Academic literature on the topic 'Central Politics and government'

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Journal articles on the topic "Central Politics and government"

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WAY, CHRISTOPHER. "Central Banks, Partisan Politics, and Macroeconomic Outcomes." Comparative Political Studies 33, no. 2 (March 2000): 196–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414000033002002.

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What are the implications of the trend toward granting central bank independence for partisan theories of the macroeconomy? The conventional view is that parties of the Left and Right strive to achieve distinctive macroeconomic outcomes when in government. However, when faced with an independent central bank, parties of the Left may prove unable to produce their preferred partisan outcomes, whereas Right parties may be privileged in their ability to pursue their goals. Moreover, granting the central bank independence can be expected to have differing effects depending on whether Left or Right parties prevail in government. These issues are explored with a pooled time-series model of inflation and unemployment in 16 Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development countries from 1961 through 1991. The results support the claim that the effects of partisan government and central bank organization are mutually contingent. The pattern of results anticipated by partisan theory only arises where central banks are under political control, whereas when central banks are independent, Left governments are disadvantaged and Right governments privileged in their ability to achieve their partisan goals. On the other hand, the effects of central bank independence also depend on the partisanship of government, casting doubt on the claim that an independent central bank always provides a “free lunch” of lower inflation with no attendant costs in terms of increased unemployment.
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Sbragia, Alberta. "Capital Markets and Central–Local Politics in Britain." British Journal of Political Science 16, no. 3 (July 1986): 311–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004439.

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Local government borrowing is often referred to as a highly technical, not to say arcane, activity of local government. It should not be dismissed so easily. In reality, such borrowing illuminates broader relations between government and market by highlighting interdependencies which exist between central government, local government and financial markets.
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Skaerbaek, Peter. "The politics of accounting technology in Danish central government." European Accounting Review 7, no. 2 (July 1998): 209–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/096381898336457.

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Haryono, Fendi. "Tin Mining Licensing in the Era of Local Government Reform." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 9, no. 2 (February 3, 2022): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v9i2.3355.

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The dynamics of the legal politics of regulating mineral and coal licensing authorities have undergone significant changes. Initially, the authority was given by law to local governments, and now this authority is taken over by the central government. The purpose of this research is to find out the direction and philosophical basis of the legal politics behind the amendments to the Mineral and Coal Law and its implications for the mining licensing authority. The benefits obtained from research are that some significant changes in mining licensing authority can be identified and the terms and stages. The research method uses normative legal research. The research study results concluded that the centralistic paradigm of granting permits in an integrated manner also marks the shift of regional authority from attribution to delegation authority. Affirming the political direction of mining law is a priority for the central government's authority when several strategic articles have been amended and even eliminated. Amendments to the formulation in Article 4 (mineral and coal control rights) and Article 6 (mining management authority) of the 2020 Mineral and Coal Law show no longer partiality for local governments to allocate mining licensing authority.
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Han, Guanghua, and Yida Zhai. "Risk society and the politics of food safety problems in China." Japanese Journal of Political Science 23, no. 1 (January 4, 2022): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109921000372.

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AbstractIn China, the public has gradually shifted their focus from GDP growth to quality-of-life issues, which imposes new challenges for the government. The food safety problem, as a salient issue, is one such example. This article analyzes how food safety problems affect ordinary Chinese people's trust in the government and their attribution of governmental responsibility using nationally representative survey data. As food safety risks are unequally distributed in China, the political impact of food safety problems varies among people of different socioeconomic statuses. The results show that food safety problems weaken the public's trust in both the central and local governments, but this negative effect is attenuated among people with a low level of education. Moreover, the Chinese public tends to attribute major responsibility to the central government rather than local governments when perceiving the severity of food safety problems, and this tendency becomes stronger for the low-income population. The results deepen the understanding of the local-central political trust patterns and the political implications of food safety problems in China.
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Lee, Dalgon. "Local Government Reforms in Korea: A Transition from a Marionette Performance toward an Elementary Class Day." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 12 (December 31, 1997): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps12001.

