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1
Wollmann, Hellmut. "Local Government and Politics in East Germany." German Politics 11, no. 3 (December 2002): 153–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714001305.
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Алимухамедов, Сухроб, and Suhrob Alimuhamedov. "DECENTRALIZATION OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE EXPERIENCE OF THE REPUBLIC OF UZBEKISTAN AND FOREIGN COUNTRIES (BY THE EXAMPLE OF FRANCE AND THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY)." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 3, no. 3 (July 10, 2017): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_593fc343a74d88.99496618.
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The article provides a comparative analysis of the experience of the Republic of Uzbekistan in the sphere of decentralization of public administration, and developed countries such as France and Germany. The issues concerning organizational and legal support of decentralization of public administration in these countries were analyzed as well. The author has analyzed the stages of decentralization of public administration in France and its peculiarities; the administrative-territorial entities of the French Republic and their relations with the central authorities are also considered in present article. The powers of the Federation and the German federal land, as well as their relationships are considered. The article also studied the powers of the communities in Germany, as well as their relationships with each other, with the federal states and the federation. Moreover, the Institute of Federal enforcement in Germany as a means of control by the Federation is considered as well. The article contains the stages of the decentralization of public administration in the Republic of Uzbekistan, issues on the differentiation of powers between the central government and state authorities in the local areas. There are disclosed the powers of the authoritative local bodies, the issues of organizational and legal support to their activities, as well as their relationship with the central bodies of state administration. The article also shows the role and nature of self-government bodies in the process of decentralization of public administration in the Republic of Uzbekistan.
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Balcerek-Kosiarz, Marta. "Nowy kierunek badań ewolucji modeli samorządu terytorialnego w Niemczech z perspektywy procesu komunalizacji i dekomunalizacji." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 18, no. 2 (2020): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2020.2.7.
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The aim of the article is to indicate a new direction of research on the evolution of system models of local self-government in Germany in the perspective of communalization and de-communalization. Communalization can be used to explain legal regulations of a local government, which are similar to the South German model and, on the other hand, to explain how analogous regulations that strengthen the role of the legislative body, both in the municipal self-government and in the county self-government, function in the same federal states. De-communalization enables to investigate the role of starosta (Starost) in the organizational structure of county self-government. The core result of the study is the fact that on the basis of the three research criteria (geographic, historic, and the range of relations between legislative and executive bodies) the process of communalization of municipal self-governments and county self-governments in 11 federal states has been duly corroborated.
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Kuhlmann, Sabine. "Reforming Local Government in Germany: Institutional Changes and Performance Impacts." German Politics 18, no. 2 (June 2009): 226–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644000902870842.
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Handl, Vladimir, and William E. Paterson. "The continuing relevance of Germany’s engine for CEE and the EU." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no. 3 (July 17, 2013): 327–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2013.06.007.
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The article looks first into the nature of the relations between Germany and the CEE countries a decade since the accession of the CEE countries to the EU. The relations are characterized as normalised and intensive with diverse levels of closeness and cooperation reflecting of the conceptual and ideological compatibility/differences. Next, the article focuses on the German attitude to the euro zone crisis. Germany has become a hegemon in the rescue effort aimed at stabilisation and economic invigoration of the euro zone. However, German hegemony has developed by default, not by design: her leading position is linked with considerable political and financial costs. Germany moved central stage and took the position of a reluctant hegemon. However, German role is contested internationally (it has not the support of the French government in key areas) as well as internally (particularly by the Federal Constitutional Court and the Bundesbank). The article argues that the new situation makes the German–CEE relations increasingly relevant for both sides. The German leadership of the EU increasing split along the north–south divide requires backing by the Northern group countries to which the CEE in general belongs. Given a number of reasons the CEE countries implement three distinctive strategies of co-operation with Germany in European politics. Also military co-operation, which remained rather limited so far, may receive new impulses, given the financial austerity.
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Gunlicks, Arthur B. "German Federalism and Recent Reform Efforts." German Law Journal 6, no. 10 (October 1, 2005): 1283–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200014322.
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In both the United States and Germany constitutional lawyers, politicians, and the attentive public speak of “dual federalism.” In the United States this means that the federal government and the states have separate political and administrative responsibilities and their own sources of revenues. In Germany, in contrast, dual federalism means that the federal government, i.e., the executive and legislative branches, are responsible for most legislation, and that the Länder (states; singular, Land) generally administer the laws (in large part through their local governments) on their own responsibility. In both federal systems “dual federalism” has been undermined if not replaced by “cooperative federalism,” generally associated with the New Deal era in the United States and the Finance Reform of 1969 in Germany. In the meantime “intergovernmental relations” has more or less replaced the concept of “cooperative federalism” in the United States, while Politikverflechtung (political/policy interconnection and coordination) is perhaps the more commonly used term in Germany today. In both cases the new terms reflect an interrelationship among federal, regional, and local levels that goes beyond mere cooperation.
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Petrosyan, Dzhemma V. "German foreign policy in the period of adaptation to the realities of the post-bipolar world." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 6, no. 2 (2022): 407–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2022-6-2-2.
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The transition from a bipolar to a post-bipolar system of international relations and the reunification of the FRG and the GDR in 1990 marked the beginning of a new stage in the history of Germany. The article examines the period of transformation and adaptation of the foreign policy of reunited Germany to the realities of the post-bipolar world order. The purpose of this study is to analyze the main directions of German foreign policy during the chancellorship of Helmut Kohl. At that time it was important for the FRG to strengthen stability and develop democracy in the territories of neighboring eastern countries. The position of the FRG in German-American relations had also changed. Reunited Germany became a strategically important partner of the United States in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and one of the central countries to initiate NATO expansion into Eastern Europe. Bilateral relations between Germany and Russia during the period under review developed in a positive way, since after the collapse of the USSR and the reunification of Germany both countries were in search of new foreign policy benchmarks. Providing a detailed description of the actions of the first government of reunited Germany in adapting the country to the new external conditions, the author concludes that a new geopolitical situation was formed in Europe after the reunification of the FRG and the GDR.
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KWAN, JONATHAN. "TRANSYLVANIAN SAXON POLITICS AND IMPERIAL GERMANY, 1871–1876." Historical Journal 61, no. 4 (April 15, 2018): 991–1015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000486.
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AbstractThis article investigates the potential influence of the newly formed Imperial Germany on Transylvanian Saxon politics. The Saxons were German-speaking settlers with long traditions of local autonomy and political privileges within the kingdom of Hungary. From the early eighteenth century, Saxon politics had been defined by its relations to Hungary and to the Habsburg monarchy as a whole. Under the dualist system set up in the 1867 Compromise, the Hungarian government exerted control over Transylvania. The unification of Germany in 1871 introduced a new factor into Saxon politics since there was a clear territorial subject for the indistinct notions of pan-German cultural, religious (Lutheran), and historical affinities. The issue of Saxon administrative and political autonomy, eventually removed by the Hungarian government in 1876, forms a case-study of Saxon politics and the place of Germany within it. There was a spectrum of responses, not simply increased German nationalism amongst Saxons, and the article traces the careers of Georg Daniel Teutsch, Jakob Rannicher, and Guido Baussnern to highlight the diversity within the Saxon camp. From the perspective of Imperial Germany, diplomatic considerations such as regional stability outweighed any possible intervention in Hungarian domestic matters. Moreover, the German public remained largely indifferent to appeals for support.
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Dmytryshyn, Basil. "The German Overthrow of the Central Rada, April, 1918: New Evidence from German Archives." Nationalities Papers 23, no. 4 (December 1995): 751–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408414.
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On 9 February 1918, at Brest-Litovsk, the Central Powers (Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria and the Ottoman Empire) concluded an unusually favorable treaty with the government of the Ukrainian Central Rada. By its terms, in exchange for diplomatic recognition and military support against a Russian Bolshevik invasion of the Ukraine, Rada negotiators placed at the disposal of the Central Powers, but primarily Germany, a surplus of foodstuffs and agricultural products estimated at 1,000,000 tonnes. The Brotfrieden, or bread peace, as this arrangement is generally known, had three significant repercussions. First, it greatly undermined Leon Trotsky's bargaining position and obstructionist tactics, forcing the Bolsheviks to accept German terms on 3 March 1918. Second, by acquiring a rich granary, and thus no longer fearing defeat through starvation, it enabled Germany to break the iron ring of the Allied blockade. And, third, it made it impossible for the Ukraine to receive a favorable hearing or reception from the Western (French, English and American) Allies at the peace conference.
