Journal articles on the topic 'Central-local government relations – Spain'
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1
Bolgherini, Silvia. "Crisis-driven reforms and local discretion: an assessment of Italy and Spain." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 46, no. 1 (October 16, 2015): 71–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2015.23.
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The recent and still enduring global economic and financial crisis deeply impacted the institutional framework in Italy and Spain by prompting a series of reforms, which ultimately re-shaped the local government features. Based on a qualitative comparative analysis of recent reforms, the author shows that (directly and indirectly) crisis-driven provisions have significantly impacted the local levels and changed the central/local relations in both countries. During the years of crisis, a decrease in local discretion in its three main facets (fiscal, administrative, and political/functional) has taken place. This outcome could both allow for a better understanding of how central and local governments have interacted during the crisis and to contribute to the formulation of more general considerations on local discretion and central/local relations in Italy and Spain.
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Ramos-Vielba, Irene, and Richard Woolley. "Local factors shaping public sector industrial relations in a context of crisis: A comparison of municipal administrations in Spain." Industrielle Beziehungen Zeitschrift für Arbeit Organisation und Management 25, no. 3-2018 (October 8, 2018): 343–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/indbez.v25i3.04.
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The impact of the 2008 financial crisis led to the imposition of severe ‘crisis measures’ focused on alleviating budget deficits at all levels of Spanish government. In this context, the central government sought to restrict regional and local government spending. One of the key mechanisms at the Spanish government’s disposal was restricting public sector employment. This paper examines the responses to these centrally imposed measures in two local municipal governments, Bilbao (Basque Country) and Parla (Madrid) between 2010 and 2015. The paper applies a ‘varieties of capitalism’ conceptual approach to investigate what it refers to as subnational institutional systems and suggests that processes of economic and social adjustment in Spain are also influenced by distinctive regional and local political economic arrangements. Key factors contributing to the different industrial relations outcomes observed in the two case study locations are described and discussed. The results show that different types and degrees of coordination can co-exist within a decentralised national political economy.
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Mukti, Takdir Ali, Tulus Warsito, Idham Badruzaman, and Ulung Pribadi. "Paradiplomacy Management and Local Political Movement in Aceh, Indonesia, and Catalonia, Spain." European Journal of East Asian Studies 18, no. 1 (July 4, 2019): 66–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-01801003.
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AbstractThis article focuses on paradiplomatic management in Aceh, Indonesia, and Catalonia, Spain, as a comparative study. The two different regions have at least two similar characteristics: both are recognised by central government as widely autonomous provinces compared to other provinces, and both obtained the wider autonomy in the same period, 2006; they also have same problems with revolutionary groups that attempt to withdraw from central government. This qualitative research aims to examine paradiplomatic management in both local governments. The main objective is to identify similarities and differences in paradiplomatic patterns and to scrutinise paradiplomatic activism pertaining to the instrument of political movements in both regions. The findings confirm that patterns of paradiplomacy management are typically similar, and influenced by the dynamic of local political movements, and that paradiplomatic activism is an instrument in political movements. It is argued that paradiplomatic management by secessionist regions performs the same pattern both in federal and unitary systems, and is reflected in the changes of regional laws on paradiplomatic affairs.
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Prokhorenko, I. "Regional Development Policy in Spain: Instruments and Mechanisms." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2015): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-5-41-51.
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The article explores practices of the regional development policy in Spain (in other words, regional policy) as the central government’s regulation of economic and territorial development, with a view to their possible efficiency for the Russian Federation. The author singles out Spanish regions (17 autonomous communities and 2 autonomous cities) and local communities (provinces, municipalities and islands) as objects of the regional development policy, reviews goals and objectives of this policy. The paper focuses on analyzing, particularizing and comparing of instruments and mechanisms relevant to this policy line of the Spanish state, its institutional and political aspects in time of Franco's rule and during the post-Francoist period. The variation of economic development in the regions of Spain, different parameters of this variation and some factors of the autonomous communities' economic development are estimated. The specific character of interrelationship between central, regional and local authorities in the context of the Spanish State of Autonomies and of the territorial development dynamics, the peculiarities of the operational inter-budgetary relations model, problems of the local government and self-government as well as of decentralization of metro- and megapolises’ governance are examined. The questions of public discussions in Spanish society about the outcome and efficiency of the central government’s regional development policy are touched upon. The regional development policy in Spain is considered as extremely politicized, semi-structured, contentious and ambiguous in consequence of the legal and socio-economic asymmetry of the autonomous communities and also of the ongoing process of federalization in Spain. As in recent years Spain is steadily losing its previous status of the subsidized territory and is turning into a donor of the European Union regional policy, it is necessary for Spanish authorities to make the regional development policy more active and to take a different view of its objectives and opportunities. Acknowledgements. The work is executed according to the fundamental studies programme of the Presidium of RAS no. 31, project 6.6 “Foreign Experience of Regional Policy, and Possibilities of Its Usage in Russia”.
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Kołsut, Bartłomiej. "NATIONAL ASSOCIATIONS OF MUNICIPALITIES IN EUROPE – DIFFERENT MODELS OF INSTITUTIONALIZED POLITICAL COOPERATION." GEOGRAPHY, ENVIRONMENT, SUSTAINABILITY 11, no. 4 (January 4, 2019): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24057/2071-9388-2018-11-4-39-55.
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The article endeavours to identify and characterise selected national associations of municipalities across Europe, as well as to provide typical models of municipalities being associated into large groups representing their interests in relations with central government. A study that addressed 26 European countries has helped identify four principal organisational models of associations of local structures. These are as follows: (1) the consolidated model (existing in Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, Greece, Latvia, Lithuania, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden), (2) the bipolar model (in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Estonia, Italy, Slovakia, Slovenia, and Switzerland), (3) the federative model (in Austria, Belgium, Germany, Spain), and (4) the fragmented model (to be found in France, United Kingdom, Poland, Hungary, and Romania).
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Araujo, Joaquim Filipe Ferraz Esteves de, and Francisca Tejedo-Romero. "Local government transparency index: determinants of municipalities’ rankings." International Journal of Public Sector Management 29, no. 4 (May 9, 2016): 327–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-11-2015-0199.