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This paper deals with the recent reform-oriented measures in the area of national local policies. The just begun local autonomy in Korea now faces opportunities as well as serious challenges. The new developments are divided into four categories: 1) local politics and autonomy; 2) recent consolidation of local governments; 3) distribution of Government functions ; and 4) financial arrangement. The first section involves difficulties of independent local politics and local autonomy under strong culture of centralism. Local political elites are basically dependent upon the national politicians and the nomination as a candidate for local position is directly influenced by the central political machinery and national politicians. The last local election was severely hurt by national political issues. In addition, local animosities among several regions helped turn the political arrangement back to the old one, furthering the dependency of local politics. Nevertheless, it is evident that a new climate for autonomous governance in local society becomes high-spirited. The second section discusses the strength and weakness of the recent consolidation measures of local government which has been carried out nationwide. Majority of the lower - tier (basic) local governments' boundary have been expanded resulting in 230 local governments in number from 265. The upper-tier (widearea) local governments, whose number is 15, has readjusted their specific boundaries only. It may be claimed to facilitate managerial economies but technical efficiencies of specific local service delivery cannot be improved easily. To the worse, the consolidation cannot guarantee the healthy growth of local democracy. The third section deals with the bureaucratic struggle of government task redistribution after the introduction of local autonomy system. Because there is no clear principle of the division of labour between the three tiers of governments, bureaucratic politics takes larger share of the redistribution game. Although some tasks as been transferred to the local governments, the process seems very slow and the structure is not favorable to the local governments which are in weak position in the tug of war. The last section discusses the recent developments in the area of local tax, central-local financial coordination system in terms of central-local configuration. There are many skeptics who doubt whether local governments will have access to the administrative talents and financial resources essential to run the affairs of the country in truly decentralized way. In fact, there are relatively serious weaknesses in the financial management competence of local government officials. Decentralization advocates, however, assert that local financial resources should be expanded from the present 55% of total government sector money so that local governments carry out their present functions and tasks sufficiently.
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Keating, M., and A. Midwinter. "The Politics of Central—Local Grants in Britain and France." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 12, no. 2 (June 1994): 177–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c120177.

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Redistribution of resources through central–local government grant systems is justified as fiscal equalization, the subject of a substantial literature, underpinned by normative assumptions and a rational-synoptic model of the policy process. Goals are known and policy outcomes are measurable. In Britain and France, this approach is not helpful to understanding. Theories of fiscal equalization are problematic and inconsistent. There is no agreed territorial welfare function against which outcomes can be assessed. A politically based interpretation sees grant allocation as part of intergovernmental politics, in which conceptions of fiscal equalization are used largely for legitimation. Politics guides decisionmaking and the main test of policy applied by governments is political acceptability. The two cases of Britain and France do show important differences in intergovernmental politics. In France, change is incremental and negotiated. In Britain it is radical and unilateral, though outcomes often fall short of expectations as policy is modified in implementation.
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Tan, Qingshan. "County Government Reform in Urbanizing China." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 9, no. 4 (October 19, 2011): 353–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/9.4.353-371(2011).

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Many rising issues, such as urbanization, migration, social equality, housing, provision of public goods and services, are presenting the greatest challenge to county governments. In order to effectively tackle those social issues, the central government has delegated greater power and responsibility to local governments, particularly county governments. This paper seeks to address the following question: Does empowering county government improve local governance in rapidly urbanizing China? By answering the question, this study evaluates the effects of decentralization of the central policy regarding urbanization and governance at the county level, and addresses the issue of how empowering county government could improve local governance in rapidly urbanizing China. Keywords: • local politics • self-government • county reform • urbanization
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Zeng, Wenna, and Colin Sparks. "Production and politics in Chinese television." Media, Culture & Society 41, no. 1 (April 6, 2018): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443718764785.

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Political pressure and censorship are unavoidable conditions for producing an entertainment show in Chinese TV. The relationships between a production team and the government are, however, extremely complex. Based on participant observation in a TV channel and in-depth interviews with related television professionals, this article analyses the tensions between production and politics in Chinese television. The article argues that a centralized and top-down model fails to capture all the aspects of power relations in television production. A more productive starting point is that television production necessarily involves negotiation between different participants. This article analyses relations between the production team, the central broadcasting authorities and local governments. The production team in this case study utilized different strategies to negotiate with multiple levels of government.
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Debrah, Emmanuel. "The Politics of Decentralization in Ghana’s Fourth Republic." African Studies Review 57, no. 1 (April 2014): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2014.5.

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Abstract:This article assesses how the District Assemblies in Ghana’s Fourth Republic have exercised political, administrative, and fiscal powers transferred to them by the central government. It notes that the creation of the assemblies has promoted popular participation and boosted the autonomy of front-line officials in terms of decision-making and the allocation of financial resources at the local level. However, the central government retains the authority to appoint the District Chief Executive and 30 percent of the assembly members. Local governments experience delays in the transfer of funds, an inability to absorb civil servants of decentralized departments into the local culture, and a lack of capacity to raise revenue for development. The article argues that local election of the District Chief Executive and increased allocation of funds to the rural districts would attract entrepreneurs and skilled civil servants who would be able to implement effective decentralization.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Central Politics and government"

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Teichgräber, Martin H. (Martin Hubert). "Political Parties in Central America: A Reassessment." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500670/.

