Journal articles on the topic 'Central-local government relations – Case studies'
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1
Lin, Kun-Chin, and Shaofeng Chen. "The Local Government in Corporate Restructuring: Case Studies in Fractured Bargaining Relations." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 42, no. 4 (December 2013): 171–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261304200407.
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Through two illustrative case studies of enterprise reform in Henan Province, we examine the underlying political contentions behind the changing roles of local government in the process of the corporatization and asset restructuring of state-owned enterprises (SOE) starting in the late 1990s. As SOEs lose their ability to meet the multitude of resource demands from central and local officials, they become sites of inter-governmental contentions resulting in fiscal and social uncertainties for affected communities exiting the socialist economy. Our first case study is Puyang municipal government, which leveraged its regulatory authority to exact heavy side-payments in return for not obstructing the corporatization of Zhongyuan Oilfield; the second case involves Zheng-zhou city officials colluding with provincial bureaucrats and the state-appointed managers of the Yutong Bus Company in an insider privatization that effectively circumvented a specific Ministry of Finance prohibition.
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Kostka, Genia, and Jonas Nahm. "Central–Local Relations: Recentralization and Environmental Governance in China." China Quarterly 231 (August 18, 2017): 567–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741017001011.
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AbstractRecent literature on environmental governance in China frequently ascribes blame for China's environmental problems to sub-national governments' lax environmental enforcement. Such research implicitly assumes that more central control would lead to better results but, as yet, the role of the centre in environmental governance remains underresearched. In the context of the current phase of recentralization, this article studies central and local interests, capacities and interactions across policy issues and government agencies. By “bringing the centre back” into the study of central–local relations in China, we examine both where such recentralization has in fact occurred and whether such recentralization efforts have improved environmental outcomes. We argue that centralization does not improve outcomes in every case. Further, central and local levels of governance are not as different as they might seem. Indeed, there are significant areas of overlapping interests and similar patterns of behaviour, both positive (enforcement) and negative (shirking), between central and local administrations. The results draw an empirically and theoretically rich picture of central–local relations that highlights the innate complexity of China's environmental governance patterns during the current phase of recentralization.
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Liang, Xiao, Yuqing Liang, Chong Chen, and Meine Pieter van Dijk. "Implementing Water Policies in China: A Policy Cycle Analysis of the Sponge City Program Using Two Case Studies." Sustainability 12, no. 13 (June 29, 2020): 5261. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12135261.
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This study carries out an in-depth analysis of urban water policy implementation in China through a policy cycle analysis and case study of Sponge city program. The policy cycle analysis articulates discrete steps within the policy formulation and implementation process, while the case studies reflect the specific problems in water project implementation. Because of the principal–agent relation between central and local government, a ‘‘double wheel’’ policy cycle model is adopted to reflect the policy cycles at central level and at local level. Changde city and Zhuanghe city, two demo cities in the Sponge city program, are chosen for the analysis. The policy cycle analysis shows that the central government orders local government to implement policy without clear direction on how to attract private sector participation. The evaluation of central government did not include private sector involvement, nor the sustainability of the investments. This promotes the local government’s pursuit of project construction completion objectives, without seriously considering private sector involvement and operation and maintenance (O&M) cost. The local governments do not have political motivation and experiences to attract private investments into project implementation. The case study in the two demo cities shows that local government subsidies are the main source of O&M funding currently, which is not sustainable. The water projects are not financially feasible because no sufficient revenue is generated to cover the high initial investments and O&M cost. The lack of private sector involvement makes it difficult to maintain adequate funding in O&M, leading to the unsustainability of the water projects. It is not easy to achieve private sector involvement, but it could be the key to realizing urban water resilience in a more sustainable way.
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Xu, Bin, and Xiaoyu Pu. "Dynamic Statism and Memory Politics: A Case Analysis of the Chinese War Reparations Movement." China Quarterly 201 (March 2010): 156–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741009991111.
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AbstractThis study addresses the Chinese Second World War victims' reparations movement (CWRM) against Japan as a case of contemporary Chinese memory politics. While many studies indicate the Chinese government's use of the war memories for political purposes, ours focuses on how official discourses are translated into citizens' political participation and how the state–society interactions lead to variation in the development of the movement sectors within the case of CWRM. Drawing on textual and ethnographic data and a theoretical “dynamic statism,” we argue that the central government's ambivalent attitude towards this ideologically useful yet institutionally troublesome movement created room for local governments and the movement to pursue their own causes. Yet the local and central governments' strong interventions, either facilitation or repression, discouraged civil society's participation and led to the underdevelopment of some movement sectors. In the sectors where the local governments held an attitude of absenteeism or co-operation, the movement was able to mobilize resources from civil society and state institutions and finally developed well.