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Purpose – Cases of corruption, embezzlement, theft and fraud, abuse of discretion, favoritism, nepotism, clientelism, and abuse of power in governments have led to a growing demand from society to access public information. In response to this demand, governments have been forced to be more transparent in the conduct of their activities. The information transparency index (TI) may be conditioned by economic and political characteristics of local governments affecting the information provided. What factors influenced the index of municipal transparency? Literature about transparency is largely based on the explanations of the agency theory and the legitimacy theory. Based on the postulates of both theories, the purpose of this paper is twofold. First, study the index transparency in Spanish municipalities, and, second, determine the main features that are affecting the index of transparency. Design/methodology/approach – Data were collected from Transparency International Spain ranking and from official sources. Univariate and multivariate analysis are performed for the treatment of data. Findings – The results shows that political factors like electoral turnout, political ideology, and political competition have a significant effect on the index of transparency. Gender has no significant effect on the index of transparency. Originality/value – This study is a contribution to the growing body literature of transparency in order to understand what explains the variations of the TI among municipalities.
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Orsini, Giacomo, Andrew Canessa, and Luis G. Martínez del Campo. "The Strategic Mobilisation of the Border in Gibraltar: The Postcolonial (Re)Production of Privilege and Exclusion." Cromohs - Cyber Review of Modern Historiography 23 (March 24, 2021): 60–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/cromohs-12503.
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The border separating/unifying Gibraltar with Spain is reproduced in public discourse as a threat and an obstacle to the normalisation of political life in the small enclave. Yet, an in-depth socio-historical analysis of local cross-border relations over the 20th century, shows how the Gibraltarian national identity and local government originate from the border rather than in opposition to it. The fencing of the frontier imposed by the Franco’s regime between 1969-1985 allows the discursive (re)production of a Gibraltarian identity distinct from that of the Spanish neighbours - and, in part, from that of the English colonisers.
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Reid, Colin T., and Gerardo Ruiz-Rico Ruiz. "Scotland and Spain: The Division of Environmental Competences." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 52, no. 1 (January 2003): 209–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/52.1.209.
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Two conflicting forces beset any attempts to fit responsibility for environmental matters into modern constitutional structures. On the one hand the political desire for less centralised government calls for devolution of power to regional or local authorities, so that responsibilities are divided and distributed between different levels of government. On the other, the fact that no aspect of the environment can be treated as if it were a separate compartment suggests that responsibilities should be integrated in one place, an approach supported by the increasing awareness that there is a need for environmental considerations to influence all areas of policy if the goal of sustainable development is to be achieved. Fitting responses to the conditions1 of a particular locality is an important element in successful environmental policy, but so is ensuring that a coherent and holistic approach is taken, unhindered by institutional divisions.2 The purpose of this paper is to examine how two structures of devolved administration, for the Autonomous Communities in Spain and for Scotland, meet the challenge of reconciling these opposite forces, and how the constitutional structures influence the way in which potential problems are resolved.
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Martinez-Canas, Ricardo, and Pablo Ruiz-Palomino. "25 Years Of Science Parks In Spain: Towards A New Model Of Development." Review of Business Information Systems (RBIS) 15, no. 5 (September 28, 2011): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/rbis.v15i5.6014.
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In the knowledge-based economy, developed and in developing countries are putting an increasingly interest on encouraging their firms to produce, exploit, transfer and apply knowledge. In this context, there seems to be a general agreement about the need to develop and strengthen networking activities using infrastructures to promote knowledge transfer between different economic actors. Science and Technology Parks (STPs) are an important part of these support infrastructures. The main objective of this paper is to analyze how STPs have evolved during the last 25 years in Spain. Therefore with available data we study how has changed their model from a "science push" in the first generation models to a "science pull" for the second generation models of Science Parks. Data from the APTE (Spanish Association of Science and Technology Parks) shows that new parks are redesigning their activities toward a third generation of STPs based on interactive local flows located in science-industry-government relations, increasingly involved with local, regional and even global innovation activities. This paper also analyzes how go-betweens and intermediaries can facilitate the interaction between firms, government and research institutions, and liaise with public and private R&D funding and venture capital organizations.
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Ponedelko, G. "Immigration in Spain." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2015): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-9-80-92.
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The article considers the problems of Spanish immigration within the period of 1981–2015, namely, its dynamics, latest tendencies and socio-economic characteristics (including changes in nationality, gender, age and educational structures of immigrants). Primarily, the stress is made on an in-depth analysis of the following main features of immigrants’ population in Spain: the levels of their incomes, the unemployment rate, the living standards. The author makes a conclusion that Spanish immigrants constitute not only a majority of poor population in the country but they are also ones of the poorest in Europe. It is particularly evident against the background of their impact upon the economic activity and employment’s rate of the country’s population and economic growth. At the considered period all the mentioned indicators were noticeably higher for immigrants than for local labor force, not saying of the positive immigrants’ influence on the growth and rejuvenation of Spanish people. Secondly, a considerable part in the article is devoted to the analysis of the immigration policy of Spanish government during the considered period of time. The author singles out the specific stages of this policy and shows that its contents and approaches modified in strict dependence of political factors. The Spanish Socialist Working Party was the beginner of the immigration policy in 1985 which always had the most liberal character particularly when it was concerned to the immigrant social and labor integration based on human rights equality. On the contrary, immigration policy of the now ruling conservative Partido Popular has more pragmatic, selective and rigid approach to foreign labor force legislation.
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Ignatchenko, I. V. "France in the Vienna System of International Relations (the First Half of The 19th Century)." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-9-14.
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Abstract: The Vienna system of international relations established at the Congress of Vienna in 1814-1815, was a real challenge for the French political elite during all subsequent decades. France was a defeated party and was thus morally humiliated. The objective for all French governments after 1815 was to improve the position of France in this new system of international relations, including due to the destabilization and breaking of the Vienna system. In the years of the Restoration in France (1814-1830) a major foreign policy action of the government of Louis XVIII was the intervention in Spain in 1823, which refers to the Spanish revolution of 1820-1823. The French government, reflecting the interests of the European reaction, had hoped to raise these military prestige of France, and consequently to raise the question of the revision of the treatises of Vienna of 1815. Despite the success of the intervention, she has not brought the big political dividends in France. After the July revolution 1830 in France, the foreign policy of France intensified. Leading French politicians defined quite clearly exclusive spheres of influence of France, and in 1832 the French troops invaded Central Italy, capturing the city of Ancona. In 1840, during the second Oriental crisis, the French government has opposed themselves to the rest of Europe for the first time since the Napoleonic wars. Ultimately, the strategic position of France in the middle East was weakened. But the exacerbation of international conflict contributed to the strengthening of the French army and Navy. Further successes of the French diplomacy will be linked to the period of the Second Empire in France, in particular, with the Crimean war, that raised has raised status of France, and the decision of the Italian question in the second half of the 60-ies of the XIX century.
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Ledeneva, V. "Administrative and organizational mechanisms for regulating the integration of migrants in Spain." Upravlenie 7, no. 3 (October 21, 2019): 120–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2309-3633-2019-3-120-126.