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Studies of political parties in Latin America have often been descriptive and not directed to link a theoretical foundation about political parties with qualitative or quantitative empiricism. This was in part because parties in the region were usually perceived as rather unimportant in the political arena. This study attempts to correct this often unjustified proposition by focusing on the development of political parties in five Central American countries: Costa Rica, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. The analysis focuses particularly on the relationship between party fragmentation, party polarization, the level of democracy, and socio-economic modernization. The quantitative analysis uses a cross-national longitudinal research design and tries to overcome shortcomings in prior descriptive approaches based on case studies. The overall findings show that party fragmentation and party polarization are positively related to the level of democracy in Central America.
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張逸峯 and Yat-fung Cheung. "Modernization and rural politics in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B27772718.

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Choi, Ho-Taek. "Central-local government fiscal relations in South Korea the impact of central government grants on local authorities' finance /." Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.311609.

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Huaxing, Liu. "Why is local government less trusted than central government in China?" Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6162/.

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The public's trust in government is a subject that arouses interest and debate among researchers and politicians alike. This thesis is concerned with public trust in government in China and particularly in local government. It provides insights both on the patterns of public trust in different levels of government and explores the key factors that account for variance in this respect. In light of the findings in this respect, the thesis also makes suggestions about measures that might be taken to improve public trust in local government particularly in the China context. A mixed methods research design has been employed that has included analysis of responses to a major trans-China quantitative survey of public opinions and the conduct of a series of semi-structured interviews with local government officials operating at different governmental levels within one municipal city. The research examines the commonalities and differences between the perspectives of citizens and of officials with regard to the scale, nature and causes of public distrust in local government. The thesis considers the implications of the findings and makes suggestions as to the kinds of policy and practice responses that would seem necessary to improve Chinese's citizens' trust levels in their local government.
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MacDougall, Audrey. "Strategic capacity in post devolution government in the UK : a comparative analysis of the lifecycle of central strategy units." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/1744.

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This thesis analyses the changing role of central government strategy units in the devolved UK polity using a lifecycle model. At each stage of the lifecycle the units develop a different aim, undertake different tasks and follow different working approaches. At different stages agency, in the person of the Prime/First Minister, existing structures, or culture and attitudes, particularly around the concept of a corporate centre, form the main influence on change. Following through the lifecycle, it becomes apparent that such central strategic units have a defined life trajectory tending towards their demise through bureaucratic capture or ideological marginalisation. Divergence or convergence between the units is primarily based on leadership style rather than pre-existing structures or constitutional arrangements. Adopting a lifecycle approach, more commonly associated with the business world, provides an alternative conceptual approach to examining the maintenance of governmental organisations. It is a logical progression from the borrowing of business ideas on management and organisation generally categorised as New Public Management. It provides a more appropriate framework of analysis in a situation whereby government is less dependent on traditional polarised ideological positions and instead adopts a strategic, managerial approach to government. As governmental organisations copy the modes of operation of large corporations, the tools of the business world add additional insights into formation, development, change and decline in such organisations not clearly revealed by more commonly adopted political science models.
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Langevin, Mark Steven 1960. "Christian Democratic administrations confront the Central American caldron: Presidents Jose Napoleon Duarte of El Salvador and Marcos Vinicio Cerezo Arevalo of Guatemala." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/277239.

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This thesis posits that Christian Democracy arose in Central America because of its emphasis on basic reforms and social justice, and that its messianic appeal and charismatic leadership propelled it to national political power in El Salvador and Guatemala. The study continues by examining the presidencies of Napoleon Duarte of El Salvador and Vinicio Cerezo of Guatemala, concluding that their economic, political, and foreign policy agendas did not resolve the basic social conflicts which fuel both countries civil wars and economic crises. The findings of the study indicate that these Christian Democrats' alliances with their countries' armed forces and their inability to tap the potential of the movement's messianic, reformist vigor, prevented their administrations from ending the political violence and achieving a national unity capable of launching equitable development.
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Grant, Patrick J. "All Politics is Local: Examining Afghanistan's Central Government's Role in State-Building at the Provincial Level." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1333061472.

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Khan, Taj Moharram. "Central-local government relations in Pakistan since 1979." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1996. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/272/.