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CHELAN LI, LINDA. "Differentiated Actors: Central–Local Politics in China's Rural Tax Reforms." Modern Asian Studies 40, no. 1 (February 2006): 151–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x06001855.
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How decisions and policies are made and implemented? This classical question in political science has attracted a considerable literature amongst observers of realpolitik in China, with its continental size, 1.3 billion population and five layers of government. Mirroring the move away from the traditional dualism of ‘top-down’ versus ‘bottom-up’ approaches in the general implementation literature, recent literature on Chinese central–local politics emphasizes the co-participation of central and local actors in decision-making and the dialectical interactive relationship between central and local power. Goodman recognizes, for instance, that central and local actors have differentiated roles to play in decision-making. Li makes the case of interactive central–local power, calling for a reconceptualization of central-local relations in a non-zero-sum schema. Recent studies on the ‘Open Up the West’ national policy augment the claim for ‘disaggregating’ China, and the relevance of the provincial, regional and local as levels and foci of analysis. Against the traditional emphasis over central predominance versus provincial power, this body of literature, adopting a ‘non-dualistic’ approach to power, highlights the co-existence of central and local power in a diffuse, complex decision-making process.
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Cantir, Cristian. "Kin States in Sub-state Diplomacy Conflict Dynamics." Foreign Policy Analysis 16, no. 1 (January 12, 2019): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isafpa/ory018.
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Abstract How and why do diplomatic activities by sub-state units produce conflict with the central government? To answer this question, scholars have focused on multinational states in which at least one administrative unit—Catalonia, for instance—has an identity that is different from the rest of the country. Such noncentral governments (NCGs), the argument goes, are more likely to engage in uncoordinated bypassing activities and in the international projection of their specific identity in a manner that antagonizes central decision makers. That is especially the case if local elites are dissatisfied with the amount of local autonomy and the institutional tools available for identity protection. This article uses insights from the ethnic conflict and nationalism literature to advance sub-state diplomacy scholarship by adding a transnational dimension to the analysis. Three illustrative case studies—France-Canada-Quebec, Austria-Italy–South Tyrol, and Sweden-Finland–the Åland Islands—reveal that kin states can play a variety of roles in the triangular relationship with the kin NCG and the host state and can either exacerbate or dampen conflictual paradiplomacy. More broadly, the article is an effort to conceptualize the role of sovereign states in sub-state diplomacy.
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Chechenov, Aslan M., Murat Z. Shogenov, and Zarema A. Atabieva. "Self-Governance and Development of Local Communities on the North Caucasus: the Case of Kabardino-Balkaria and Karachay-Cherkesia." Humanities of the South of Russia 9, no. 1 (2020): 210–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/2227-8656.2020.1.16.
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The purpose of this work is to study the problem of local government formation and evaluate the effectiveness of local government strategies. Modern government institutions in the territory of the North Caucasus (based on the data from Kabardino-Balkaria and Karachay-Cherkessia) are analyzed as the studied material. The analysis of this paper was based on the results of field studies that were performed in 2014-2018 within the scope of the North Caucasian Complex Expedition from 2014 till 2018. Modern institutions of self-governance at the local level, the dynamics of transformation of state and public relations, as well as problems and prospects for improving local self-governance in the context of strategies for the development of rural settlements are identified.
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Ingvar Jacobsen, Dag. "A Tragedy of the Councils? Exploring the Hollowing-Out Hypothesis – The Case of Norwegian Local Authorities." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 7, no. 3 (October 14, 2009): 221–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/84.
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In the debate on governance structures, it is often assumed that traditional political and administrative institutions are “hollowed-out” in favour of other actors at the international, national and local levels. But how valid is this assumption? By using a variant of the reputational method for studying power, local politicians in 30 Norwegian municipalities were asked to assess the power of other actors in different fields – the local administration, central government, local media, local pressure and interest groups, and international institutions like the EU – in relation to the perceived power of the political local council. The main conclusion is that three main actors are clearly perceived as more powerful than other actors: the local political council, the local administration and the state. Other actors were deemed much less influential, indicating that the power of local politicians may be rather large. Findings indicate that old hierarchical government structures seem still to be highly influential. In addition, the perceived power of local authorities varies across municipalities and within them. Implications for governance studies are discussed.