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The article analyzes different approaches to the policy of integration of migrants in Spain. The purpose of the article is: to show the experience of integration policy and intercultural dialogue in Spain and to determine the most effective methods for application in the Russian migration policy.The phenomenon of socio-cultural integration of immigrants and intercultural interaction through theoretical and methodological developments of domestic and foreign experts has been considered. Distinctions between the concepts of “adaptation of migrants” and “integration of migrants” have been made. Integration involves the next stage of inclusion after adaptation in the host community. A list of criteria for assessing the processes of integration of immigrants into the host society has been formed, three main groups of criteria have been defined: socio-economic, political, legal and socio-cultural. During the analysis, the author comes to conclusion, that the key direction of the policy of integration of migrants into the host community in Spain is economic integration, which implies the inclusion of migrants in labor relations and is supported by state structures as much as possible.The main directions and effectiveness of the integration policy of Spain have been analyzed. It has been concluded, that the effectiveness depends on the existence of a holistic system of interaction between the Central government, regional and municipal authorities and non-governmental organizations, which greatly simplifies the process of integration of migrants into Spanish society. The article widely uses the results of practical studies of the integration experience of Spain, official reports of the EU supranational bodies on the migration situation in this country, reports on the implementation of specific integration initiatives, as well as the analysis of expert assessments on this issue. The article analyzes the most effective methods of integration of the government of Spain and Spanish public organizations, based on which practical recommendations for Russia are proposed, taking into account the specifics of migration processes.
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Ratz, Sergey V. "Secret services of the USSR in Spain and their role in the military and political conflict of 1936–1939." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies 36, no. 2 (2020): 356–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2020.212.
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The article is dedicated to the activities of the Soviet intelligence agencies in Spain during the Civil War of 1936–1939. By June 1936, diplomatic relations between USSR and Spain were absent. Due to the putschist revolt and the appeal of the legitimate government of Spain to the USSR, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolshevik) made a decision to establish diplomatic, military, and trade delegations in Spain. The intelligence agencies of the USSR planned operation ‘X’ for military assistance to Spain. As part of this operation, a Soviet advisory staff concerning military and foreign intelligence was formed. The author brings to light the goals of the secret service authorities of the Soviet Union, including such particular ones as the removal of Spain’s gold reserve and the creation of the 14th Partisan Corps. The article analyses the activities of the advisory staff, their role in the development of the largest military operations during the Spanish Civil War, and traces the fate of the conflict’s most active participants. Based on the analysis of new data introduced into the historical discourse in recent years, the author concludes that the secret services of the USSR played a large role in this conflict. The Soviet advisors and specialists obtained unique experiences, including conducting large-scale operations; military equipment was tested in actual battle activities; intelligence specialists enlisted information sources with great potential. Many military specialists tried and trained in Spain in 1936–1939 later played an invaluable role in the victory of the USSR in the Great Patriotic War.
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Borderías, Cristina. "Conflict over Women’s Working Times on the Eve of Industrialisation: Spanish Social Reformers’ Surveys at the End of the Nineteenth Century." Historical Review/La Revue Historique 15, no. 1 (May 20, 2019): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.20443.
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During the last two decades of the nineteenth century, Spain experienced growing social instability. The worsening working conditions stimulated social conflict and the rise of the labour movement. In this context, the first voices in favour of state intervention in conflicts between capital and labour arose among the reformist intellectual elite. One of the first social policy measures undertaken by the state was the creation, in 1883, of the Comisión de Reformas Sociales (Commission for Social Reforms, CRS) as a consultative and advisory institution of the government on social issues. Under the influence of positivist methods of empirical sociology, the commission’s first initiative was to conduct a survey with the objective of undertaking a detailed diagnosis of the living conditions of the working population. Changing gender relations in the family and labour market, especially the conflicts over the use of women’s time, was one of the central questions in this survey. Thus, its results allow us to analyse both the discourses – by social reformers and other social groups – and the social practices of women at work in different sectors and in different parts of Spain.
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Calvo, Angela Garcia. "Institutional development and bank competitive transformation in late industrializing economies: the Spanish case." Business and Politics 18, no. 1 (April 2016): 27–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bap-2014-0034.
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This paper explores the contribution of national institutions to the competitive transformation of big commercial banks in late industrializing countries through the analysis of the Spanish case. The paper uses a comparative historical analysis to establish that strategic coordination between the state and large banks is a structural feature of the banking sector but may be articulated differently depending on the balance of power between states, banks and industry, the preferences of these actors, and their resources. Using evidence from Spain since the late 1970s, the paper argues that in this country, state-bank coordination was articulated as a non-hierarchical system of negotiated interactions and mutual exchanges of benefits between small groups of decision-makers at the government, the central bank, and big banks. Under the Spanish model, large banks contributed to the fulfillment of public policy objectives to develop the central bank's capacity to conduct monetary policy, strengthen supervision of the banking system, and modernize the financial sector. In exchange, big banks benefited from a favorable regulation that enabled them to restructure, consolidate the leadership of a new generation of bankers, and reach the efficiency frontier of their industry. The paper contributes to the literature of institutionalism by questioning the traditional dichotomy between market and strategic coordination. It also contributes to the literature of competitiveness by stimulating debate about the role of the state in supporting the transformation of big business.
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Drohobetskyі, Ivan. "Management of municipal property in Ukraine and some countries: the essence, tools." Herald of Economics, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/visnyk2022.01.203.