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This thesis explores the pattern of relationship of local government institutions in Pakistan with the higher level of governments, particularly with the provincial governments, under whose jurisdictional purview they fall. Pakistan is a federation where the provinces are empowered to legislate on various aspects of the working of local councils. Despite being a provincial subject, the influence of the central government under both the military and civilian regimes has also been immense. To analyse this, field work was undertaken in two provinces of Pakistan (the Punjab and the N-W. F. P). In each a district was selected (Gujrat and Mardan respectively) and the working of their municipalities and district councils were studied in the context of the impact of party-politics, the administrative control exercised, and the implications of financial decisions taken by the higher levels of government. Part one of the thesis describes the origin and development of local government in the South Asian sub-continent, particularly an analysis of the initiatives taken for their growth by military and civilian regimes during the years preceding independence. Part two consists of the case studies of four local councils and an analysis of the provincial-local government relations under the present Local Government Ordinance of 1979 introduced by General Mohammad Zia-ul Haque. Part three reflects the concerns and recommendations of experts and those involved in the working of local government in Pakistan. The conclusions drawn from the thesis material show that, though local government institutions have been operating in an environment of political expediency and without assistance from the general political cultural background, they have been able to make positive contributions to the development of democracy and to the provision of local services for the general welfare of the people. Local government in Pakistan has suffered from gaps between theory and practice, public statements and practical realities, and a pervasive political context which has neglected the development of services. There has been a tendency to proclaim the virtues of local government in theory and to make promises to support local institutions but in practice to do much less and to continue with practices which do not enable local government and its services to flourish. The clearest exemplification of this is that periods of martial law, where democracy at a national level has been imperilled, have seen the positive encouragement of local government and local democracy as a means of gaining popular support for the regime. In contrast, in periods of democratic central government, local institutions have proved to be obstacles to central authority, and they have been neglected or abused in favour of a more bureaucratic mode of governing. Both military and civilian rulers have manipulated local institutions for their own benefit. The outcome has been that the relationship between centre and provinces and the provinces and the local institutions has never been balanced or fully articulated. At the local level, as illustrated in the case studies, the consequences has been a lower level of civic amenity than is either desirable or what local persons know is practicable with a more stable institutional base. The past record of the cases studied shows that, despite the impact of local and national politics, real progress had been made in services and in developing local democracy
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Lohse, Stephen Alan. "U.S. Foreign Assistance and Democracy in Central America: Quantitative Evaluation of U.S. Policy, 1946 Through 1994." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277758/.

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U.S. policymakers consistently argue that U.S. security depends on hemispheric democracy. As an instrument of U.S. policy, did foreign assistance promote democracy in Central America, 1946 through 1994? Finding that U.S. foreign assistance directly promoted neither GDP nor democracy in Central America, 1946 through 1994, I conclude that U.S. policy failed consistently in this specific regard.
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Russel, Duncan John. "Environmental policy appraisal in UK central government : a political analysis." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.426987.

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Environmental policy integration (EPI) is a strategy that aims to help institutionalise sustainable development. It seeks to overcome the sectoral tendencies inherent within government to address the environment across its constituent parts. The main tool of the UK's EPI strategy is the ex-ante application of environmental policy appraisal (EPA). Critics maintain that EPA is weakly implemented across Whitehall. However, the empirical base for these claims is limited. Therefore, this thesis employs theories and methods of political science, organisational analysis, public administration, public policy and economics to examine empirically the implementation of EPA in UK central government. Elite interviews and detailed documentary analysis are used to complete four tasks. First, the general patterns of EPA usage are mapped. Next, three in-depth case studies are presented. Then, the factors discouraging EPA, and by implication EPI, are discussed using public policy making theories of bureau-shaping, bureau-culture and policy networks. Finally, suggestions are offered to improve the cross-departmental uptake of EPA. This thesis arrives at four main findings. First, the implementation of EPA in UK central government is limited and sectorized, with departments each having separate systems and guidance to facilitate EPA production. Between 1997 and 2003 only 62 EPAs appeared to have been published. None of these fulfilled specified best practice criteria and the majority were ex-post justifications of pre-determined policy. Secondly, the underlying factors hindering EPA's cross-governmental implementation are two-fold: difficulties associated with the rational and quantitative manner in which appraisal is advocated within official guidance; and sectorization associated with endemic departmentalism. Thirdly, the weak implementation of EPA means that the whole of the UK's EPI strategy is breaking down as few policy spillovers relating to the environment are being uncovered. Consequently, this thesis concludes that the success of the UK's EPI strategy depends on two key factors: how well policy makers are stimulated to build their capacity to appraise for environmental impacts; and the willingness of the Prime Minister and other central actors in government to provide sustained leadership in order to override the sectoral tendencies of Whitehall.
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Books on the topic "Central Politics and government"

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Dave, Bhavna. Politics of modern Central Asia. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2009.

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Dave, Bhavna. Politics of modern Central Asia. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2009.

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Transnational politics in Central America. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2011.

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Houlihan, Barrie. The politics of local government: Central-local relations. Burnt Mill, Harlow, Essex, England: Longman, 1986.

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British government: The central executive territory. New York: Philip Allan, 1991.

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The politics of Central Europe. London: Sage, 1998.

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Madgwick, P. J. British government: The central executive territory. New York: Philip Allan, 1991.

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Islam and politics in Central Asia. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995.