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Meden, N. K. "Problem of Production of Shale Gas in Germany." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(34) (February 28, 2014): 106–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-1-34-106-112.
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A bstract: Our magazine publishes a series of articles on shale gas in different countries. This article is about Germany, a main importer of Russian natural gas, so a perspective of exploitation of local shale gas resources is of a clear practical importance for Russia. We discuss external and internal factors which determine position of the German government concerning the shale gas excavation: policy of the USA and the EU, positions of German political parties, influence of the lobbying communities and civic associations. The article contains rich information on vast variety of interests of actors in the domestic discussion. Taking into account the importance of civil society for political decisions, the author rests upon public relations of big companies, their methodic and results. The article summarizes data on reserve estimation and current geological projects, as well all the officially published reports concerning environmental threats cased by fracking technology. On the base of the above analyze, the author predicts possible evolution of the federal government policy.
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Kołsut, Bartłomiej. "NATIONAL ASSOCIATIONS OF MUNICIPALITIES IN EUROPE – DIFFERENT MODELS OF INSTITUTIONALIZED POLITICAL COOPERATION." GEOGRAPHY, ENVIRONMENT, SUSTAINABILITY 11, no. 4 (January 4, 2019): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24057/2071-9388-2018-11-4-39-55.
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The article endeavours to identify and characterise selected national associations of municipalities across Europe, as well as to provide typical models of municipalities being associated into large groups representing their interests in relations with central government. A study that addressed 26 European countries has helped identify four principal organisational models of associations of local structures. These are as follows: (1) the consolidated model (existing in Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, Greece, Latvia, Lithuania, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden), (2) the bipolar model (in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Estonia, Italy, Slovakia, Slovenia, and Switzerland), (3) the federative model (in Austria, Belgium, Germany, Spain), and (4) the fragmented model (to be found in France, United Kingdom, Poland, Hungary, and Romania).
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Stankov, Nikolai N. "Habsburgs’ Attempts of the Restoration in Hungary in 1921 and the International Relations in Central Europe (based on the Czechoslovak diplomatic documents)." Central-European Studies 2021, no. 4(13) (2021): 207–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.9.
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The author of the article investigates the reaction of Czechoslovakia, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Romania, Austria and Germany on Charles Habsburg’s restoration attempts to retrieve the Hungarian crown in March, April and October, 1921. The work is based on archival and published documents. The author pays special attention to the diplomatic, political and military collaboration of Czechoslovakia, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and Romania and to the forming of the Little Entente as a military and political alliance. The influence of the position of the Austrian government during Charles Habsburg’s first putsch on the domestic situation in that country and the international relation in Central Europe is analysed in the paper. The author of the article also demonstrates the character of the international negotiations in the issue dealing with Burgenland, Beneš’s attempts to be a moderator during the negotiations and the reaction of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Romania and Italy to them. The changes of the international relations in Central Europe at this time are also investigated in details. Besides that, Czechoslovakia was making attempts not only to strengthen the cooperation of the members of the Little Entente but also to isolate Hungary and to weaken its relations with Austria and Poland. The politicians in Prague achieved this purpose by concluding the treaties with Poland on 6 November 1921 and Austria on 16 December 1921. The successes of the Little Entente in the resistance against the Habsburgs’ restoration in Hungary dealt with the enforcement of its international, political and military positions in Central Europe. The German diplomats considered the activity of the Czechoslovakia and its country members as an attempt to isolate Germany. Under those conditions Germany and Hungary were both interested in cooperation. The negotiations between Hungary and Germany during the autumn of 1921 and the co-ordination of these states’ attitude with a number of international problems are analysed in the article.
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Kupchik, Oleg. "States of Central Europe in Establishment of the Official Relations With Soviet Ukraine in the early 1920 s." European Historical Studies, no. 6 (2017): 120–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.06.120-138.
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The Pre-Conditions of political negotiations of governments of the countries of Central Europe with government of Soviet Ukraine at the beginning of 1920th years have been investigated. The processof talks between the parties to negotiations have been examined. The maintenance of their international agreements has been analysed. The article reveals the prerequisites of the political negotiations between governments of Central Europe and Sovnarcom of the USSR in the early 1920s. The content of the international agreements reached have been analyzed. Although the «Previous trade agreement» (December 7, 1921) was signed between Austria and the SSR RSFSR, the deal has been inked by the Ukrainian representative M. Levitskyi. According to the «Temporary agreement» (June 6, 1922) with Czechoslovakia, the issue of the official recognition of the USSR hasn’t been placed on the agenda. The operation of a “Rappalo agreement” in the USSR barely had been prevented by the Ukrainian People’s Commissars’ claims to return 410 million Hetman Skoropadskyi gold marks owed by Germany. According to Article 2 «Agreement on the extension of the agreement’s Rappalo» (November 5, 1922), the mutual financial claims had to be resolved after further examination. The relations with Hungary have been confined to the repatriate agreements. The article analyzes the official recognition of the Soviet Ukraine by Austria, Czechoslovakia and Germany. The Central European states have focused on the economic provisions of the Treaty and feasibility of development of trade and economic relations. The SSR has emphasized its international legal recognition. Besides Budapest, the UPR Embassies in Vienna, Prague and Berlin have been closed. The estimations of the official recognition of the Soviet Ukraine by Austria, Czechoslovakia and Germany have been given.
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Szádeczky, Tamás. "Security of E-Government Website Encryption in Germany and Hungary." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public Management Science 17, no. 2 (June 30, 2018): 127–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2018.2.9.
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The paper deals with comparative research of the communication security of e-Government services in Germany and Hungary. The focus point of the research is to analyse the cryptographic security algorithms and protocols which encrypt communication in the relations of the citizen and a governmental body. The analysis includes the general e-Government portals, central web services, and specialised services, like taxation and criminal record extracts. The actuality of the topic lies in the fact that the security of the citizens’ personal data, used, stored and transferred by the governmental bodies can be in danger. Two examples are the loss of 25 million UK citizens’ personal data in 2007 because of a failure of the UK Customs Service and the compromise personally identifiable information of 191 million US citizens, stored in the Voter Database in 2015. The goal of the research is to check the current practice used for governmental communication, based on international standards and current practices. The study compares the e-administration systems of a country of Central Europe which is considered less developed in e-government systems and processes than a Western European country. Based on the evaluation, which can be found at the end of this study, those persons who are responsible for the operation of such systems, can see the actual benchmarks of the communication security. So, this way they can learn about the usage of what communication protocols and cryptographic algorithms are recommended and under what settings.
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Johnman, Lewis, and Frances M. B. Lynch. "The Road to Concorde: Franco-British Relations and the Supersonic Project." Contemporary European History 11, no. 2 (May 2002): 229–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302002035.
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In November 1962 the British and French governments signed an irreversible agreement to build together the Western world's first civil supersonic aeroplane: Concorde. This article explores the background to the agreement, looking in particular at why Britain and France co-operated with each other rather than with the United States or West Germany, the other possible partners. The central argument is that the agreement was driven not by technological convergence in the aircraft industry but by a weakening of Britain's position in 1961 caused by American unwillingness to partner Britain in the supersonic adventure and Britain's decision to apply for membership of the Common Market. The French government was then able to exploit that weakness in order to acquire technological expertise particularly in the field of aircraft engine construction.
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Kuznetsova, O. V. "Cities as actors of globalization: differences between federal subjects and municipalities in Russia and Germany." Regional nye issledovaniya, no. 1 (2020): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/10.5922/1994-5280-2020-1-2.