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Introduction. Unfortunately, municipal property, like private property in Ukraine, is not a reliable source of stable local budget revenues because, mainly, the form of ownership is not the leading factor in the high efficiency of the economic system, and the conditions in which it can be created to any of the forms of ownership, including municipal, could reveal its own potential, which will increase the economic efficiency of business entities and improve the living standards of community members.The aim of the article is to clarify the essence of municipal property and to establish tools for municipal property management in Ukraine and some countries around the world for comparison and improvement.Research methods. In the process of research to achieve the goal of the article used a number of methods of scientific knowledge (analysis, induction, deduction, synthesis, generalization, comparison of systems and tools of municipal property management in Ukraine and some countries).Results. In the scientific literature, there is mainly a classification of world-famous models of municipal government organization, which provide for the formation of relations between local governments and relevant authorities in the center. According to this approach, it is expedient to distinguish three such fundamental models of local self-government, as: Anglo-Saxon (classical), continental and mixed. The Anglo-Saxon (classical) model is common, mainly in the United States, Britain, Canada, Australia, India and others, where the eponymous legal system. The continental (or French) model of local government organization is quite different, common not only in European countries, including France, Spain, Italy, Belgium, but also in many Latin American countries, the Middle East, and France. It is clear that the analysis of the current state of affairs abroad can play a leading role in solving the problems of improving the management of Ukrainian municipal property. Generalization and popularization of the positive practice of individual countries with developed democracies in the subject area studied by us is expedient for the improvement of the Ukrainian legislation of Ukraine. For example, in order to form several sources of financial resources that are objects of the current municipal property of any country.Discussion. The analysis of the positive practice of local self-government in Ukraine and some countries of the world allows to draw a number of conclusions: granting local governments some state powers increases the authority of these bodies, promotes their “merging” and mutual enrichment; There is a need to develop the necessary future steps to develop the system and tools of local self-government of Ukraine and consolidate them at the regulatory level, taking into account the different types and forms of business entities, and subject to new laws continue to work in, lack of sufficient necessary financial and economic base, incomplete economic and legal regulation. We should not expect a one-time creation of the basis of local self-government throughout Ukraine, but move in this direction step by step and so on.Perspectives. In the future, more attention should be paid to the study of the principles and methods of collecting and disseminating positive experience in municipal property management both in Ukraine and in some countries around the world, which were discussed in this publication. It would also be worthwhile to deepen research on areas for improving the efficiency of operational management of municipal property and indicators of its evaluation.
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Cherkasova, E. "Separatism as a threat to the European Union (The Case of Catalonia)." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 1 (2022): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-1-51-59.
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The Catalan crisis raises deep concerns about the very nature of European democracy. This is no longer an internal affair of Spain – rather a European and global crisis. Brussels, having declared that the Catalan problem is an internal affair of Spain, cannot completely abstract from it, both for economic and political reasons. It is quite obvious that the Spanish political elite failed to come up with an attractive alternative for Catalonia, or even a basis for a positive dialogue. By decisively taking the side of Madrid after the unilateral declaration of independence, the European Union has caused great disappointment among the Catalan nationalists. The EU is “tired” of crises and seeks to avoid involvement where possible, and it also lacks political or legal tools to resolve separatist-related problems. The European Union turned out to be unprepared for the Catalan crisis politically and intellectually. An extensive network of the EU authorities in the field of crisis management has shown its ineffectiveness. The example of Catalonia clearly demonstrates that the issue of separatism in general poses a serious threat to the European Union and the future of European integration. This threat is twofold. The rise of separatism in Catalonia led to a deep constitutional and political crisis in Spain itself, superimposed on economic problems, especially aggravated during the pandemic. The fourth EU economy is faced with an acute problem of maintaining territorial integrity. The Catalan crisis demonstrated the inability of Brussels to resolve this kind of conflict with mechanisms at its disposal. New mechanisms are needed that can ensure an optimal balance between supranational, state and local government institutions. The events in Catalonia have clearly demonstrated that separatist movements can pose no less a threat to integration as such recognized challenges as terrorism, migration, climate change and cybersecurity. Crises emerging within the European Union have become a serious obstacle to further integration; consequently, the focus of the EU’s anti-crisis policy is gradually shifting from external problems to internal ones.
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Nironka, Yu. "INTERNATIONAL EXPERIENCE IN PUBLIC CONTROL." Scientific Notes Series Law 1, no. 12 (October 2022): 95–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.36550/2522-9230-2022-12-95-99.
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It is stated that in foreign countries, Civic Control is considered in the light of interaction and mutual influence of the public and its institutions to state power and its officials, the positivity of such cooperation, directions of public activity to the state mechanism of power. It is noted that in different countries of the world to subjects of public control include individuals and public organizations. However, they may also be Public Councils and Supervisory Board of Labor Teams, Public Planning Planning Communities, Public Budget Public Councils, Commodities in the Election of Police Commissioners and Police and Crime Commission. The subjects of public control may be the majority of participants in social relations, which are not endowed with state-owned powers. Forms of public control over state bodies and activities of officials are revealed. Defined as the main of them directly public control, public monitoring, public hearings, public councils, public examination, Ombudsman Institute, Public Verification, Public Investigation, Journalist Investigation, Citizens of Citizens to State Authorities and Local Self-Government, Hearing of Reports. Such a conclusion is based on the relevant US, Canada, France, Spain, Belgium. Innovative forms of public control include: registration of errors of officials, their intentional and random violations of the valid rules and consequences of this, encouraging positive actions of officials and officials, administrative appeal of the actions and acts of local self-government bodies, the Civil Defender Service. It is indicated on such a relatively new form of control as civilian control over internal and external safety. It is widely used in controlling the armed forces. It is noted that public control can be both external and internal. Their definitions are given. Conclusions are made on the need to intermitect effective foreign practices for Ukraine.
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Cortes-Vazquez, Jose A. "A natural life: neo-rurals and the power of everyday practices in protected areas." Journal of Political Ecology 21, no. 1 (December 1, 2014): 493. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v21i1.21148.
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The worldwide expansion of nature conservation initiatives has attracted a great deal of attention among political ecologists. Concerned about the effects on people and the environment, critical scholars have attempted to identify the drivers of conservation, and how power operates. Conservation policies, practices and conflicts have generated a large literature about the role of states, expert bureaucracies, private corporations, NGOs and technologies of government. In this article I aim to extend this literature by paying attention to a largely neglected field of power relations, defined by the efforts made by new inhabitants of natural protected areas, who have moved to these new locations and have strived to construct and maintain an idyll wherein they can enjoy a new, 'natural life.' Using Bourdieu's notions of cultural capital and habitus, I demonstrate that, in certain places, it is in the everyday practices of making a natural protected area a new home where power relations unfold more subtly, although no less intensely. I illustrate this empirically with a particular case study: the Cabo de Gata-Níjar Natural Park in southeastern Spain. I examine the role played by neo-rurals in the establishment of this protected area, present an ethnographic account of their everyday practices, and link them to the conflicts that have emerged with other social groups, with whom they compete for the right to use and access local resources.Key words: Conservation, political ecology, protected areas, neo-rurals, power, Europe
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Sizer, Michael. "Words and Deeds: Shaping Urban Politics from Below in Late Medieval Europe, ed. Ben Eersels and Jelle Haemers. Studies in European Urban History, 48. Turnhout: Brepols, 2020, 224 pp." Mediaevistik 34, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 543–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2021.01.156.