KEYWORDS: • local self-government • governance structures • local authorities • hollowing-out hypothesis • Norway
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Johnson, Mathew. "Implementing the living wage in UK local government." Employee Relations 39, no. 6 (October 2, 2017): 840–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-02-2017-0039.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to understand the impact of living wages on organisational pay systems. Design/methodology/approach The research draws on 23 semi-structured interviews with HR managers, trade union representatives, and politicians at four UK local government case study sites. Findings The findings suggest that living wages can have a positive impact on directly employed workers in cleaning, catering and care services, but the research also finds that the localised adoption of living wages can lead to significant wage compression, resulting in a broad band of “low skill-low wage jobs”. Originality/value The theoretical contribution is twofold. In-line with earlier research the “first-order” effects of living wages are clear: hourly wages for a large number of women in part-time roles increased sharply. However, this is only part of the story as “second-order” effects such as ripples and spill-overs are less extensive than suggested by other studies. This is due to the limited scope for trade unions to restore wage differentials through collective bargaining, the slow progress in extending the living wage to contracted staff, and parallel processes of downsizing and outsourcing.
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Gaman-Golutvina, O., and M. Dudaeva. "Center-Regional Relations in Italy." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 20, no. 1 (2022): 6–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.6.
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The article examines the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on the development of center-regional relations on the example of the Italian Republic. The pandemic has become a serious test of the effectiveness and strength of interaction between central governments and regions, and analysis of the socio-political results of almost two years of the difficult test makes it possible to clarify the understanding of the nature of modern Italian regionalism, and allows us to present a forecast for its further development. The study of this research is inscribed in a broad analytical and historical context. The conceptualization of analytical tools has been clarified, including the concepts of decentralization, regionalization, federalization, devolution, separatism, irredentism, autonomism. Political decentralization in Italy is considered in a historical retrospective by analyzing the goals, drivers and main milestones of the emergence and development of autonomist and separatist projects, including taking into account the study of the "North-South" issue. Various alternatives for the further evolution of center-periphery relations are considered, taking into account the negative impact of the pandemic. The conclusion is argued that the central government as a whole has demonstrated the ability to mobilize and pursue a flexible policy that meets social demand in key parameters, as a result of which society has rallied around the anti-crisis agenda and increased support for the central government. At this stage, it is considered that a relative public agreement has been reached taking into account the increase of current problems in case of active support of separatist political actors. Provided that the national government develops a further effective policy that keeps in mind the needs of the regions, it will help maintain the stability of the center-regional relations for the future.
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Chan, Kin Wing (Ray), and Andrew Flynn. "Food Production Standards and the Chinese Local State: Exploring New Patterns of Environmental Governance in the Bamboo Shoot Industry in Lin'an." China Quarterly 235 (June 4, 2018): 849–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741018000802.
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AbstractAlthough current studies into Chinese food supply and quality provide explanations for the causality of food problems, there is limited inquiry into the role of the county government. This is a serious omission for two main reasons: first, because county governments perform a key role in providing support for farmers through agricultural extension services and farmers’ cooperatives, and second, because county-level administrative divisions are central to developing novel instruments to manage supply chain relationships, such as food production standards. We investigate the key players involved in standard making and delivery at the county level. We also analyse how and why the county government engages in standard-setting activities. We use Lin'an's bamboo shoot production industry as a case study to understand how the local state implements “hazard-free,” “green” and “forest food” production standards. The paper concludes that traditional conceptualizations of the local state do not sufficiently address how nature, knowledge of standards and state authority co-produce institutional capacity to control food supply and quality in China. In practice, the local state engages with non-state actors to achieve superficial environmental efforts, such as developing food production standards to throw a “green cloak” over a productivist model.
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Kostka, Genia, and Jianghua Zhou. "Government-business alliances in state capitalist economies: evidence from low-income markets in China." Business and Politics 15, no. 2 (August 2013): 245–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bap-2012-0043.