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The article compares the situation in Russia and Germany with differences between cities of various status by their powers and budget revenues. We analyze data on the number and population of urban districts in Russia and their analogues in Germany, on the execution of budgets of cities-municipalities and cities-regions. It is shown that the system of territorial division in Russia at the municipal level differs from the German one by noticeably greater fragmentation and the dominance of urban districts of low population. In both countries, local budgets are focused on solving social problems and developing local infrastructure, and approaches to securing tax sources for local budgets are common. At the same time, the contrast between the budget indicators (income and expenditure per capita, the share of inter- budget transfers in income) of cities-regions and cities-municipalities in Russia is significantly higher than in Germany, which limits the ability of city district authorities to conduct independent economic policy, including support for the development of foreign economic relations. The author suggests ways to increase the revenue base of local budgets in Russia (crediting all small business taxes to their budgets, improving the quality of land and real estate accounting, managing non-tax revenues), as well as giving local government bodies of different population groups different powers.
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Haustein, Ellen, Peter C. Lorson, Lasse Olavi Oulasvirta, and Lotta-Maria Sinervo. "Perceived usability of local government (LG) financial statements by local councillors: comparative study of Finland and Germany." International Journal of Public Sector Management 34, no. 4 (June 3, 2021): 441–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-09-2020-0227.
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PurposeThis paper studies the usability of LG financial statements as perceived by local councillors. By drawing on a comparative view of two countries with different periods of accrual accounting use in the public sector, the authors investigate how local councillors assess the usability of LG financial statements in order to question accounting reform success. Determinants that influence the usability assessment are explored.Design/methodology/approachExploratory design: data were collected from questionnaires with 24 local councillors from five Finnish local governments (LGs) and 30 local councillors from six German LGs. An adjusted variant of the system usability scale was analysed with descriptive statistics and non-parametric group comparisons.FindingsIn both countries, the usability assessment of financial statements seems to be positive, indicating a successful reform process. In Finland, where the accrual government accounting reform has had a longer time to settle in, councillors seem to assess usability only partially better than German councillors. Several determinants of the usability assessment were detected, such as size and debt level of the LG as well as local councillors' gender, political orientation and education. Generally, councillors need more assistance and training in using financial statements.Originality/valueThe study is the first to conduct a quantitative assessment of the usability of LG financial statements as perceived by councillors. The system usability scale was adjusted to a public sector reporting context. The paper adopts a transnational comparative approach.
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Borovets, Ivan. "The Slovak Question in Foreign Policy Vision of the Second Rzeczpospolita Authorities (1938 – March 1939)." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 30 (November 1, 2021): 284–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2021.30.284.
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The Polish authorities had a negative attitude towards the central government of the Czechoslovak Republic at that time. Therefore, the Polish reprezentatives were in active contact with the opposition Glinka Slovak People’s Party. They had a number of common ideological values such as Slavic reciprocity, Catholicism, Anti-Bolshevism, and positive assessment of authoritarianism. The Polish politics assured that Warsaw supports state-building plans of the Slovak leaders and solemnly welcomed their delegation to Poland in May 1938. Polish-Slovak relations were marked by contradictions during and shortly after the Munich crisis. The Slovaks suggested state association and submitted a declaration on the Polish-Slovak union. But they did not receive an answer, so they agreed with the Prague government about granting Slovakia autonomy. The Polish authorities expected more pronounced separatism from the Slovaks. Warsaw made territorial claims for Slovak lands in the area of Spis and Orava because Poles wanted to push indecisive oppositionists. The ultimate form of the demands and the forceful nature of Polish actions demonstrated the real content of Warsaw’s policy towards Slovakia. These events resulted to the improvement of Czech-Slovak relations within the framework of Post Munich Czechoslovakia and also led to the appeal of Slovak politicians to Germany. Both sides tried to improve the atmosphere of bilateral relations during the winter of 1938-1939. Meetings of delegations were organized for discuss different ways to intensify positive cooperation. An influence of Nazi Germany was increasing in the region at that time. So, the realization of the danger, posed by Germans, was the main factor to Polish-Slovak rapprochement. In early March, Berlin organized a campaign to put pressure on Slovak politicians and persuaded them to secession. They tried in vain to put forward a Polish counterweight. The declaration of independence of Slovakia according to the German scenario marked the strategic failure of Polish foreign policy, because the southern border of the state became a zone of potential danger
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Lisnichuk, Oksana. "Property tax as the basis of local budgets formation: domestic practice and foreign experience." University Economic Bulletin, no. 42 (June 19, 2019): 190–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2306-546x-2019-42-190-199.
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Nowadays the necessity of studying the foreign experience in property taxation, including the experience of the Federal Republic of Germany (hereinafter Germany), is due to the need of increasing the cash income of municipal formations as well as of enhancing the effectiveness and potential of this tax as a whole. In the works of Ukrainian scientists an analysis of the problems existing in the property taxation system in Ukraine was carried out. In particular, the issues of regulating the real estate tax in Ukraine and improving the taxation system as the basis for local budgets formation are studied by I. V. Gorsky, A. V. Medvedeva, T. G. Lebedinskaya, E. A. Yudin. The problems of property taxation in Ukraine also examined from the point of view of foreign experience and prospects for improvement by Tokar V.V. The author in this article analyzes the actual problems of the formation of municipal budgets at the expense of property tax from the point of view of domestic practice and foreign experience, in part of the experience of taxation of property in Germany. The conducted research showed that due to the use of a market approach to valuation of property as a tax base equal to the conditions of taxation for all subjects of tax relations, as well as an effective system for assessing the value of property that does not allow manipulation, excludes elements of corruption from this process, Germany, has significant achievements in regulating this group of taxes. It is concluded that the introduction of separate elements of the German system of taxation of property, which are considered in this article, into the practice of taxation in Ukraine can increase the overall efficiency of this tax, create conditions for reducing the level of corruption in local government bodies, and give this group of taxes a greater social orientation.
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Álvarez Álvarez, Leonardo. "Actos ultra vires de la unión europea y derecho a la participación política: La decisión del tribunal constitucional alemán sobre el programa de adquisición de deuda pública del banco central europeo = Ultra vires acts of the European Union and the." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 34 (July 1, 2014): 433. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.34.2014.14082.
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El 14 de enero de 2014 el Tribunal Constitucional Federal alemán resolvió diferentes recursos presentados contra la Decisión del Consejo del Banco Central Europeo, de 6 de septiembre de 2012, que autorizaba la adquisición de deuda pública de ciertos Estados en un contexto de grave crisis económica. El Tribunal entiende que tal decisión ha vulnerado la identidad constitucional de Alemania e impone al Gobierno y al Parlamento federal el deber de un comportamiento activo para garantizar el respecto de la identidad constitucional. La inobservancia de dicho deber por parte de dichos órganos frente a la decisión del Banco Central Europeo ha vulnerado el derecho fundamental de los recurrentes a la participación política.The January 14, 2014 the German Federal Constitutional Court ruled different appeals against the decision of the Council of the European Central Bank of 6 September 2012, authorizing the acquisition of certain States public debt in a context of severe economic crisis. The Court considers that such a decision has violated the constitutional identity of Germany and imposes the Government and Parliament on federal active duty to conduct to ensure respect for the constitutional identity. The breach of that duty by such bodies against the decision of the European Central Bank has violated the fundamental right of the appellants to political participation.
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Erokhina, Ol’ga. "Concession Policy of the Soviet Union in Agriculture: A Review of the Recent Historiography." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (May 2021): 133–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.2.10.
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Introduction. The article analyzes the issues of agricultural concession presented in the works of Russian researchers Maxim Matveyevich Zagorulko, Vladimir Viktorovich Bulatov and German historian Marina Schmider. Methods and materials. The monographs are significantly complemented by the already known works on concession policy and practice, as the authors introduce a significant number of new sources and statistics from German and Russian archives and libraries. To provide an objective analysis of the scientific works, the author uses the historical-system and historical-comparative methods. Analysis. The Russian researchers analyze the economic activities of four agricultural concessions: “Druzag”, “Manych”, “Druag”, “Prikumskoye Russo-American Partnership”. They identified factors that influenced the increase or decrease in profitability of the enterprises. M. Schmider focused her attention on changing the attitude of the government and business circles of Germany to the concession policy pursued in the USSR. In addition, it reveals the role of German agricultural concessions in the development of the German economy. The author identified mechanisms of influence on the Soviet leadership, which were used to facilitate the activities of two large agricultural concessions – Manych-Krupp and Druzag. It should be noted that the memoirs of German employees of agricultural concessions helped to recreate the life and activity of Soviet and German workers and employees, compare their working conditions, describe the relationship with the local population and government officials. Results. The authors conclude that the effective management methods and economic activities of these concessions contributed to increasing their competitiveness in comparison with similar Soviet enterprises. However, the activities of the concessions depended not only on the interest of the Soviet leadership in them, but also on the foreign policy relations of Germany and the Soviet state.