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Abstract: This volume of essays continues the welcome trend in recent years to uncover the crucial role that popular politics played in late medieval societies. This scholarship has convincingly shown that non-elites were frequently engaged in peaceful efforts to participate in government and power relations, and not just in violent and extra-legal activities such as revolt. The volume covers urban communities, largely due to available sources and a focus on institutions such as assemblies and councils, and includes Southern France, Spain, the Low Countries, Germany, Sweden, and England. This expands the geographic range of the argument that non-elites were central players in political action, showing it was pervasive in urban areas throughout Western Europe and also highlights the variety of forms popular politics could take. This scholarship has been excellent in properly placing popular politics – and not just periodic revolts – at the center of the consideration of larger political history of the late Middle Ages, and with this volume of essays this story expands in its detail and specificity. Editors Ben Eersels and Jelle Haemers have been at the forefront of this recent trend in scholarship, and have chosen a series of essays for this volume that are remarkably consistent in quality.
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SAVELYEV, Yevhen, and Halyna SMALYUK. "ECONOMIC CONVERGENCE IN THE EUROPEAN INTEGRATION SPACE IN THE CONTEXT OF RELATIONS BETWEEN UKRAINE AND THE VISEGRAD FOUR." Vol 18, No 4 (2019) 18, Vol 18, No 4 (2019) (December 2019): 425–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/jee2019.04.425.
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The problem of economic convergence of Ukraine is considered as a crucial way of reaching the goal of European integration and membership in the European Union. It takes into account the current economic situation in the country, the main feature of which is a significant lag behind all EU Member States, especially in terms of GDP per capita. The external factor is crucial in the concept because of the inability to singlehandedly accomplish convergence tasks in Europe and in the global space in a reasonable timeframe. The more substantial the changes, the more important the factors related to the development of international economic relations. The author’s proposals concentrate on making economic convergence central in the development of overall convergence. Ukraine has great potential for mutually beneficial cooperation in all spheres with the Visegrad Four because it is a union of neighbouring countries and has gained experience reducing a relatively large economic lag from the «old» EU members. The scope of the investigation is not limited to traditional forms of international cooperation, but is oriented towards new solutions. They are represented by the organizational model «V4 + UA» (Visegrad Four + Ukraine) with the prospect of developing into an enlarged association «Visegrad Five», which will continue to play the role of the internal structure of the European Union, and include a candidate for membership, i.e. Ukraine. Sustainable economic growth of a new group must rely on a unified market, Europe’s greatest advantage, and concentrated structural reforms that can drive the production in the areas of growing demand. The author also admits the possibility of future establishment of confederate government in the model «V4 + UA» in order to use the competitive advantages of large state entities such as Germany, France, Italy, Spain).
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Epshteyn, V. A., P. V. Menshikov, A. S. Vilchinskii, and V. S. Novikova. "On the issue of the administrative and legal methodology used by the Kingdom of Spain to counter the nationalist and separatist aspirations of the Basque country." Journal of Law and Administration 15, no. 4 (January 30, 2020): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2019-4-53-100-109.
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Introduction. The article is devoted to the instruments used by the Spanish Kingdom in administrative and legal spheres to counter nationalist and separatist aspirations of the Basque Country throughout different historic periods. Special attention is paid to the confrontation with the Basque terrorist organization ETA. In addition, the research analyzes what caused ETA to emerge, underscores the major stages of its evolution, and discusses cross-border aspects of bilateral cooperation between Spain and France under the aegis of the supra-national specialized organization of Europol. The administrative and legal instruments used by Spain are distinguished in context of the analysis of the prospects for the applying of modern political and legal toolkit in the regional policy that is often contrary to the interests of the modern centralized state. The research pays attention to the administrative measures that led to ETA crisis and its further collapse.Material and methods. The paper uses the methodology of a retrospective analysis and content-analysis to characterize the shifts in the principles of Spanish administrative and territorial tools and their influence on the nature of the Basque nationalism. The Constitution of 1977 and the Statute of autonomy of the Basque Country are considered.Results. The paper sums up all the major shifts in the Spanish practice in the usage of administrative and political measures to combat the Basque separatist aspirations, evaluates their efficiency and outlines current obstacles towards the way of the establishment of a new bilateral dialogue with Madrid.Conclusion. The first part of this article points out the growth of nationalist and separatist aspirations in the Basque Country and shows how political systems (absolute monarchy, republic, authoritarian governance, constitutional monarchy) lead to the application of new administrative and legal instruments that affect the Basque nationalist aspirations. The second part focuses on the current state of relations between the region and the central government.
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Loughlin, Martin. "Understanding Central-Local Government Relations." Public Policy and Administration 11, no. 2 (June 1996): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095207679601100205.
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Kondratieva, Natalia. "STATE AID TO THE EU ECONOMY BEFORE AND AFTER THE PANDEMIC." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 30, no. 6 (December 31, 2022): 52–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran620225260.
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The article gives an idea about the volume of companies subsidizing in the EU. The characteristics of the last decade are revealed: stable growth, which led to a doubling of government aid spending, then a huge surge at the end of the period under review due to the COVID-19 crisis. The types of assistance are described, as well as the conditions under which it can be provided from state budgets according to the Temporary Anti-Crisis Program of the EU, put into effect in March 2022 in connection with Russia’s Special Military Operation in Ukraine and allowing additional state subsidies. Significant differences between EU countries in the level of state support of the national economy are shown. It shows also the active use of state support as a tool for influencing the economy by large European countries: Germany, Great Britain, France, Italy, Spain, as well as a noticeable increase in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Against this background, the forecast of further deepening of cross-country imbalances in the EU is given. The modern role of the European Commission in the control of state support is revealed: once the guardian of fair competition, which does not recognize state interference in market relations, and now the conductor of state subsidies to the economy, distorting the normal course of competition.
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Compagnucci, Lorenzo, and Francesca Spigarelli. "Fostering Cross-Sector Collaboration to Promote Innovation in the Water Sector." Sustainability 10, no. 11 (November 12, 2018): 4154. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su10114154.
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Ongoing global climate change, growing population and the intensification of economic activities, increase pressure on water resources, a situation many see as a water governance crisis. Water-related issues are becoming a limiting factor for sustainable economic growth and require a collaborative and interdisciplinary approach, to foster innovative solutions. This paper provides an evidence-based contribution to understanding Triple Helix Model (THM) relations and the path to innovation policy in the water sector. The analysis focuses on the interaction between university–industry–government, with specific reference to the Murcia region in Southeast Spain. This region combines a chronic shortage of water and a leading role for agriculture. Starting from the experience of a researcher, working for the General Water Council of the Murcia Region, this paper is based on both desk research and in-depth personal interviews with representatives of THM actors. In addition, a questionnaire was forwarded to all those companies in charge of providing water services in the Murcia region. The study has found that stakeholders are not fully cooperative in seeking innovation. The main challenges are the renewal of water-related facilities and the improvement of remote control systems, denitrification and desalination technologies and achieving better energy efficiency. To this aim, THM approach is suggested as a source of local innovation policies, identifying a series of tools to foster a collaborative approach.