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Based on three in-depth case studies, the study analyzes how and why Chinese enterprises partner with governments in cooperative ventures which aim to simultaneously achieve poverty alleviation objectives and establish profitable business ventures in rural areas. The analysis draws out specific characteristics of three government-business partnerships in China, which vary in terms of governance structure, resource complementarity and incentives. The findings show that in this state capitalist system, outcomes of government-business partnerships depend on firms having unique resources and capabilities that serve particular policy objectives of the government. By the same token, in order to make partnerships attractive to firms, national and local governments must hold the keys to unique resources needed by enterprises looking to do business in low-income markets. The cases further illustrate that, in order to build and maintain successful government-business partnerships over time, the alignment of incentives plays an important role. In sum, complementary resources and well-aligned interests between firms and governments help to explain why some government-enterprise partnerships are more successful than others.
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Smith, Alison, and Zachary Spicer. "The Local Autonomy of Canada’s Largest Cities." Urban Affairs Review 54, no. 5 (December 26, 2016): 931–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087416684380.
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Canada’s cities operate within restrictive legislative frameworks, yet incremental changes have resulted in some large Canadian cities accepting more policy responsibility. In this article, we ask if some big cities have a greater degree of local autonomy than others? We use existing Canadian and international literature to build a made-for-Canada index to quantitatively measure and compare levels of local autonomy by measuring vertical relations between 10 large cities and their respective provinces across three dimensions: legal-administrative autonomy, fiscal autonomy, and political autonomy. Overall, we find low levels of local autonomy, but differences along various dimensions of autonomy, notably political. Few countries in the world have senior levels of government that have been so resistant to loosen restraint and regulation as has been in the case in Canada; our results from this unique and important case shed new light on the reactions of subnational government to evolving demands for increased decentralization and local autonomy.
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Qu, Jingdong. "Case studies towards the analysis of total social construction." Chinese Journal of Sociology 6, no. 3 (July 2020): 457–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057150x20942969.
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Case study is an irreplaceable sociological strategy for research on social construction. Different from either hypothesis tests or descriptive accounts of social life, case study aims to make a long chain of interpretations from a typical case to the construction of the whole society, by linkages of concrete people, conditions, and situations in a case with other related social, political, and cultural elements all the way through. In other words, the case is not only influenced by the policies made by central or local governments at different levels, but also located in grassroots customs and mores at the bottom. To find these multiple relations horizontally and vertically clustered in a case study, various methods of -graphy must be used, such as geography, cartography, demography, historiography, biography, autobiography, lexicography, and, finally, ethnography. At the same time, however, all these elements and their relations should be activated by eventalization having happened in daily life. Through the types of stimulation of abnormal processes or sublimation of normal rituals in eventalization, the complicated, correlative, and sustainable relationships among social elements are presented as many social mechanisms in different dimensions. On all accounts, the whole scene of society will be opened out as a solid structure by the various points (events), lines (linkages), and plane (mechanism) in three dimensions. As Max Weber said, ‘The causal relations in sociological research would be satisfied as a special explanatory demonstration’.
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Vaičiūnaitė, Gerda, and Eugenijus Dunajevas. "Interorganizational Cooperation and Youth Policy: Case of Utena." Politologija 94, no. 2 (July 17, 2019): 109–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/polit.2019.94.4.
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The implementation of youth policy is closely connected to interorganizational cooperation between the organizations that are active in the field of youth activities. The goal of this paper is to present the results of a study wherein the factors that possibly determine cooperation between youth organizations and the local government administration in the Utena District municipality were studied. According to the studies on cooperation and organizational behavior, the factors that contribute to cooperation are the following: an uncertainty of the future, possessing mutual goals, the costs and benefits of cooperation maintenance, and the level of trust between organizations. In order to determine the exact combination of factors and how they contribute to cross-organizational cooperation, a crisp-set qualitative comparative analysis was conducted. The possible cooperation situations between the organizations that are active in the field of youth and the local government administration were the study cases. The semistructured interview method was employed in order to interview the representatives of local the government administration and organizations. The results of data analysis revealed that the most important factor for interorganizational cooperation in the field of youth policy is the level of trust between organizations in the Utena District municipality.
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Omiunu, Ohiocheoya, and Ifeanyichukwu Azuka Aniyie. "Sub-national Involvement in Nigeria's Foreign Relations Law: An Appraisal of the Heterodoxy between Theory and Practice." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 30, no. 2 (May 2022): 252–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2022.0407.