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Trebilcock, Anne. "Challenges in Germanys Implementation of the ILO Decent Work for Domestic Workers Convention." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 34, Issue 2 (May 1, 2018): 149–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2018007.
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Germany faces several challenges in fully applying the Decent Work for Domestic Workers Convention, 2011 (No. 189), in force for it since 2014. This article examines the situation in the light of (1) the Government’s assertion that ratification did not entail any need for legislative change; (2) domestic work in the context of the country’s overall demographic and labour market context, along with recommendations of a Government-appointed panel of experts on gender equality, and (3) the 2017 direct request to Germany concerning implementation of the Convention, made by the International Labour Organization (ILO) Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations. The article argues that although much – but not all – of German labour law already applies to domestic workers on an equal footing with other workers, the Government still needs to take a number of steps to apply the Convention in full. The Government’s blanket exemption of ‘live-ins’ from the Convention’s scope concerns primarily those who come from Central and Eastern European countries, under various legal constructs, to care for older persons at home without maximum hours protection. The country’s exclusion of all domestic workers from the main health and safety laws is also problematic, as are some constraints on access to justice. In addition, the widespread phenomenon of undeclared paid domestic work calls for strengthened enforcement of existing legislation. Addressing these and other issues will be important not only for improving the lot of domestic workers in Germany, in line with the Convention, but also for ensuring sustainable quality care provision in a rapidly aging society while promoting greater labour market participation for women.
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Umland, Andreas. "Can Germany Become a Major Ally of Ukraine? Counterintuitive Deliberations on a Coming Partnership between Kyiv and Berlin." World Affairs 183, no. 1 (March 2020): 74–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820020906371.
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Over the last few years, intergovernmental affairs and the roles of individual countries within the West have started to shift. In response, Kyiv (Kiev) should reorder the priorities and emphases of its foreign political, economic, and cultural policies. The central focus of this re-orientation should be more resolute than the hitherto deepening of Ukrainian relations has been, not only with the German government but also with the broader political elite, industrial companies, and the civil society of the Federal Republic. A recent systematic study of German perceptions of Ukraine can help develop new approaches, initiatives, and policies to reach a new level of German–Ukrainian partnership.
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Orban, Edmond, Chen Xiaoyuan, and Peter H. Koehn. "Great-Power Decentralization and the Management of Global/Local Economic Policy and Relations: Lessons in Fluidity from the People's Republic of China." International Review of Administrative Sciences 69, no. 2 (June 2003): 235–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852303069002008.
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This article compares the practice of great power federalism in terms of global/local economic policy and relations in a context of expanding regional influence and transcontinental reach. The authors contrast China's recent decentralization experience with that of the FRG and the United States with respect to management of productive ventures, regulation of the economy, trade and commerce, fiscal relations, monetary policy and labor mobility. The three great-power states manage their complex and far-reaching economies through systems of multi-level governance that exhibit elements of convergence at the same time as each is headed in a defining direction. German federalism is making room for supranational involvement, US federalism emphasizes new managerialism at all levels of government and China's post Mao de facto federalism is launching provincial and sub-provincial governments on a booming economic trajectory. China's recent performance is particularly impressive given the size of its population and the extent to which its economy has been transformed and energized. In key respects, China's administrative system is the most decentralized and fluid. The effective participation of Chinese sub-national entities in transterritorial economic undertakings is particularly striking. China's experience suggests that the requisite energy and capacity to tackle trans-national economic challenges might lie at the sub-national level. Given the shifting nature of global pressures and local priorities, the extra-organizational sensitivities and linkages of sub-national public managers must include proximate and distant economic conditions, central government overseers and trans-national actors. In this dynamic context, the most fluid forms of federalism are likely to have an edge.
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Gvozd, M., Oleh Karyy, and Kateryna Protsak. "LOCALS SELF-GOVERNMENT BODIES MARKETING COMMUNICATIONS: DETERMINATION OF PRIORITY INFORMATION TOPICS FOR CITIZENS." Journal of Lviv Polytechnic National University. Series of Economics and Management Issues 6, no. 2 (November 1, 2022): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/semi2022.02.010.
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Purpose. The work aims to improve the theoretical, methodological, and practical foundations of marketing communications between local self-government bodies and residents of the community's villages/settlements. Design/methodology/approach. The research's theoretical and methodological basis was the scientific works of domestic and foreign scientists who studied the problems and issues of marketing communications of local self-government bodies. Used methods: abstract logical analysis and synthesis, comparative analysis, and generalization.The information base was a sociological survey as part of the project “Information asymmetry in the interaction of local self-government bodies and residents of rural areas: analysis of the causes of occurrence and ways to overcome it”, which was implemented with the financial support of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation (Germany, 2021–2022). The survey conducts by using the questionnaire method among residents of rural areas in eight territorial communities in the Southern, Central, and Western regions of Ukraine. The error of representativeness is ± 5.2 %. The final sample was 3018 people (residents over 14 years old). Conclusions. It was established that long-term and trusting relations between local government and residents of rural communities are based on regular and high-quality communication. The hypothesis that the poorer the community residents are, the more interested they are in information about social projects has been refuted. The results of the study showed that this category of residents is most interested in information related to reporting on expenditures/incomes of the local budget, on the activities of the head of the community, local officials, local deputies, and infrastructure projects. The hypothesis “The more affluent residents are, the more they are interested in information about the community development (economic development and infrastructure projects, land issues)”. The hypothesis “The richer the residents, the more interested they are in information about community development (economic development and infrastructure projects, land issues)” was confirmed. The least exciting for this residence category is social projects, transfer of ownership or leasing, reporting on the head of the community activities, local employees and deputies, cultural events, and the educational sphere. The hypothesis that there are no gender and regional differences in determining priority information topics for local self-government bodies in marketing communications was also confirmed. Originality/value. The article analyzes the specifics of the target audience and identifies the needs and interests of different categories of community residents. The combined distribution of the interest of the residents of rural areas in information from various fields was carried out, depending on their feeling of abundance. Gender differences in marketing communications with the rural population are considered. Practical results. the research results presented in the article will be helpful to local self-government bodies for effective communication with residents of villages and towns and build a community communication strategy.
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Dabic, Dragana. "(Un)limited influence of Germany in Eurozone: Survival of common currency from the perspective of historical institutionalism." Medjunarodni problemi 68, no. 4 (2016): 327–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1604327d.
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The author draws on the insights of the theoretical framework of historical institutionalism, to assert that the German government is to a greater extent limited by its membership in the Eurozone, than it is usually pointed out in the analysis of its dominance. Above mentioned, is particularly evident when taking into consideration the relations of the economically most powerful member of the European Union and increasingly powerful European Central Bank. During the formative phase of the Economic and Monetary Union, Germany has facilitated the inclusion of assumptions relating to the widest range of independence of the European Central Bank into the Founding Treaty. By doing so, it has overlooked the possibility, that at the crucial moment of economic crisis, the European Central Bank will use its autonomy to pursue what is in the best interest of the Eurozone, contrary to the interests of the strongest economy of the block. The purpose of the analysis of the selected anti-crisis measures is to draw attention towards the ability of the institutional system that supports the common currency to adapt to external shocks, including the ways in which supranational technocratic institutions are broadening their competences. The end result, of the crisis driven multilayer process of institutional adjustment, is a gradual, but insufficiently transparent, centralization of economic governance in the Eurozone.
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Hallerberg, Mark. "Tax Competition in Wilhelmine Germany and Its Implications for the European Union." World Politics 48, no. 3 (April 1996): 324–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.1996.0010.