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Ruíz Martínez, Irune, and Javier Esparcia Pérez. "Sinergias rural-urbanas: hacia un marco conceptual aplicado al área funcional de Valencia (España) / / / \ \ \ Rural-urban synergies: towards a conceptual framework applied to the functional area of Valencia (Spain)." TERRA: Revista de Desarrollo Local, no. 8 (July 27, 2021): 579. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/terra.8.21347.
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Resumen: El éxito en la creación de sinergias rurales y urbanas para el desarrollo regional sostenible requiere de un enfoque integrado a nivel local y regional. Este artículo es una contribución al análisis de estas relaciones en el área funcional de Valencia, a partir del estudio de diferentes modelos de gobernanza como marco conceptual. Este enfoque deriva del proyecto H2020 ROBUST, en el que se analiza cómo avanzar en el desbloqueo de sinergias rural-urbanas a nivel local-regional, con especial atención a las capacidades de los gobiernos municipales y regionales, las administraciones relacionadas y otras partes interesadas para generar y mejorar las relaciones mutuamente beneficiosas. En el caso de estudio de la provincia de Valencia se han analizado diferentes tipos de estructuras de gobernanza, como el Consejo Alimentario de Valencia, los Pactos Territoriales por el Empleo y varios ejemplos de -en algunos casos, potenciales o teóricas- buenas prácticas, tales como el taxi rural, los cajeros automáticos o las redes culturales. Los acuerdos de gobernanza analizados enfatizan el compromiso del gobierno regional para activar mecanismos de gobernanza multinivel, así como la cooperación público-privada a nivel regional (más allá, por tanto, de los límites provinciales). La metodología aplicada puede ayudar a identificar nuevas medidas y acciones adecuadas para mejorar y crear nuevos modelos de gobernanza en las relaciones rurales y urbanas.
Palabras clave: Living Lab, sinergias rural-urbanas, gobernanza, área funcional de Valencia.
Abstract: The successful creation of rural-urban synergies for sustainable regional development requires an integrated approach at local and regional level. This article is a contribution to the analysis of these relationships in the functional area of Valencia, based on the study of different governance models as a conceptual framework. This approach derives from the H2020 ROBUST project, which analyses how to advance in unlocking rural-urban synergies at the local-regional level, with special attention to the capacities of municipal and regional governments, related administrations and other stakeholders to generate and enhance mutually beneficial relationships. In the case study of the province of Valencia, different types of governance structures have been analysed, such as the Valencia Food Council, the Territorial Pacts for Employment and several examples of - in some cases, potential or theoretical - good practices, such as rural taxis, ATMs or cultural networks. The governance arrangements analysed emphasise the commitment of the regional government to activate multilevel governance mechanisms, as well as public-private cooperation at regional level (thus beyond provincial boundaries). The applied methodology can help to identify further measures and actions suitable for improving and creating new governance models in rural-urban relations
Key words: Living Lab, rural-urban synergies, governance, functional area of Valencia.
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McConnell, Allan. "Central-local government relations in Scotland." International Review of Administrative Sciences 72, no. 1 (March 2006): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852306061622.
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Riy, Grygoriy. "Approaches of Southern European countries in supporting Ukraine after the full-scale Russian invasion." European Historical Studies, no. 22 (2022): 104–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.7.
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The article is devoted to reviewing the government’s response of Southern European countries (Italy, Spain, Portugal and Greece) to the full-scale invasion of Russia in Ukraine on 24 February 2022, which is based on the analysis of the researches, analytical papers, and official reports of the state authorities and mass media. Coverage of this topic is explained by the necessity of the full exploration of the Sothern European governments’ key approaches in supporting Ukraine in the struggle with the Russian army, as well as, discovering some new perspectives, using the comparative and transnational methodology. It is defined the term “Southern Europe”, and also outlined the main historiographical interpretations of the countries of the region. Preference is given to a pragmatic approach for characterising the countries of Southern Europe. The central studies of Ukrainian-Italian, Ukrainian-Spanish, Ukrainian-Portuguese and Ukrainian-Greek relations, official reports and mass media used in the study are analysed. It also analyses and compares the changing Southern European governments’ attitudes towards their supporting Ukraine after the Revolution of Dignity, the illegal annexation of Crimea, and the beginning of war in Donbas in 2014, with the united international response after the full-scale Russian invasion on 24 February 2022. In general, the governments of Italy, Spain, Portugal and Greece changed completely their policy of supporting or non-supporting Ukraine in the war. If after 2014 they tried to be pragmatic in the question of cutting ties with the Russian Federation in their foreign policy activity, then after the full-scale invasion in 2022 they strongly condemned Putin’s regime and agreed to provide assistance to Ukraine to the extent of their military and financial capabilities. The study found that the assistance of Southern European countries has been provided on the Atlantic (through NATO) and European (through EU) levels, as well as national. Defence ministers of the governments of Southern Europe are among the members of the “Ramstein” meetings, where the provision of military aid to Ukraine is coordinated. The countries of the region have so far given priority to humanitarian, financial aid and lethal weapons assistance (but not heavy ones), and have also accepted a large number of Ukrainian refugees. The assistance provided at each of the levels is illustrated by specific examples. Otherwise, Russian influence on domestic policy, national populistic parties and single members of the government or parliament is still strong. For instance, the Italian governmental crisis that happened in the mid-summer was the result of the unpopular and strong position of the prime minister Mario Draghi in his unwavering support of Ukraine. The countries of the region also see the Russian-Ukrainian war as an opportunity for them to strengthen their influence in the Mediterranean.
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BAJRAMI, Iliriana. "Relations Between Central Government and Local Government in Kosovo." PRIZREN SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL 3, no. 2 (August 24, 2019): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.32936/pssj.v3i2.107.
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This paper represents a model attempt to shed light on institutional relations between two levels of power in the Republic of Kosovo. The wide range of legal acts concerned with the regulation of the reports between Central and Legal Government in Kosovo, comprise a legal system containing complex set of rules which define the share of power, competences and the authority of these two levels. As such, this paper is an attempt to investigate and analyze the complex set of legal and institutional mechanisms referring to relations between these two levels of power.
The paper follows a set of approaches and methods such as comparative and analytical method, descriptive, empirical and historical method in order to cover as much aspects and elements of the relations between two levels of power in Kosovo.
