phases: policy agenda-setting, policy formulation, policy adoption, policy implementation and execution and policy evaluation. However, municipalities do not have the institutional capacity, skills and experience necessary for the development and implementation of municipal policies. A further aspect that complicates the creation and implementation of policies is the large amount of legislation that regulates local government in South Africa. This legislation also requires municipalities to develop and implement various policies. There are several factors that influence policy-making at local government level. Aspects such as the political environment, the financial environment and community needs have a direct and significant effect on policy-making at this level of government. Capacity shortages probably comprise the factor that has the most detrimental effect on policy-making at local government level; and therefore the necessity for the relevant skills and knowledge relating to policymaking is indisputable. It is just as essential, however, that the other two spheres of government, namely national and provincial government, should carry out their constitutional obligation to support municipalities and strengthen their capacity. Therefore, the aim of this study is, firstly, to identify specific actions that could be implemented by local and district municipalities to improve the policy-making process. Secondly, to determine the reasons for the inadequate formulation, adoption and implementation of the municipal policies. Thirdly, to determine the specific role of national and provincial government, as well as that of the South African Local Government Association (SALGA), in supporting municipalities in the policy-making process. In addition, strategies that could be implemented in order to improve the institutional capacity, skills and experience at local government level, with a view to developing and implementing appropriate policies, have also been identified.
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46

Gonçalves, Tatiana 1984. "A reorganização sindical no governo Lula : um estudo sobre a Conlutas e a Intersindical." [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279584.

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Orientador: Andréia Galvão
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T13:03:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Goncalves_Tatiana_M.pdf: 896686 bytes, checksum: 839ccb1816462739bc4fb18dc3e63385 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014
Resumo: A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo a análise do processo de conformação da Coordenação Nacional de Lutas (Conlutas) e da Intersindical, duas agremiações que surgem no marco de uma reorganização sindical que ocorre no interior da Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT) a partir da eleição de Lula, representante do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), ao governo federal, em 2003. Desde as transformações programáticas que se desenharam nos congressos desta central em resposta ao advento do neoliberalismo no Brasil a partir da década de 1990, as divergências entre as diversas correntes que compunham a CUT já se verificavam claramente; mas é a partir de 2003 que se caracteriza uma inflexão mais profunda no interior da CUT, dado que esta central, que sempre se localizou enquanto oposição ao governo federal, passa a se tornar um importante ponto de apoio do governo Lula, gerando um impasse interno fundamentalmente a respeito das propostas de reformas apresentadas pelo PT ao Congresso Nacional, como as Reformas da Previdência, Trabalhista e Sindical. Estas dissonâncias levam a um processo comum de discussão sobre novas alternativas sindicais, no qual se insere o surgimento da Conlutas e da Intersindical. Nesse sentido, buscamos compreender as proximidades e diferenças na conformação destas duas agremiações e o porquê destas terem resultado em duas alternativas distintas, dado que ambas são oriundas de um mesmo processo político a respeito dos rumos da CUT nesse novo cenário nacional
Abstract: The current research aims to analyze the merging process of Coordenação Nacional de Lutas (Conlutas) and Intersindical, two organizations that arise in a moment of union reorganization, which occurs inside the Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT) since the presidential election of the head of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), Lula, in 2003. From the programmatic transformations that were eveloped in the CUT¿s Congress as a response to the advent of neoliberalism in Brazil since 1990, a wide divergence of groups that compose CUT were clearly noticed. However, it was only after 2003 that a remarkable change inside CUT could be seen. While this organization had always been an opponent to the federal government, it then became one of the most important supportive groups of President Lula. Consequently, it reached an impasse inside CUT, ultimately, regarding PT¿s proposals for new reforms such as Pension, Labor and Union Reforms. These dissonances bring up a common discussion about new union alternatives, in which the upcoming of Conlutas and Intersindical is inserted. Taking this into consideration, we aim to comprehend the similarities and differences in the merging process of these two union organizations and understand the reason why they have ended up into two distinct alternatives, since both are originated from the same political process concerning CUT¿s future in today¿s national scenario
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestra em Ciência Política
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47

Rubio, Luis Arnoldo. "La Communauté européenne dans le cadre de la crise centre-américaine." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213228.

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48

Chan, Pui-sim Joyce, and 陳佩嬋. "An analysis of agenda-setting: regional/central slaughtering scheme in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2006. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B36519121.

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49

Shevchenko, Maryna Mykolaivna, and Marek Ostaszewski. "Perspectives of economic cooperation between Poland and Ukraine." Thesis, Національний технічний університет "Харківський політехнічний інститут", 2015. http://repository.kpi.kharkov.ua/handle/KhPI-Press/47487.

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50

Mahoney, R. M. "The political dominion of the XA : the interaction of central government to the evolution of egalitarian relations to the means of production in Vietnam /." Title page, contents and synopsis only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arm216.pdf.

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