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The twenty-five German states from 1871 to 1914 present a useful data set for examining how increasing economic integration affects tax policy. After German unification the national government collapsed six currencies into one and liberalized preexisting restrictions on capital and labor mobility. In contrast, the empire did not directly interfere in the making of state tax policy; while states transferred certain indirect taxes to the central government, they maintained their own autonomous tax and political systems through World War I. This paper examines the extent to which tax competition forced the individual state tax systems to converge from 1871 to 1914. In spite of a diversity of political systems, tax competition did require states to harmonize their rates on mobile factors like capital and high income labor, but it did not affect tax rates on immobile factors. In states where the political system guaranteed agricultural dominance, taxes on land were reduced, while in states with more open systems, tax rates remained higher. One unexpected result is that tax rates on capital and income converged upward instead of downward. The most dominant state, Prussia, served as the lowest-common-denominator state, but pressure from the national government, especially to increase expenditures, forced all states to raise their tax rates. These results suggest possible ways for the European Union to avoid a forced downward convergence of member state tax rates on capital and mobile labor.
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TIKHONOV, Yuriy Nikolayevich. "SOVIET-AFGHANIAN NEGOTIATIONS ABOUT THE PASTURE CONVENTION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE “GREAT GAME” IN CENTRAL ASIA ON THE EVE OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR (1935–1939)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 174 (2018): 203–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-174-203-209.
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The results of the study of the new declassified documents of Russian archives lead to the conclusion that under the influence of “world politics” there were all directions of Afghanistan’s foreign policy. The history of Soviet-Afghan relations on the eve of the Second World War convincingly proves the fact that in the relations of Afghanistan with the Great Powers of that time there were no spheres of cooperation that would not be used by foreign states in the struggle for the “Afghan bridgehead”. A striking proof of this is the attempt of the Soviet government in the 1930s to coordinate the issue of grazing of Afghan herds on Turkmen pastures with a whole range of measures aimed at strengthening the positions of Germany and Japan in Afghanistan. Soviet diplomacy repeatedly asked Kabul about the pastoral convention to speed up the signing of the necessary Soviet treaties with Afghanistan. In 1936 the question of concluding a grazing convention was repeatedly raised during the negotiations on the extension of the Kabul Pact of 1931 (the Neutrality and Mutual Non-Aggression Treaty of 1931) and the conclusion of a general trade agreement with Afghanistan, through which the USSR sought to economically supplant German and Japanese goods from the market of Northern Afghanistan.
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Tymoshchuk, Viktor. "Legal regulation of relations on payment for administrative services." Yearly journal of scientific articles “Pravova derzhava”, no. 33 (September 2022): 360–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/1563-3349-2022-33-360-372.
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Introduction. Relations on payment for administrative services need the attention of Ukrainian scholars, the government and lawmakers. Currently this area is not streamlined in Ukraine. Many administrative services are either unreasonably free or have meager fees. As a result, budgets of local self-government authorities, which provide the bulk of administrative services, do not receive necessary compensation payments. Aim of the article. The aim of the article is to draw the attention of scholars and practitioners to the problematic issues of payment for administrative services. This is relevant because the appropriate funds are an important condition for ensuring the sustainable functioning of the system of administrative services, including centers on administrative services provision, digital infrastructure and so on. At the same time, there is a lack of scientifi c developments and coherent practical approaches to the legal regulation of the relations on payment for administrative services. Results. The article compares taxes / taxation with administrative fees to clarify the nature of a dministrative fees. This fee is primarily compensatory. As for services free of charge for consumers, appropriate calculations are needed to understand the amount of state compensation to local self-government authorities in the case of delegation of relevant powers. It is necessary to ensure in practice the adequacy of amounts of administrative fees, as well as the sustainability of the system and the timeliness of updating these amounts. In addition, it is necessary to eliminate the conditions that sometimes make it possible to collect dubious payments for administrative services in Ukraine. The article compares the relevant legislative initiatives that are being considered by the Parliament. Conclusions. It is concluded that payments for administrative services are primarily compensatory in nature for consideration and resolution of certain case. The amount of the fee should not exceed the cost of providing administrative services, as authorities are already supported by taxes. The compensatory function of an administrative fee plays an important role in ensuring the sustainability of the system. For Ukraine, the experience of such countries as Poland, the Czech Republic and Germany in the legislative regulation of administrative fees is relevant, with the defi nition of specifi c amounts of administrative fees directly in one Law «On Administrative Fees». Therefore, we consider the draft law 4380 worthy of support. Finally, this issue for the future should be studied even more deeply by scholarsadministrators and specialists in fi nancial law. Key words: administrative services, payment for administrative services, administrative fee
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Glendinning, Caroline. "Improving Equity and Sustainability in UK Funding for Long-Term Care: Lessons from Germany." Social Policy and Society 6, no. 3 (June 7, 2007): 411–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746407003727.
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This paper argues for a transformation of arrangements for accessing and allocating public resources for long-term care in the UK. Currently these arrangements are fragmented, inequitable and not always well targeted. While not necessarily advocating a social insurance approach, the experience of Germany nevertheless shows how simplicity, transparency and equity of access can be combined with strong cost control levers and political sustainability. An opportunity to transform ways of accessing and distributing public resources for long-term care arises with the piloting of ‘individual budgets’ in 13 English local authorities from 2006. The paper argues that the principles underpinning individual budgets should be extended, with the UK government taking a strong national lead.
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Kövér, Ágnes. "The Relationship between Government and Civil Society in the Era of COVID-19." Nonprofit Policy Forum 12, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2021-0007.
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Abstract COVID-19 created an extraordinary social situation in which governments struggle to mitigate the harmful consequences of the pandemic. Challenging times show a society’s resilience and capacity for solidarity and cohesion, the government’s ability to deal with emergencies effectively, the stability and inclusiveness of political systems, and their aptitude to respect democratic values. It is particularly important to examine this period from the point of view of civil society and civil society organizations (CSOs), since civil society plays a pivotal role in the alleviation and dissipation of societal troubles associated with the epidemic, indeed a vital role in curbing the virus. The civil sector’s strength and resilience too is tested. As the studies in this Special Issue show, exploiting the potential of civil society was an option that only some countries have been able to seize - as a result of which they have effectively reduced the consequences of the calamity while increasing a sense of solidarity and belonging in their societies. Others, however, failed to recognize the importance of civil society and interpreted the situation as a “single-actor play on stage”. Neither solidarity nor cohesion play out as values in these latter cases; instead the single actor – government – grabs the opportunity to play the role of the heroic savior and the exclusive problem solver, grabbing for itself both symbolic gains and increasing concentration of power. Citizens are expected to trust no one or no organization except the charismatic leader (or party). Thereby is forged a vertical and hierarchical chain of control, rather than a horizontally linked network of trust and cooperation. The studies and commentaries in this issue cover nine countries located on an imaginary line beginning in the United Kingdom, and extending through Germany, Austria, Hungary, Turkey, Israel, India, China and South Korea, representing various socio-political and economic systems. Embedded in elaborated theoretical understandings, this introductory essay examines the research articles of this Special Issue in which authors unfold the dynamics of CSO-government relations in the context of the world pandemic. These accounts sharpen our understanding of the preexisting shape of government–CSO relations. The introduction places the countries on a scale which classifies them according to the characteristics of civil society–government relations unfolding during the pandemic. One of the endpoints is represented by those countries where the CSO’s creative and constructive responses to the social challenges were prevented or blocked by the government. In this setup, CSOs were ignored at best, and restrictions undercut their abilities to contribute to the process of mitigating the pandemic and its consequences. Meanwhile, at the opposite end of this scale, are countries where the government, both central and local, invited civil society partners in the response to COVID-19, orchestrated high-quality and multilevel cross-sectoral cooperation, and provided partners with the necessary (financial) resources. In those cases, CSOs were empowered effectively to participate in a process designed to address the epidemic and its consequences in accordance with principles of participatory democracy.