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J, Armanini A., ed. Politics and economics of Central Asia. Huntington, N.Y: Novinka Books, 2002.

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The reorganisation of British central government. Aldershot, Hants, England: Dartmouth, 1991.

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Book chapters on the topic "Central Politics and government"

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Bulmer, Simon, and Martin Burch. "Central Government." In The Europeanization of British Politics, 37–51. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230627321_3.

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Smith, Martin J. "The Institutions of Central Government." In Fundamentals in British Politics, 96–118. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27696-7_5.

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Stoker, Gerry. "Central-Local Relations and Policy Networks." In The Politics of Local Government, 140–60. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21516-4_6.

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Stoker, Gerry. "Central-Local Relations and Policy Networks." In The Politics of Local Government, 129–49. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19303-5_6.

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Williams, Michael. "Whitehall’s Managerial Revolution: Reconstructing Central Government." In Crisis and Consensus in British Politics, 81–100. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230514676_7.

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Henry, Ian P. "Political Ideology and Central Government Leisure Policy." In The Politics of Leisure Policy, 26–59. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22677-1_2.

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Heywood, Paul. "Central Government: Monarchy, Core Executive and Parliament." In The Government and Politics of Spain, 83–102. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24152-1_5.

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Parton, Nigel. "Central government guidance and child protection: 1974–2010." In The Politics of Child Protection, 89–104. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-26930-0_6.

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White, Graham. "FOUR. The Legislature: Central Symbol of Ontario Democracy." In The Government and Politics of Ontario, edited by Graham White, 71–92. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442670198-005.

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Potluka, Oto, Judit Kalman, Ida Musiałkowska, and Piotr Idczak. "Civic engagement in local politics in Central Europe." In The Routledge Handbook of International Local Government, 344–60. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315306278-23.

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Conference papers on the topic "Central Politics and government"

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Kaplanhan, Fatih, and Cem Korkut. "Distribution of Tax Revenue of Central Government to Local Governments: Glocalization." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01127.

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Main questions of this study are “How much autonomy?” and “Has autonomy take to feudalism?” Although the resolution of issue according to effective, efficient, rational and fair principles about the income distribution between the central administration and the municipalities is a precondition of permanent and efficient services of local governments.This study aims to identify regional goverments tasks and improve services of central governments with taxes (VAT) distirbution method. We also aim to increase taxes that are collected from regional governments with the method of glocalization. In addition, if sharing criteria was different, it would how a change between the years 2003-2011 will be investigated. During the comprehensive analysis of these years with public revenues on the basis of VAT, local government’s expenditure, criteria/data to be applied in the share of public revenues to municipalities whether changing the method financing of municipalities can make local governments more efficient and productive will be explored. In a political structure that municipalities are financed from the center, it is very difficult to find an appropriate combination between equality and justice in the distribution of income. Local governments must have privileges which is proportionate with responsibilities on own mandates and source of income for producing to serve as an effective and efficient local services. The results show that if the central governments give budget to regional government according to taxes that are collected in this region, productivity of taxation increase and regional government can collect taxes easier.
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"Kurdistan’s Politics Issues Regarding Production Sharing Contract with Iraqi Central Government and Analyses Whether This Contract Best Suits Kurdistan or Iraq as Whole." In International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Ishik University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2018p3.

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Anggraeni, Mustika. "45. e-Government and e-Democracy In Relation with Participation Cost Case Study Central Java Provincial Government." In 5th International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (IcoSaPS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icosaps-18.2018.45.

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Zamharira, Cut, and Muqni Abdullah. "Aceh Tsunami Orphan Reinforcement through Orphan Kafala Program Policy, NGO Collaboration (OIC Alliance) with the Aceh Government." In Proceedings of the 1st International Symposium on Indonesian Politics, SIP 2019, 26-27 June 2019, Central Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.25-6-2019.2287971.

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Windarsih, Ana. "Public Communication Conflicts Between the Central Government and the DKI Jakarta Government in Handling the Covid-19 Pandemic." In International Conference on Social Science, Political Science, and Humanities (ICoSPOLHUM 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210125.012.

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Sancar, Muhammet Fatih, Said Kıngır, and Mesut Soyalın. "Tourism Potential between Central Asia Turkish Government and Turkey and examining it in Terms of Economy." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01329.