Key words: Authorizations, Central Govenrment, Consitution, Competences, Decentralization, Local Government, Local governance, Power.
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Connolly, Michael. "Central ‐ local government relations in Northern Ireland." Local Government Studies 12, no. 5 (September 1986): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003938608433294.
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Kucherenko, Oleksii. "FRANCHISING AGREEMENT UNDER THE LEGISLATION OF FOREIGN COUNTRIES." Scientific Notes Series Law 1, no. 9 (2020): 33–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.36550/2522-9230-2020-1-9-33-37.
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The article is devoted to the topical issue of studying the foreign experience of legal regulation of the franchise agreement. The author emphasizes that there is no comprehensive full-fledged regulation of the franchise agreement either in the national legislation of individual EU member states or at the international level. The article focuses on the franchisor's obligation to enter into an agreement to provide future franchisees with information about doing business under the franchise system, including the basic conditions of the franchise, data on the number of franchisees in the network, its growth, financial performance, etc. The experience of legal regulation of a franchise agreement in such foreign countries as the USA, Great Britain, Italy, Germany, Spain, Estonia, Lithuania, Australia, etc. is considered. The duality of the legal regulation of franchising at the federal and local levels, as well as the prevalence of the most favorable rules for franchisors (USA) is demonstrated. The author focuses on the experience of the institute of self-regulation of franchising and the establishment of appropriate criteria for franchise companies in the absence of government regulation (Britain). The need to adopt a single institutional law in the field of franchising and to enshrine in it all the key terms used in franchising: the actual franchise agreement, know-how, entrance fee, royalties (periodic payments for the use of intellectual property), the franchisor's goods (Italy). It is expedient to establish a provision on mandatory pre-contractual disclosure of information, according to which the counterparty is provided with information on experience, company experience, prospects for the development of the relevant market, duration of the agreement, terms of renewal or termination of contractual relations (France).
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Loughlin, Martin. "The restructuring of central‐local government legal relations." Local Government Studies 11, no. 6 (November 1985): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003938508433235.
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Wilson, David. "Unravelling Control Freakery: Redefining Central-Local Government Relations." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 5, no. 3 (August 2003): 317–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-856x.00109.
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De Ceuninck, Koenraad, and Herwig Reynaert. "Central-Local Relations in Flanders." Hrvatska i komparativna javna uprava 16, no. 1 (March 9, 2016): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31297/hkju.16.1.1.
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The scale of Flemish municipalities keeps dominating the political agenda in Flanders. In recent years the Flemish government has stimulated the municipalities to merge on a voluntary basis. If they do so, they can receive more competences and strengthen their position. However, this policy has not generated any success so far. In this paper the authors place these efforts in a historical perspective, before addressing the current policy in Flanders concerning scale and decentralisation. In the final part of the paper the authors introduce some foreign experiences with scale and decentralisation. It is remarkable that the current debate in Flanders does not stand on its own. The authors try to determine what lessons Flanders can learn from these foreign experiences.
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Petrov, A. Y., V. N. Kostornichenko, and M. M. Koskina. "International Dimension in Colonization of the North-West of America and California at the End of the 17-18 th Centuries." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 5 (November 11, 2020): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-5-74-7-30.
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The article reviews the initial period of European colonization of the North Pacific Ocean and California within the context of diplomatic relations between Russia and Spain during the late 17th and early 18th centuries. It tries to understand the policies of European powers in the American Northwest and the reasons for pursuing their colonial interests there. It analyses the history of exploration of these territories, expeditions to the northern part of the Pacific Ocean, and historical maps of this region. For the first time in Russian historiography the authors touch upon the exploration of California in the 18th century.The exploration of the North Pacific Ocean, the northwestern American coast, including certain areas of California, Alaska and the Aleutian Islands has long attracted the attention of European powers. It was a process in which government authorities and private merchant companies took part. The expansion of the Spanish Empire into California was made possible in part because of the concerns of the Madrid court about the strengthening of the Russian and British empires in the North Pacific Ocean. The Spanish documents from the archives of Madrid, Seville and Simancas – the article introduces them into research communication the first time - show the validity of the fears of the Madrid court regarding the inevitable development of Russian colonization in the region. The advance of Russia to the shores of America has economic reasons: Cossacks and merchants reached the Pacific Ocean pursuing the desire to profit from the fur trade. As the economic influence expanded, the state interests of annexing territories and bringing the local population into citizenship followed behind. The territorial advance of the Russians to the Pacific Ocean was facilitated by the ambitious, but at the same time balanced diplomacy of Peter I, which managed to ensure the expansion of the borders of the Russian Empire.Spanish consolidation in certain territories in California was aimed at a possible containment of the Russian advance. Russian-Spanish relations in the Northwest Pacific at the end of the 17th – 18th centuries contributed to the nature of the subsequent development of territories in the North Pacific Ocean.
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Bjørnå, Hilde, and Synnøve Jenssen. "Prefectoral Systems and Central?Local Government Relations in Scandinavia." Scandinavian Political Studies 29, no. 4 (December 2006): 308–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.2006.00154.x.
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Elander, Ingemar, and Stig Montin. "Decentralisation and Control: central-local government relations in Sweden." Policy & Politics 18, no. 3 (July 1, 1990): 165–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557390782454512.
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Sbragia, Alberta. "Capital Markets and Central–Local Politics in Britain." British Journal of Political Science 16, no. 3 (July 1986): 311–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004439.
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Local government borrowing is often referred to as a highly technical, not to say arcane, activity of local government. It should not be dismissed so easily. In reality, such borrowing illuminates broader relations between government and market by highlighting interdependencies which exist between central government, local government and financial markets.
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LEGGE, J. D. "Central Supervision and Local Government in Indonesia." Australian Journal of Politics & History 3, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1957.tb00369.x.
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Vincent-Jones, Peter. "Central-Local Relations under the Local Government Act 1999: A New Consensus?" Modern Law Review 63, no. 1 (January 2000): 84–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2230.00251.
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Jeep, E., A. Rodríguez-Pose, G. Yigar, and C. Skeleher. "Review: The Living City: How America's Cities are Being Revitalized by Thinking Big in a Small Way, Selling Places: The City as Cultural Capital, Past and Present, the Government and Politics of Spani, the British Planning System. An Introduction, Central — Local Government Relations in the 1980s: Glasgow and Liverpool Compared, British Social Welfare: Past, Present and Future." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 15, no. 2 (June 1997): 245–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c150245.
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George, Stephen. "The European Community and central-local government relations: a review." International Affairs 62, no. 1 (1985): 137–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618119.