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Kuhlmann, Sabine, and Joerg Bogumil. "Performance measurement and benchmarking as “reflexive institutions” for local governments." International Journal of Public Sector Management 31, no. 4 (May 14, 2018): 543–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-01-2017-0004.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss different approaches of performance measurement and benchmarking as “reflexive institutions” for local governments in England, Germany and Sweden from a comparative perspective. Design/methodology/approach These three countries have been selected because they represent typical (most different) cases of European local government systems and reforms. The existing theories on “institutional reflexivity” point to the potential contribution of benchmarking to public sector innovation and organizational learning. Based on survey findings, in-depth case studies, interviews and document analyses in these three countries, the paper addresses the major research question as to what extent and why benchmarking regimes vary across countries. It derives hypotheses about the impacts of benchmarking on institutional learning and innovation. Findings The outcomes suggest that the combination of three key features of benchmarking, namely – “obligation”, “sanctions” and “benchmarking authority” – in conjunction with country-specific administrative context conditions and local actor constellations – influences the impact of benchmarking as a reflexive institution. Originality/value It is shown in the paper that compulsory benchmarking on its own does not lead to reflexivity and learning, but that there is a need for autonomy and leeway for local actors to cope with benchmarking results. These findings are relevant because policy makers must decide upon the specific “governance mix” of benchmarking exercises taking their national and local contexts into account if they want them to promote institutional learning and innovation.
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Smidovich, Gleb S. "On the Need for the Legal Regulation, Localization and Individual Approach to Migrant Integration." Migration law 4 (December 24, 2020): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/2071-1182-2020-4-11-15.
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The article is devoted to integration problems. The author shows that successful integration of migrants depends on ensuring basic rights: to decent work, access to education and medicine. Therefore, the economic and legal basis for their institutional security is important. It is necessary to shift the focus of state regulation of integration from the Federal level to local government. Shift the focus from the group, societal level of integration of migrants in the Russian Federation to the individual level. The issue of the need for legislative introduction of the concept of “individual” integration of migrants as an object of migration legal relations is discussed. It is suggested to apply integration contracts based on the experience of Western countries (France, Germany, Netherlands), which need to be fixed by law. This will allow to control the success of integration not only by the state, but also by the Russian society. First of all, at the local, settlement level, where the integration of migrants takes place directly.
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Selvage, Douglas. "Operation “Denver”." Journal of Cold War Studies 23, no. 3 (2021): 4–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01024.
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Abstract This second part of a two-part article moves ahead in showing how the East German Ministry for State Security (Stasi) came to play a key role in the disinformation campaign launched by the Soviet State Security Committee (KGB) in 1983 regarding the origins of the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) and the Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS). The KGB launched the campaign itself, but in the mid-1980s it sought to widen the effort by enlisting the cooperation of intelligence services in other Warsaw Pact countries, especially the Stasi. From the autumn of 1986 until November 1989, the Stasi played a central role in the disinformation campaign. Despite pressure from the U.S. government and a general inclination of Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev to curtail the campaign by the end of 1987, both the KGB and the USSR's official Novosti press agency continued until 1989 to spread false allegations that HIV was a U.S. biological weapon. Even after the KGB curtailed its disinformation in 1989, the Stasi continued to disseminate falsehoods, not least because it had successfully maintained plausible deniability regarding its role in the campaign. The Stasi worked behind the scenes to support the work of Soviet–East German scientists Jakob Segal and Lilli Segal and to facilitate dissemination of the Segals’ views in West Germany and Great Britain, especially through the leftwing media, and to purvey broader disinformation about HIV/AIDS by attacking U.S. biological and chemical weapons in general.
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Horel, Catherine. "France and the Austrian Empire 1815-1918." Balcanica, no. 38 (2007): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738065h.
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Relations between France and the Habsburg Empire during the long nineteenth century went through several phases bounded by the events crucial not just to the two countries' mutual relations but to all of Europe. The Congress of Vienna defined their mutual relations for the next thirty years. The Habsburgs and their omnipresent minister Metternich were fearful of revolutionary and liberal movements traditionally having their origins in France. And it was the revolutionary events of 1848 that brought about a change in the balance of power and their mutual relations. Metternich's retirement and, more importantly, the arrival of the Russian armies in Central Europe and the subsequent strengthening of Prussia, conferred a new importance to the role of the Habsburg Monarchy as a bulwark against the advancement of Russia and a vital counterweight to Prussia. With the defeat of Napoleon III and the creation of Germany with Alsace and Lorraine Franco-Austrian relations entered a new phase. The destiny of the two provinces alienated the Habsburgs from the French Republic, especially after the reorganization of Europe into two confronting blocs. The logic of alliances led to their being adversaries in the world conflict, although Napoleon III's geo-strategic analyses remained present almost to its very end, when Clemenceau's government gave support to the nationality principle thereby crucially contributing to the collapse of the Habsburg Monarchy.
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Hogg, Eddy, and Susan Baines. "Changing Responsibilities and Roles of the Voluntary and Community Sector in the Welfare Mix: A Review." Social Policy and Society 10, no. 3 (June 1, 2011): 341–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746411000078.
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Many Western states have sought in recent years to harness the energies of voluntary agencies and charitable bodies in the provision of welfare (Brandsen and Pestoff, 2006; Milligan and Conradson, 2006; Haugh and Kitson, 2007). More than ever is expected of the Voluntary and Community Sector (VCS) in supporting people and communities, entering into partnerships with governments, and delivering public services (Lewis, 2005; Macmillan, 2010). The mainstreaming of the VCS has been associated with a push towards market reform and reducing state obligations for welfare provision (Amin, 2009). In some European states – for example, Germany and the Netherlands – a three-way mix of state, market and voluntary sector dates back to the nineteenth century (Brandsen and Pestoff, 2006). In the UK too, on which this review article focuses, the delivery of public services by voluntary organisations and charities is far from new, but over the past decade local government and health services, especially in England, have been required to step up their engagement with VCS organisations (VCSOs) (Alcock, 2009; Di Domencio et al., 2009; Macmillan, 2010). Commitment to this sector by the government under New Labour was signalled by the creation for England of the Office of the Third Sector within the Cabinet Office in 2006 and the associated appointment of the first dedicated Minister of the Third Sector, initially Ed Miliband MP. Working with charities, social enterprises and community and faith-based organisations appeals to politicians across the mainstream British political spectrum (Di Domencio et al., 2009; Alcock, 2010); the ‘Big Society’ agenda of the Coalition government elected in 2010 promises a continuation in this direction of travel, albeit in a new regime of reduced budgets, service cuts and demands of more for less.
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Shnitser, Ihor. "The Soviet Union and the Slovak question during the second World War." Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 34 (December 29, 2021): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2021-34.123-136.
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The purpose of the article is to study the Slovak question in the foreign policy of the Soviet Union during the Second World War. The methodological basis of the proposed article is the principles of historicism and objectivity, the application of which involves an unbiased depiction of past events in their historical context. To carry out a comprehensive scientifi c analysis of the article, the author has used the unique historical research methods – problematic, comparative-historical, retrospective, and diachronic. The scientifi c novelty lies in the systematic analysis of the place and the role of the Slovak question in the foreign policy of the Soviet Union in 1939–1945. Conclusion. The USSR considered the independent Slovak Republic an artifi cialentity, a product of German expansion. The establishment and development of Soviet-Slovak interstate relations in September 1939 – June 1941 were primarily dictated by the conjuncture of the short-lived German-Soviet partnership. After the Nazi Germany attacked on the USSR and the severance of Soviet-Slovak interstate relations, offi cial Moscow supported the idea of the continuity of the Czechoslovak Republic and the annulment of the Munich Agreements. In prac-tice, this meant that the USSR advocated the return of Slovakia to the Czechoslovak Republic, which was to become an infl uential leader of Soviet infl uence in Central and South-Eastern Europe. The Soviet Union considered the future state and legal system of the republic to be an internal aff air of Czechoslovakia and did not interfere in settlement of Czech-Slovak relations. On the positive side, the Soviet leadership recognized Slovaks as a separate people. This forced the Czechoslovak government and E. Beneš personally to partially reconsider their views on the issue and agree to the revival of the Czechoslovak Republic as a common state of equal Czech and Slovak nations but without a clear defi nition of the state and legal status of Slovakia.