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Turkey is leading of countries which showing continuous and rapid development in terms of tourism but tourism potential between Turkey and Central Asia Turkish Governments is not sufficient. The origin of most of the people living in Turkey is basing on the Central Asian Turks and Turkey should improve of the tourism activity between the Turkish government in this study has attempted to reveal tourism potential between Central Asia Turkish government and Turkey. In addition, has been mentioned economic impacts of the potential of tourism between the countries. The data were obtained by applying surveys intended for tourism businesses which have activities towards Turkey, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan (Accommodation and Travel Business) and various tourism businesses in these countries in relation to increasing the inadequate tourism potential of among the countries, the causes of problems between the countries and the impact on the economy, tourism businesses. By analyzing the obtained datas, several conclusions are revealed and recommendations were presented. Also it is planned to conduct interviews with Central Asia Turkish Governments consulates and Turkey's consulates in located in Turkey. In this study, legal and political barriers, it has emerged as a major challenge in the development of tourism between countries. The study consists of two parts. In the first section, information about the countries and literature survey subject to was conducted. In the second part, it is interpreted by analysis with the obtained data and information.
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Austers, Ivars, Girts Dimdins, Veronika Leja, and Viktorija Gaina. "Political Trust in Predicting Readiness to Comply with Governmental Restrictions During COVID-19 Pandemic." In 79th International Scientific Conference of University of Latvia. University of Latvia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/htqe.2021.06.

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In the present paper, we try to answer the question of what makes a citizen to comply to health behaviour guidelines by comparing trust in government and past behaviour as predictors of COVID-19 pandemic restrictions. Through an online study of 316 respondents, we found that the judgment of government (indirectly, in terms of positive evaluation of government actions during COVID-19) does play an important role in the ratings of the extent to which one will follow restrictions during the pandemic in the future. This variable seems to be a central one in terms of uniting different variables, which predict the restriction following behaviour: an evaluation of the government’s competence, benevolence, integrity, general trust in government during the COVID-19, the perceived risk of government actions concerning oneself and one’s family, as well as with respect to the evaluation of future economic prospects.
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Sulistyani, Tri, and Aditya Perdana. "The Performance of a Corruption-Suspect Candidate in Affecting the Voters Behavior of People in the Direct Election for Head of Local Government in Tulungagung 2018." In Proceedings of the 1st International Symposium on Indonesian Politics, SIP 2019, 26-27 June 2019, Central Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.25-6-2019.2288022.

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Widianto, Dhoni, Pujiono Pujiono, Hartuti Purnaweni, Kismartini Kismartini, and Retno Astuti. "Collaborative Governance of Corruption Prevention Covid-19 Management Fund in Central Java Government." In Proceedings of the 5th International Conference on Indonesian Social and Political Enquiries, ICISPE 2020, 9-10 October 2020, Semarang, Indonesia. EAI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.9-10-2020.2304767.

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Bielschowsky, Bernardo Brasil. "Análise da paisagem de uma cidade no Sul do Brasil: a paisagem urbana na área central de Blumenau/SC - Brasil." In Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Barcelona: Curso de Arquitetura e Urbanismo. Universidade do Vale do Itajaí, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.6337.

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Este trabalho pretende analisar a paisagem urbana na área central de Blumenau/SC - Brasil, a partir da década de 1950, para demonstrar a importância dessa paisagem historicamente construída como um bem patrimonial que deve ser valorizado. Esse patrimônio, culturalmente e socialmente constituído, que é a paisagem, encontra-se ameaçado por sucessivas políticas públicas de desvalorização da história da cidade e pela construção de grandes cenários com imagens urbanas emblemáticas, principalmente a partir da década de 1970, quando ocorre uma ameaça mais efetiva à área de estudo. A principal problemática, atualmente, são as sucessivas tentativas do próprio poder público em tentar vender a cidade como um objeto, através dessas imagens emblemáticas. Essas políticas públicas tratam da espetacularização urbana, da mercantilização dos espaços e da própria paisagem da cidade. This study aims to examine the urban landscape in the central area of Blumenau/SC - Brazil, from the 1950s, to demonstrate the importance of this landscape historically constituted as a heritage that should be valued. This heritage, culturally and socially constituted, which is the landscape, is threatened by successive politics of devaluation of the city's history and the construction of large scenarios with emblematic urban images, mainly from the 1970s, when a threat occurs more effectively to the study area. The main problem currently are the successive attempts of the government in trying to sell the city as an object through these emblematic urban images. These public politics dealing with a urban spectacle, the commercialization of space and the landscape of the city.
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Reports on the topic "Central Politics and government"

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Ohemeng, Frank, and Fariya Mohiuddin. The Enigma of the Central–Local Government Relationship and Its Impact on Property Tax Administration in Developing Countries: The Ghanaian Perspective. Institute of Development Studies, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2022.018.