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Nations, in their interaction with the international system, usually have in place a legal regime governing the external exercise of the powers of the state. This regime Curtis Bradley describes as the foreign relations law (FRL) architecture of a state. In a conventional FRL system, plenary powers for the conduct of international relations reside with the central government. For countries operating a federal system of government, the centripetal and centrifugal dynamics inherent in this system of government pose a serious challenge to this orthodoxy. More so, catalysed by globalisation, subnational governments (SNGs) in federal systems are increasingly affecting the reception and operation of international norms and acting as ‘paradiplomatic’ actors in the foreign relations sphere. This emergent trend has led to a growing body of scholarship that considers individual and comparative case studies across different jurisdictions. Focusing on Nigeria as a case study, this article evaluates recent empirical evidence that shows an increase in external interactions by Nigeria's SNGs in the FDI sector since 1999. The article argues that these external interactions by Nigeria's SNGs are a deviation from the conventional constitutional configuration of Nigeria's FRL setup wherein plenary powers for foreign relations have been allocated to the Federal Government (FG).
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Carr, Robert Anthony. "Political Economy and the Australian Government’s CCTV Programme: An Exploration of State-Sponsored Street Cameras and the Cultivation of Consent and Business in Local Communities." Surveillance & Society 14, no. 1 (May 9, 2016): 90–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v14i1.5372.
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This article explores the political economy of Closed-Circuit Television (CCTV) in Australia, providing new insights into the relationship between government policy and its economic implications. I have rationalised state-sponsored street cameras as a component in the cultivation of consent between the state and local communities; a mechanism for government to facilitate the flow of public funds to business through arrangements that are virtually unchecked and non-evidence based; a mechanism for government to facilitate profitable opportunities in and beyond the security technologies industry; and, a mechanism to normalise hegemonic social and political relations at the level of discourse. This article explores how government has assisted growth in the security industry in Australia. I draw on a case study about Kiama Municipal Council’s decision in 2014 to accept funding from the Abbott Government to install CCTV cameras through the Safer Streets Programme. This is despite historically low crime rates in Kiama and an inability to demonstrate broad support for the programme in the local community. This study reveals how politicians have cultivated support for CCTV at the local level and pressured councils to install these systems despite a lack of evidence they reduce, deter or prevent crime. Examined is how the footage captured on local council CCTV has been distributed and its meanings mediated by political and commercial groups. I argue that the politics of CCTV dissemination in Australia is entwined with the imperatives of electoral success and commercial opportunity—a coalescent relationship evident in the Safer Streets Programme. Furthermore, the efficacy of CCTV as an electoral tool in Australia is explained via the proposition that street cameras perform a central role in the discourses and political economy of the state.
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Winters, Matthew S., and Matthew Cawvey. "Governance Obstacles to Geothermal Energy Development in Indonesia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 34, no. 1 (April 2015): 27–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341503400102.
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Despite having 40 per cent of the world's potential for geothermal power production, Indonesia exploits less than five per cent of its own geothermal resources. We explore the reasons behind this lagging development of geothermal power and highlight four obstacles: (1) delays caused by the suboptimal decentralisation of permitting procedures to local governments that have few incentives to support geothermal exploitation; (2) rent-seeking behaviour originating in the point-source nature of geothermal resources; (3) the opacity of central government decision making; and (4) a historically deleterious national fuel subsidy policy that disincentivised geothermal investment. We situate our arguments against the existing literature and three shadow case studies from other Pacific countries that have substantial geothermal resources. We conclude by arguing for a more centralised geothermal governance structure.
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Hasna, Sofia. "Cyber Public Relations Sadewa Market dan Interaktivitas Penggiat UMKM di Jawa Tengah." Tuturlogi 1, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 205–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.tuturlogi.2020.001.03.4.
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Sadewa Market UMKM website is one of the alternative public services in Central Java with empowerment programs on UMKM. Sadewa Market functioned as a means for cyber public relations in the digital age. This article seeks the activities of Cyber Public Relations on the Sadewa Market Website and the extent to which interactivity is built between the government and the community. Through case studies, this research was conducted with interviews and observations to the central Java provincial government and UMKM actors throughout 2017-2018. This study revealed that the Cyber PR Activity of Sadewa Market UMKM Website is intended to increase interactivity between the Central Java Provincial Government and UMKM activists. Cyber PR activities are driven by the Dinas Koperasi & UMKM of Central Java Provincial Government through attracting visitors, engagement & dialogue, defensive/crisis, and building campaigns. The digital assistance page on the Website of Sadewa Market encourages interactivity, integration, and information publication. Public engagement is part of Cyber PR activities by emphasizing feedback and asymmetric communication. There are several notes on Cyber PR Website activities, namely regular media monitoring programs, social listening, and content design activities for the formation of public opinion. These notes need to be considered so that Cyber PR activities can be consistent and sustainable.