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Erne, Roland, and Markus Blaser. "Direct democracy and trade union action." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 24, no. 2 (April 8, 2018): 217–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258918764079.
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Until recently, the political influence of trade unions primarily relied on ties to labour-friendly political parties. Since the 1990s, however, party-union relations have deteriorated, forcing unions to consider complementary political strategies. This article reviews different direct democratic instruments at local, national and EU levels. We distinguish popular consultations initiated by government from above from citizens’ initiatives initiated from below and discuss corresponding trade union experiences in Germany, Italy, Ireland, Slovenia and Switzerland. We also analyse the successful right2water European Citizens Initiative (ECI) of the European Federation of Public Service Unions and the failed fair transport ECI of the European Transport Workers’ Federation at EU level. Whereas unions have successfully used direct democratic instruments to (i) defend social achievements or (ii) as a lever to extract policy concessions, direct democracy is also challenging. Successful direct democratic campaigns require unions that are able to mobilise their own rank-and-file and to inspire larger sections of society.
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Gruzdev, Vladislav V., and Natal’ya V. Ganzha. "Comparative legal analysis of the constitutional bases of combating corruption in some states of the New Hanseatic League." Vestnik of Kostroma State University 26, no. 4 (January 28, 2021): 222–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2020-26-4-222-226.
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The article presents an analysis of sources of legal regulation at various levels on anti-corruption issues in certain countries of the Hanseatic League of Modern times. The purpose of the analysis is to compare approaches to the legal regulation of this sphere of public relations and to study the experience of implementing in practice long-term relationships between territorial communities of local self-government in some countries of the Hanseatic League of Modern times. The issues of positive centuries-old interaction of the Association of Hanseatic cities in the context of the development of interstate anti-corruption institutions are updated. The article examines the features of legal regulation of the anti-corruption framework in Germany, the Netherlands and the Russian Federation. Conclusions are drawn about the general features in the approaches to legal regulation of anti-corruption in the above-mentioned states. The authors draw attention to the consistent policy of states to reduce the level of corruption in these states.
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Zaritskii, B. "German Economy: Angela Merkel’s Heritage." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 9 (2021): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-9-34-42.
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The article analyses the main stages of development of the German economy during the 16-year reign of Chancellor Angela Merkel (2005–2021). During this period, Germany was reasonably successful in dealing with the impacts of the world financial and economic crisis it faced in 2008–2009. The 10 subsequent years witnessed economic growth, however, today the country is once again trying to find a way out of a crisis this time caused by the COVID 19 pandemic. In 2020, the GDP fell by almost 5%, while the industrial production declined by 10.4%. The return to the growth trajectory is being linked to improving the epidemiological situation and increasing foreign orders, primarily from China and the United States. The German economy is expected to reach pre-crisis levels in late 2022. Projections for further development assume that, due to a number of internal constraints and external risks, the GDP growth will not exceed 1% in 2023–2025. Angela Merkel is not leaving the country in the best of shapes. It is not her fault. Germany’s economy has more than once demonstrated its resilience to external shocks. Even today, Germany’s position looks preferable to that of most European countries. Its main advantage is a diversified and competitive industry, but the sentiments in the German business community vary greatly. Much depends on the sector and region. Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), especially in the service sector, have been particularly hard hit. Many of them have run out of reserves, and their capacity to pay now depends largely on the financial support of the State. How long can the government “pump up” the economy with budget money without fear of a surge in inflation? Nor will the European Central Bank (ECB) indefinitely maintain interest rates at historically low levels. For many SMEs, the increase in the cost of credit, combined with the inevitable reduction in government support, will be a blow that not all will be able to withstand. People are tired of everything related to the pandemic and the years of familiar politicians. Everyone is waiting for the end of the epidemic and for new faces in politics. Whether the new politicians will be better than the old ones is a big question. Under all circumstances, in Germany’s recent history, Angela Merkel will remain a major political figure whose scale is yet to be truly appreciated.
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Kholyavitska, K. S. "Foreign experience of decentralization of power and prospects for Ukraine." Collected Works of Uman National University of Horticulture 2, no. 99 (December 22, 2021): 94–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.31395/2415-8240-2021-99-2-94-103.
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The author of the article has outlined the problem of finding the most optimal model of the state for of government, because the necessary condition for stable development of society and effective functioning of the state is to ensure the balance between national interests and the interests of the population of regions and territorial communities. The preconditions, political history and periods of the formation of decentralized power in most European medieval states, scientific positions of national and foreign legal scholars on the expediency of implementing decentralization have been analyzed. It has been found out that the vast majority of Western European countries abdicate the unitary state model by introducing decentralization. The leading idea of reforming is to move the center of solving local issues to the local and, in particular regional level that is achieved by optimizing relations between different levels of territorial organization of power. National traditions, formation and functioning of public agencie in the past, specific features of administrative and territorial structure of the state, existence of autonomous territories, multiethnic population have a significant influence on the formation of the constitutional system on the basis of decentralization in the EU countries. The positive experience Poland, France, Italy, Latvia, Germany and Denmark has been studied. The author has theoretically substantiated that the principle of decentralization has been successfully implemented in the practice of the European Union countries. It has been indicated that the prerequisite for the successful implementation of decentralization processes to create an effective model of governance within the system of decentralized government of Ukraine is: the establishment of the rule of law principle; recognition and guarantees of local self-government; equal legal protection of all forms of ownership; democratic and effective electoral legislation; independence, efficiency, accessibility and transparency of the judicial system, functioning of administrative justice institutions; perfect budget process and high financial discipline; availability of adequate social standards; developed public sector and stable tendency towards its development.
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Brownlee, Jason. "Can America Nation-Build?" World Politics 59, no. 2 (January 2007): 314–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2007.0019.
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Post-9/11 security concerns and the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq have renewed scholarly interest in nation-building as a form of externally fostered democratization. The selected works assess Iraq and its precursors, seeking general lessons for establishing new democracies. They principally conclude that successful nation-building depends on sustained commitments of time, materiel, and manpower. Although this thesis improves upon earlier studies of democracy promotion, which often treated intentions as determinative, it does not fully reckon with the effect of antecedent conditions on external intervention. As this review addresses, American efforts at nation-building have historically been enabled or constrained by local political institutions. Rather than autonomously reengineering the target society, nation-builders have buttressed bureaucracies and parliaments where they were already available (Germany, Japan) and foundered in countries that lacked such institutions (Somalia, Haiti). In sum, nation-building has been most effective when pursued least ambitiously, amid functioning states with prior experience in constitutional government.
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Diehl, Claudia, and Felix Wolter. "Attitudes about containment measures during the 2020/2021 coronavirus pandemic: self-interest, or broader political orientations?" Research & Politics 8, no. 3 (July 2021): 205316802110353. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680211035319.
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We analyze opposition towards Covid-19 containment measures by assessing the role of self-interest, sociotropic threat, political predispositions, and infection rates. We base our analyses on two waves of survey data from Germany ( N = 3258/3201). Our measure of self-interest includes objective indicators for and subjective perceptions of individual threat from containment measures in the economic sphere and in the family and health domains. We also analyze whether the role of self-interest changes as the pandemic proceeds in its course. Our results show that self-interest plays a limited role in explaining attitudes about containment measures. More important are broader political predispositions such as trust in institutions, including the government. Attitudes are unrelated to local rates of infection or death. This pattern has remained stable over the course of the pandemic. We discuss the relevance of these findings with respect to the general enforceability of public policies that serve collective goals, such as efforts to limit climate change. Parts of the population may be reluctant to comply with these public policies even if the associated costs to the individual are small. This is less because of people’s personal circumstances, and more because of their opposition to government interventions as such.
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Heldt, Eugénia C., and Laura C. Mahrenbach. "Reforming International Organizations." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 26, no. 4 (October 22, 2020): 601–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02604001.