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Property tax administration is the bedrock for effective revenue mobilisation, development, and good local governance for local governments. Yet administering property taxation continues to be a major problem, especially for many developing countries. Scholarly explanations for this poor state of affairs have focused on limited capacity, poor quality local cadastres, corruption, and local political resistance to effective property tax administration, among others. This paper moves away from these explanations to focus on a less trodden area: the relationship between central and local government and how this relationship affects property tax administration. Property tax administration involves some collaboration and overlap between different levels of government, and thus depends very much on a good and functional relationship between both levels of government, especially when local governments derive their authorities from the largesse of central governments. This relationship may have powerful implications for the ability of local governments to effectively undertake property tax administration due to the central government’s policies and politics. Using Ghana as a case study, the paper illustrates how a dysfunctional relationship between central and local governments has undermined, and continues to undermine, effective property tax administration in the country, which should serve as a lesson for other developing countries.
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Walsh, Alex. The Contentious Politics of Tunisia’s Natural Resource Management and the Prospects of the Renewable Energy Transition. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.048.

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For many decades in Tunisia, there has been a robust link between natural resource management and contentious national and local politics. These disputes manifest in the form of protests, sit-ins, the disruption of production and distribution and legal suits on the one hand, and corporate and government response using coercive and concessionary measures on the other. Residents of resource-rich areas and their allies protest the inequitable distribution of their local natural wealth and the degradation of their health, land, water, soil and air. They contest a dynamic that tends to bring greater benefit to Tunisia’s coastal metropolitan areas. Natural resource exploitation is also a source of livelihoods and the contentious politics around them have, at times, led to somewhat more equitable relationships. The most important actors in these contentious politics include citizens, activists, local NGOs, local and national government, international commercial interests, international NGOs and multilateral organisations. These politics fit into wider and very longstanding patterns of wealth distribution in Tunisia and were part of the popular alienation that drove the uprising of 2011. In many ways, the dynamic of the contentious politics is fundamentally unchanged since prior to the uprising and protests have taken place within the same month of writing of this paper. Looking onto this scene, commentators use the frame of margins versus centre (‘marginalization’), and also apply the lens of labour versus capital. If this latter lens is applied, not only is there continuity from prior to 2011, there is continuity with the colonial era when natural resource extraction was first industrialised and internationalised. In these ways, the management of Tunisia’s natural wealth is a significant part of the country’s serious political and economic challenges, making it a major factor in the street politics unfolding at the time of writing.
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Martinez-Bravo, Monica, and Carlos Sanz. Trust and accountability in times of pandemics. Madrid: Banco de España, January 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53479/29471.

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The COVID-19 pandemic took place against the backdrop of growing political polarization and distrust in political institutions in many countries. Did deficiencies in government performance further erode trust in public institutions? Did citizens’ ideology interfere with the way they processed information on government performance? To investigate these two questions, we conducted a pre-registered online experiment in Spain in November 2020. Respondents in the treatment group were provided information on the number of contact tracers in their region, a key policy variable under the control of regional governments. We find that individuals greatly over-estimate the number of contact tracers in their region. When we provide the actual number of contact tracers, we find a decline in trust in governments, a reduction in willingness to fund public institutions and a decrease in COVID-19 vaccine acceptance. We also find that individuals endogenously change their attribution of responsibilities when receiving the treatment. In regions where the regional and central governments are controlled by different parties, sympathizers of the regional incumbent react to the negative news on performance by attributing greater responsibility for it to the central government. We call this the blame shifting effect. In those regions, the negative information does not translate into lower voting intentions for the regional incumbent government. These results suggest that the exercise of political accountability may be particularly difficult in settings with high political polarization and areas of responsibility that are not clearly delineated.
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Martinez-Bravo, Monica, and Carlos Sanz. Trust and accountability in times of pandemic. Madrid: Banco de España, January 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53479/25027.

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The COVID-19 pandemic took place against the backdrop of growing political polarization and distrust in political institutions in many countries. Furthermore, most governments fell short of expectations in their management of the pandemic. Did deficiencies in government performance further erode trust in public institutions? Did citizens’ ideology interfere with the way they processed information on government performance? To investigate these two questions, we conducted a preregistered online experiment in Spain in November 2020. Respondents in the treatment group were provided information on the number of contact tracers in their region, a key variable under the control of regional governments. We find that individuals greatly overestimate the number of contact tracers in their region. When we provide the actual number of contact tracers, we find a decline in trust in governments, a reduction in willingness to fund public institutions and a decrease in COVID-19 vaccine acceptance. We also find that individuals endogenously change their attribution of responsibilities when receiving the treatment. In regions where the regional and central governments are controlled by different parties, sympathizers of the regional incumbent react to the negative news on performance by attributing greater responsibility for it to the central government. We call this the blame shifting effect. In those regions, the negative information does not translate into lower voting intentions for the regional incumbent government. These results suggest that the exercise of political accountability may be particularly difficult in settings with high political polarization and areas of responsibility are not clearly delineated.
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Richards, Robin. The Effect of Non-partisan Elections and Decentralisation on Local Government Performance. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.014.