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Stoker, Gerry. "Understanding central-local government relations: a reply to Martin Loughlin." Public Policy and Administration 11, no. 3 (September 1996): 84–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095207679601100310.
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Ircha, Michael c. "The Crisis of Central-local government relations: The British experience." Canadian Public Administration/Administration publique du Canada 29, no. 1 (March 1986): 155–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-7121.1986.tb00399.x.
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Triantafyllopoulou, Athanasia. "Institutional Manipulation and Political Control as Methods of Organizing Intergovernmental Relations in Greece." Review of European Studies 14, no. 1 (January 19, 2022): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v14n1p14.
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Greek local government is an institution of power. Its power is based on popular sovereignty, as local authorities are elected by universal and secret ballot, and its public policies are based on the country's fundamental law, the Constitution. However, the legislator, disregarding this Constitutional Regulation insists on determining the competences appointed to local government and the areas of its competence, acting often beyond the limits of the Constitution. In addition to local government affairs defined by law, central administration grants to local government affairs which belong to the circle of its competences, ie affairs of the central government. This concession regards affairs that the central administration would like to avoid exercising, because they usually have a political cost, which it does not want to bear. The central administration, even if local governments competences are defined by law, or are granted by it, intervenes during the exercise of these affair either by legislative interventions that the majority of the parliament allows, or by decisions of the governing bodies, where it is permitted. This intervention is usually aimed at limiting the affairs allocated to local government, because central government considers that local authorities exercise political influence over the citizens within their administrative boundaries, or because the local authorities belong to opposite political areas from those of the central administration and aim to limit the exercise of policies at the local level, in a way of organizing and operating differently from that of the central administration.
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Iglesias Alonso, Ángel H., and Roberto L. Barbeito Iglesias. "Participatory Democracy in Local Government." Hrvatska i komparativna javna uprava 20, no. 2 (June 30, 2020): 246–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31297/hkju.20.2.3.
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In 2015, the local government of the city of Madrid (Spain) introduced an electronic participation system. This initiative stemmed mainly from the social movements that had occupied the squares of many Spanish cities since 2011. As a result of the local elections in 2015, many of those same activists gained institutional power, took citizens’ participation very seriously, and decided to use the possibilities offered by the internet for political and administrative participation. In this article, we seek to assess the impacts of the Madrid city government with the e-democracy experiment – based mainly on establishing an online platform to facilitate citizen participation in political and administrative decision processes. Drawing on qualitative and documental data, our research indicates that whereas the overall aim of the project was to give citizens a say in local policy and decision making, our case study shows that participation was very low since most of the population does not feel concerned by these processes. Indeed, one of our findings showed that citizens’ involvement offline surpassed in some cases their online participation. To identify who is politically active online and offline is a great challenge, to which the promoters of the project did not pay much attention. Although e-participation was meagre in relation to the electoral turnout, the case study also shows that many proposals from the public were incorporated into the local policies, indicating that from a qualitative point of view, e-participation influences decision-making processes. Perhaps local governments should use a more strategic and integrated approach towards the use of electronic technologies to foster and motivate citizens’ involvement in local politics and administration. This more integrated approach should be less dependent on ideological incentives, more institutionalized, and must incorporate citizens’ perceptions and inputs before the introduction of new technologies.
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Young, K. "Economic Development in Britain: A Vacuum in Central-Local Government Relations." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 4, no. 4 (December 1986): 439–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c040439.
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Local authority involvement in economic matters has become widespread since the early 1970s. Recent developments in the pattern of local economic activity have been the increasing use of section 137 of the Local Government Act 1972 to fund local programmes, the spread of local authority involvement from the Assisted Areas to the more prosperous regions, and the increasing interest shown by the smaller shire districts, often in rural areas. The portfolio of possible interventions has also changed, bringing a new diversity to the practice of local economic development. Whereas central government has in the past eschewed the temptation to exercise close controls over these activities, the new diversity of local economic initiatives presents it with new dilemmas. It can no longer be assumed that such initiatives will be supportive of central government's spatial or sectoral policies. This vacuum in central-local relations is unlikely to remain, and renewed pressures to grant specific economic development powers to local authorities can be expected. If these claims are accepted, central government will be drawn inexorably into local economic affairs by the need to develop the capacity of local authorities to intervene effectively in pursuit of economic and employment goals.
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Scott, P., C. Miller, and C. Wood. "Planning and Pollution: An Unusual Perspective on Central—Local Relations." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 16, no. 5 (October 1998): 529–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c160529.
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Disputes between the pollution-control and land-use-planning authorities concerning air pollution from unpopular developments such as incinerators offer an unusual perspective on central—local government relations. Central government policy guidance, intended to clarify the boundary between planning and pollution controls over air pollution, was a central issue at the Shell Green inquiry after the local planning authority's refusal of planning consent for a wastewater sludge-processing centre. The success of the developer's appeal is discussed within the context of an emerging centralisation of decisionmaking over very unpopular land uses such as incinerators.
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Chen, Dan. "“Supervision by Public Opinion” or by Government Officials? Media Criticism and Central-Local Government Relations in China." Modern China 43, no. 6 (May 6, 2017): 620–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700417706704.
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Despite the sophisticated control of media in China, criticism of the party-state is not uncommon. Why does the authoritarian regime allow criticism? This article offers an explanation based on political institutions. It examines central-local government relations and finds that criticism can help advance the interests of different political actors. Criticism of local government bureaus and officials can help the central government ensure local compliance and create favorable public opinion. Local leaders can also use criticism to establish political authority over their subordinates and impress superiors, thus enhancing their chances to advance their career. Despite formal institutional arrangements, both central and local leaders have used informal measures such as criticism to achieve their political objectives. This underscores the importance of informal measures in the operation of China’s authoritarian regime.
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LOIS-GONZÁLEZ, RUBÉN C., and CARLOS AYMERICH-CANO. "LOCAL ADMINISTRATION AND LOCAL POWER IN SPAIN: RECENT REFORMS AND DEBATES. LESSONS FOR AND FROM CHINA." Singapore Economic Review 63, no. 04 (September 2018): 981–1001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0217590817420024.
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In Spain, as in China, local administration concentrates a number of problems. This is a level of financially weak government. In addition, this fragility is increased, because the municipalities manage numerous services to citizens. Since 2008, the outbreak of the economic crisis caused many difficulties to municipalities, which borrowed. The central government has responded in 2013 with a local reform, which seeks to control the spending of municipalities. Faced with this attempt, municipalities have responded by introducing more economic discipline. Undoubtedly, some of these Spanish lessons may be important for the experience of China, where economic problems of local power are similar.