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Abstract Recent scholarship has highlighted the role of domestic pressures in determining state preferences toward the reform of international organizations (IO s). This article adds a new dimension by examining how partisanship and ministerial control affect state preferences toward IO empowerment. The article derives two expectations from the existing literature. First, partisan position will determine preferences toward IO empowerment. Second, when a government is constituted by multiple parties, the position of the party with the IO’s ministerial portfolio will determine the government’s position toward IO empowerment. The article illustrates this argument by examining the positions of four net donors (Germany, France, the United Kingdom, and the United States) and two net recipients (Brazil and India) during the World Bank’s reforms. By bringing domestic politics back in, this article complements existing studies on the politics of IO reform and weighs in on central debates in comparative politics and international political economy.
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Kościelniak, Krzysztof. "Status chrześcijan w Libanie według Règlement z 1861 oraz 1864 roku." Analecta Cracoviensia 40 (January 4, 2023): 357–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/acr.4023.
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Lebanon’s experiment with power sharing dates back to 1861 and 1864. Règlement, the law regulating relations between of all the ethnic-religious groups of Lebanon (Maronite Christians, Sunni Muslims, Christian Greek Orthodox, Greek Catholics, the Shi’a Muslims, and the Druze) was a novel, very interesting solution for multi-ethnic society of Lebanon. This society was divided along confessional lines concentrating in distinct geographical regions. The Ottoman governor had to be a appointed by Constantinople, non-Lebanese Catholic with the authorization of the five foreign guarantors (from England, France, Germany, Austria and Russia). Each of the six mentioned communities was allotted two seats on the twelve-member administrative council that helped the governor rule. According to the Règlement, all members of the administrative and judiciary councils as well as local officials of smaller counties were to be nominated and chosen by the leaders of the respective communities and appointed by the government. The Règlement Organique transformed Mount Lebanon into a fully autonomous Ottoman province with political institutions based on power sharing among its various denominations under an Ottoman-European consortium protectorate giving a half century communal peace (1864–1920) to Mount Lebanon.
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Sizer, Michael. "Words and Deeds: Shaping Urban Politics from Below in Late Medieval Europe, ed. Ben Eersels and Jelle Haemers. Studies in European Urban History, 48. Turnhout: Brepols, 2020, 224 pp." Mediaevistik 34, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 543–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2021.01.156.
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Abstract: This volume of essays continues the welcome trend in recent years to uncover the crucial role that popular politics played in late medieval societies. This scholarship has convincingly shown that non-elites were frequently engaged in peaceful efforts to participate in government and power relations, and not just in violent and extra-legal activities such as revolt. The volume covers urban communities, largely due to available sources and a focus on institutions such as assemblies and councils, and includes Southern France, Spain, the Low Countries, Germany, Sweden, and England. This expands the geographic range of the argument that non-elites were central players in political action, showing it was pervasive in urban areas throughout Western Europe and also highlights the variety of forms popular politics could take. This scholarship has been excellent in properly placing popular politics – and not just periodic revolts – at the center of the consideration of larger political history of the late Middle Ages, and with this volume of essays this story expands in its detail and specificity. Editors Ben Eersels and Jelle Haemers have been at the forefront of this recent trend in scholarship, and have chosen a series of essays for this volume that are remarkably consistent in quality.
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Loughlin, Martin. "Understanding Central-Local Government Relations." Public Policy and Administration 11, no. 2 (June 1996): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095207679601100205.
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SAVELYEV, Yevhen, and Halyna SMALYUK. "ECONOMIC CONVERGENCE IN THE EUROPEAN INTEGRATION SPACE IN THE CONTEXT OF RELATIONS BETWEEN UKRAINE AND THE VISEGRAD FOUR." Vol 18, No 4 (2019) 18, Vol 18, No 4 (2019) (December 2019): 425–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/jee2019.04.425.
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The problem of economic convergence of Ukraine is considered as a crucial way of reaching the goal of European integration and membership in the European Union. It takes into account the current economic situation in the country, the main feature of which is a significant lag behind all EU Member States, especially in terms of GDP per capita. The external factor is crucial in the concept because of the inability to singlehandedly accomplish convergence tasks in Europe and in the global space in a reasonable timeframe. The more substantial the changes, the more important the factors related to the development of international economic relations. The author’s proposals concentrate on making economic convergence central in the development of overall convergence. Ukraine has great potential for mutually beneficial cooperation in all spheres with the Visegrad Four because it is a union of neighbouring countries and has gained experience reducing a relatively large economic lag from the «old» EU members. The scope of the investigation is not limited to traditional forms of international cooperation, but is oriented towards new solutions. They are represented by the organizational model «V4 + UA» (Visegrad Four + Ukraine) with the prospect of developing into an enlarged association «Visegrad Five», which will continue to play the role of the internal structure of the European Union, and include a candidate for membership, i.e. Ukraine. Sustainable economic growth of a new group must rely on a unified market, Europe’s greatest advantage, and concentrated structural reforms that can drive the production in the areas of growing demand. The author also admits the possibility of future establishment of confederate government in the model «V4 + UA» in order to use the competitive advantages of large state entities such as Germany, France, Italy, Spain).
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Hamiti, Urtak. "Prishtina-Belgrade Technical Agreement Promotes Political Dialogue but with Delay of its Implementation It Sharpens Ethnic Divisons." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 1, no. 2 (August 30, 2015): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v1i2.p45-48.
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The Technical Agreement between Prishtina and Belgrade, brokered by European Union in April 2013, was hailed as a milestone in the process of normalization of relations between the two countries as well as unblocking the path of both Kosovo and Serbia towards European Union. The dialogue held a promise as a vehicle which, in conjunction with bilateral pressure on both sides by EU and a tailored enlargement process, could finally lead to normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia. However, most of the deadlines set up in the implementation plan of the Agreement have been stepped over. This delay in implementation combined with the victory of “Serbian List”, Kosovo Serb political party backed heavily by Belgrade Government, in the last general elections in Kosovo, have brought into jeopardy two of the main targets of the Technical agreement as a vehicle to a broader and more important political dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia as well as integration of local Kosovo Serbs into institutions of the state of Kosovo. This paper argues that Germany, United Kingdom and USA need to be more directly engaged in the process to pressure both sides to fulfill what was agreed in April 2013. It is a prevailing belief among many analysts that the only peaceful acceptable outcome depends on full integration of Kosovo Serbs in Kosovo’s state institutions, full normalization of relations between Prishtina and Belgrade, mutual recognition, and rewarding Kosovo by suspending the visa regime for EU countries for citizens of Kosovo. Delay in implementation, loss of pace and interest of EU in this process, is leading to sharpening of ethnic divisions in Kosovo and increasing the numbers of those who oppose dialogue on both sides.
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Hamiti, Urtak. "Prishtina-Belgrade Technical Agreement Promotes Political Dialogue but with Delay of its Implementation It Sharpens Ethnic Divisons." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 1 (August 30, 2015): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i1.p45-48.
Full textAbstract:
The Technical Agreement between Prishtina and Belgrade, brokered by European Union in April 2013, was hailed as a milestone in the process of normalization of relations between the two countries as well as unblocking the path of both Kosovo and Serbia towards European Union. The dialogue held a promise as a vehicle which, in conjunction with bilateral pressure on both sides by EU and a tailored enlargement process, could finally lead to normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia. However, most of the deadlines set up in the implementation plan of the Agreement have been stepped over. This delay in implementation combined with the victory of “Serbian List”, Kosovo Serb political party backed heavily by Belgrade Government, in the last general elections in Kosovo, have brought into jeopardy two of the main targets of the Technical agreement as a vehicle to a broader and more important political dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia as well as integration of local Kosovo Serbs into institutions of the state of Kosovo. This paper argues that Germany, United Kingdom and USA need to be more directly engaged in the process to pressure both sides to fulfill what was agreed in April 2013. It is a prevailing belief among many analysts that the only peaceful acceptable outcome depends on full integration of Kosovo Serbs in Kosovo’s state institutions, full normalization of relations between Prishtina and Belgrade, mutual recognition, and rewarding Kosovo by suspending the visa regime for EU countries for citizens of Kosovo. Delay in implementation, loss of pace and interest of EU in this process, is leading to sharpening of ethnic divisions in Kosovo and increasing the numbers of those who oppose dialogue on both sides.