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This rapid review focusses on whether there is international evidence on the role of non-partisan elections as a form of decentralised local government that improves performance of local government. The review provides examples of this from Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. There are two reported examples in Sub-Saharan Africa of non-partisan elections that delink candidates from political parties during election campaigns. The use of non-partisan elections to improve performance and democratic accountability at the level of government is not common, for example, in southern Africa all local elections at the sub-national sphere follow the partisan model. Whilst there were no examples found where countries shifted from partisan to non-partisan elections at the local government level, the literature notes that decentralisation policies have the effect of democratising and transferring power and therefore few central governments implement it fully. In Africa decentralisation is favoured because it is often used as a cover for central control. Many post-colonial leaders in Africa continue to favour centralised government under the guise of decentralisation. These preferences emanated from their experiences under colonisation where power was maintained by colonial administrations through institutions such as traditional leadership. A review of the literature on non-partisan elections at the local government level came across three examples where this occurred. These countries were: Ghana, Uganda and Bangladesh. Although South Africa holds partisan elections at the sub-national sphere, the election of ward committee members and ward councillors, is on a non-partisan basis and therefore, the ward committee system in South Africa is included as an example of a non-partisan election process in the review.
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Dejene Mamo, Bekana. The Impact of Intergovernmental Transfers on Fiscal Behaviour of Local Governments in Ethiopia. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2020.001.

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This paper examines the effect of intergovernmental fiscal transfers on the fiscal behaviour of local governments in Ethiopia for the period 2004-2018. The empirical findings suggest that central government grants bolster state-level employment and expenditure. However, grants from the central government to states do not crowd out state-level revenue collection. Hence, this paper argues that fiscal decentralisation in Ethiopia has mostly, at least in theory, taken the form of devolution of the power to tax and spend public money. However, on average state-level revenue can only finance up to 26 per cent of their annual expenditure. As a result, fiscal federalism in Ethiopia appears to be a form of delegation of spending responsibilities. It has to be considered in the context of a decentralised tax system, but with a transfer scheme and political hierarchy. The results are found to be robust to alternative econometric estimation techniques.
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Remi Aiyede, Emmanuel. Agricultural Commercialisation and the Political Economy of Cocoa and Rice Value Chains in Nigeria. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/apra.2021.005.

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Nigeria has sought to diversify its economy away from dependence on oil as a major source of government revenue through agricultural commercialisation. Agriculture has been a priority sector because it has very high growth potential and the greatest potential for employment and export revenue. The cocoa and rice value chains are central to the government’s engagement with agriculture to achieve these objectives. This paper sets out to investigate the underlying political economy dynamics of the commercialisation of the cocoa and rice value chains in Nigeria in terms of smallholder farm households’ shift from semi-subsistence agriculture to production primarily for market, and predominantly commercial medium- and large-scale farm enterprises complementing or replacing smallholder farm households.
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Brown, Dustin, Jitinder Kohli, and Samantha Mignotte. TOOLS AT THE CENTRE OF GOVERNMENT:RESEARCH AND PRACTITIONERS' INSIGHTS. People in Government Lab, September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-peoplegov-ri_2021/002.

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In this paper, the authors look at how the 'centre of government' (defined as "the people and organisations that support the head of government as the ‘guardians of overall strategic direction of government’, which often includes the president’s or prime minister’s offices as well as Cabinet, budget offices, etc") can add value from their position and with the tools available to them. The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the critical role not just of government generally, but in particular the essential role the centre of government must play to coordinate, communicate with the public, and navigate new problems that no longer respect the organisational boundaries we have created over time. More generally, the problems that governments need to solve are increasingly complex and horizontal, yet government is organised by vertical institutions and hierarchies. Whether handed down as a special assignment by a political leader or self-driven as part of their role, staff in the centre of government are responsible for driving forward progress on the government’s top priorities. With easy access to senior government leaders, but relatively small budgets and staff, the centre of government has a very different set of tools than other agencies. The authors present ten tools across four clusters that centres of governments can deploy: Cluster 1 tools – Planning from the centre: defining success and setting up agencies to improve Cluster 2 tools – Governing from the centre: creating structures to drive improvements Cluster 3 tools – Improving implementation from the centre: creating routines and driving change Cluster 4 tools – Improving service delivery from the centre: supporting and offering provision of cross-cutting services The tools presented focus on specific actions that the centre of government can take to drive a priority area for a leader. They go beyond the traditional areas of responsibility that are more well known that inherently sit with the centre of government.
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Bassetto, Marco, and Thomas Sargent. Politics and Efficiency of Separating Capital and Ordinary Government Budgets. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w11030.

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Persson, Torsten, and Guido Tabellini. The Size and Scope of Government: Comparative Politics with Rational Politicians. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6848.

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