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Garland, Ruth, Damian Tambini, and Nick Couldry. "Has government been mediatized? A UK perspective." Media, Culture & Society 40, no. 4 (June 13, 2017): 496–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443717713261.
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There has been little empirical research to date on the consequences of mass media change for the processes of government in the United Kingdom, despite a well-documented concern since the 1990s with ‘political spin’. Studies have focussed largely on the relative agenda setting power of political and media actors in relation to political campaigning rather than the actual everyday workings of public bureaucracies, although UK case studies suggest that the mass media have influenced policy development in certain key areas. The study of government’s relations with media from within is a small but growing sub-field where scholars have used a combination of methods to identify ways in which central bureaucracies and executive agencies adapt to the media. We present the results of a preliminary study involving in-depth interviews with serving civil servants, together with archival analysis, to suggest that media impacts are increasingly becoming institutionalized and normalized within state bureaucracies: a process we identify as mediatization. A specific finding is a shift in the relationship between government, media and citizens whereby social media is enabling governments to become news providers, bypassing the ‘prism of the media’ and going direct to citizens.
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Oliver, J. Eric. "Does Local Government Matter? How Urban Policies Shape Civic Engagement. By Elaine B. Sharp. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2012. 248p. $67.50 cloth, $22.50 paper." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 2 (May 21, 2013): 599–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271300114x.
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Like most fields of knowledge, political science tends to progress incrementally. Typically, a political scientist develops a model about a prominent institution or common behavior and that model becomes the starting point for understanding all its other permutations. This is especially the case in studies of American state and local government, which tend to follow theories of national politics. Scholars of state legislatures typically begin their analysis by using studies of the U.S. Congress, analysts of local elections start with presidential vote models, and so on. But, as Elaine Sharp reminds us in Does Local Government Matter?, we should not be so quick to assume that models or theories about national-level politics translate easily to the local level. In fact, local politics may operate under logics all their own.
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Vutivoradit, Suebsawad, Keratiwan Kalayanamitra, and Sunhanat Jakkapattarawong. "ADMINISTRATIVE INNOVATION IN LOCAL GOVERNMENT BUREAUCRACIES: CASE STUDY OF THESABAN, PHETCHABUN PROVINCE, THAILAND." EUrASEANs: journal on global socio-economic dynamics, no. 3(16) (June 25, 2019): 25–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.35678/2539-5645.3(16).2019.25-31.
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Thai public sector always described as a highly centralized system, with an inflexible hierarchical structure and high levels of formal relationships channeling its communications through public enterprises and institutions. Even establishing the local administration system as an approach of decentralization, is still highly connected and governed by the central government. On the other hand, innovation in public sector studies and application in last two decades gained much interest from scholars, practitioners and even leaders and policy makers as an approach to enhance public sector efficiency and effectiveness. Accordingly, this study aims to explore innovation in the public sector in Thesaban Mueang Phetchabun Thailand.
It can represent the public sector in Thailand on a larger scale. The study evaluates the laws, structures and dynamics that constitute the framework of the local administration system. Furthermore, it explores the main constraints on innovation within the system. To develop and support the argument, which emerges from the literature review, this study employs qualitative research methods, namely interviews, as a method to collect data from various informants working in and/or with the public sector.
The results of the study indicated that the innovative administration implemented by local administrative organization was distinct and different from each other based on its own main mission. Specifically, while the top-down innovation was implemented by big local administrative organizations. The initiating process comprised three steps. First, there were meetings among involved personnel. After that, there was an attempt to network with external organizations. Finally, there were processes of monitoring and follow-up evaluation as well as the establishment of learning center. Concerning factors in relation to initiating processes, they comprised six factors which included leadership for change, corporate culture, knowledge and competency of practitioners, public participation, supports from external organizations, and social capitals.
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Atienza, Maria Ela L. "The Politics of Health Devolution in the Philippines: Experiences of Municipalities in a Devolved Set-up." Philippine Political Science Journal 25, no. 1 (December 16, 2004): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02501002.
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This paper analyzes the dynamics of health devolution in the Philippines within the context of the 1991 Local Government Code. The paper looks into how the present level of health devolution came about, the reform's impact on the public health system, and the factors involved in improving health service delivery in municipalities under a devolved set up. There are several variables that are tested as possible intervening variables. These are prioritization of health services in resource allocation and management, adequacy of formal health personnel and facilities, and citizens' participation in health service delivery. The sociopolitical context of the local government is also explored. Two case studies are presented to support the arguments of the paper.
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LUNG, Wan Pun. "International Law before the Courts of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China—Twenty Years On." Asian Journal of International Law 9, no. 1 (April 30, 2018): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2044251318000024.
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AbstractWhile there have been various studies on international law in domestic courts, the case of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China [HKSAR], which celebrated its twentieth anniversary in 2017, presents unique questions. Under the principle of “One Country, Two Systems”, while the HKSAR maintains a distinct common-law system and a separate judicial regime, foreign affairs remain the responsibilities of the Central People’s Government of China. The handling of international law issues in cases before HKSAR courts would require consideration of the constitutional relation between the national (central) authorities of China and the local authorities in the HKSAR, and between the main legal system of China and the local HKSAR common-law system, in the light of the experiences of handling relevant cases in the past twenty years.
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Smith, James H. "Of Spirit Possession and Structural Adjustment Programs: Government Downsizing, Education and Their Enchantments in Neo-Liberal Kenya." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 4 (2001): 427–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006601x00266.
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AbstractThis article analyzes a case of possession by spirit familiars (majini) among female students of a primary school in the Taita/Taveta District of Kenya. I explore the symbolic and historical significance of majini among the people of Taita (Wataita), examining in particular the homology among local conceptions of majini and local conceptions of money. I argue that the idea of majini has long reflected the discontents of the particular modernity that emerged in late colonial and post-colonial Taita society: in particular, the social fact of local reliance on the money earned in urban labor markets and acquired from cash crop production. Then, as now, social criticism about commercial exchange and the atrophy of relations and obligations of blood was framed in terms of gender conflict, just as debates about appropriate gender roles reflected local preoccupation with broader social-cultural transformations. I end by arguing that, if majini once expressed the insufficiencies and cruelties of modernity's articulations, the recent possession incidents speak to the unmaking of Taita modernity in the wake of global transformations associated with economic liberalization.
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Souliotis, Nicos, and Georgia Alexandri. "From embedded to uncompromising neoliberalism: Competitiveness policies and European Union interscalar relations in the case of Greece." European Urban and Regional Studies 24, no. 3 (February 16, 2016): 227–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776416630582.
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This article traces the transfer of competitiveness and cohesion policies from the European Union (EU) institutions to the national and subnational authorities in Greece, both before and after the sovereign debt crisis. We argue that prior to the crisis, the flexibilities of the EU governance system allowed the Greek central government to use the competitiveness and cohesion agenda, as well as the associated funds, to build a domestic socio-political consensus focused on the idea of ‘convergence’ with Europe. The crisis-induced bailout programme deepened neoliberal policies and reorganised vertical and horizontal power relations: policy-making powers have been upscaled towards the supranational level, while the national authorities have been socially disembedded.
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Iskandar, Johan. "Pandemics and Sustainable Human Nature Relations: A Case study in Baduy Community, South Banten, Indonesia." E3S Web of Conferences 249 (2021): 01001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202124901001.
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In the past, traditional people across cultures in the world in utilizing and managing natural resources and the environment were based on the local knowledge (LK) or Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) and embedded with culture, so that the environment was avoided from damage. Today, as a result of changes in human behavior towards the environment, it has caused various environmental damages and the emergence of pandemic diseases, such as the Covid-19. This article elucidates the relationship between human and natures and environmental changes that have caused emergence of pandemic diseases, including Covid-19. Various efforts have been undertaken by the Indonesian government to cope Covid-19. For example, to prevent the widespread spread of Covid-19 in society, the Indonesian government has recommended every individual to implement the standard health protocols, such as by applying ‘three m’: menjaga jarak (physical distancing), mencuci tangan dengan sabun (washing hands with soap), and menggunakan masker (wearing masks). Culturally, most of the rural communities in Indonesia initially have a tradition of maintaining health in the family based on local knowledge and strongly embedded by culture, as shown by the traditional people of Baduy community who reside in Village of Kanekes, South Banten. Therefore, the authors suggest that various multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary studies, including the Ethnobiology study, should be carried out more intensively in Indonesia because the results of these studies can be useful for the development of science, and the practical results could be used to integrate with Western scientific knowledge to support various sustainable development programs, such as disaster management, including pandemics that are caused by viruses due to environmental changes..
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Siegel, David. "Decentralization, legitimacy, and democracy in post-Soviet Central Asia." Journal of Eurasian Studies 13, no. 1 (December 23, 2021): 66–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/18793665211068525.
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During the 1990s, a conventional wisdom emerged, based on literature going back decades, that political decentralization might be among the most effective forces for democratization. If ordinary people could participate in autonomous local governments, democracy would be built from the ground up, ultimately shaping the entire political system. Once decentralization reforms were implemented across the world, however, the results were disappointing. Authoritarianism not only thrived at the local level, it could also undermine democratization at the national level. Thus, local-national transference still held, but sometimes as a poison. In this context, the case of post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan is an anomaly. Here, the relative success of political decentralization—rather than its failure—nevertheless failed to spur democratization at the national level. I argue that this is because decentralization allowed national authorities to appease international donors while they consolidated their own power. Moreover, while decentralization empowered local communities, it did so in ways that personalized local authority and pitted local and national authorities against one another, resulting in intense localism and antagonistic center-local relations that undermined any democratic transference. The case study findings are based on ten months of field research, which includes interviews with local and national officials, ordinary villagers, and representatives of NGOs and international organizations.
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Gordon, Stewart. "Moral Hinterlands of Pre-Colonial Indian Cities." Asian Review of World Histories 6, no. 2 (July 19, 2018): 246–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22879811-12340036.
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Abstract This paper explores relations between Western Indian cities and the supply areas connected to them. It begins with a discussion of the term “hinterland,” frequently used to describe these relations. As we shall see, the term greatly simplifies a complex set of relationships between cities, smaller towns, and rural villages. We will consider three case studies of money advanced against future assets. The first concerns the relation of thirteenth-century Jewish traders to their indigenous spice suppliers on the Malabar Coast; the second, the relation of eighteenth-century East India Company traders to cloth producers; and the third, the relation of Pune investors to taxation areas against which they loaned money to the Maratha government. In a time of slow communications and transportation the central problem was “trust at a distance”; the operative relationships were as much emotional and moral as economic. Finally, I will suggest a new way to conceptualize cities and their hinterlands.
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Pavlovic, Miroslav. "Ottoman ruling elite in the sanjak of semendire during the eighteenth century." Bulletin de l'Institut etnographique 68, no. 3 (2020): 661–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gei2003661p.
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The Transitional period in the Ottoman Empire (17th-18th century) brought about changes in the organization of government that were felt deeply at the imperial periphery. The process of decentralization in the Ottoman Balkans was most prominent during the 18th century. Traditional roles of political and social agents in towns became ever more unstable and the shifts of ruling elites were ever more pronounced. The ruling, Muslim elite had gradually joined together by forming political alliances in order to gain influence and money. Political struggles became constant. Belonging to the elite through acquiring the status of asker - either by enlisting into janissaries or by getting a timar and the status of spahi - did not guarantee a political influence or wealth. The new elite got their positions thanks to the political connections with either local or central government. The financial power was a factor that mostly determined a person?s status in the 18th century, and it did not depend on the legitimacy of economic undertakings. The capital was accumulated through trade, tax farming and tax collecting. The close relations with the representatives of government secured path towards an elite status. The rise of the new local governing elite and the ways of its social and political promotion were not identical processes even in the neighboring provinces. The role of m?tesellim, voyvoda or kapudan, depended on the character of the Ottoman administration in the province (sanjak), which is why case studies contribute to the overall knowledge about the organization of Ottoman local authorities.
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Janssen-Jansen, Leonie B., and Menno van der Veen. "Contracting communities: Conceptualizing Community Benefits Agreements to improve citizen involvement in urban development projects." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 49, no. 1 (September 28, 2016): 205–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x16664730.
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Contractual agreements are becoming increasingly important for city governments seeking to manage urban development. Contractual governance involves direct relations between the local state and different public and private actors and citizens. Although abundant literature exists on public–private partnerships related to urban development projects, agreements made between citizens, interest organizations and market parties, such as Community Benefits Agreements remain under-explored and under-theorized. While it may seem that the state is absent from contemporary forms of contractual governance, such agreements remain highly intertwined with government policies. The central aim of this paper is to better conceptualize Community Benefits Agreement practices in order to build understanding of how contractual governance caters for direct end-user involvement in urban development, and to yield insights into its potential as to render development processes more inclusive. Based on academic literature in planning and law, expert interviews and several case studies in New York City, this paper conceptualizes end-user involvement in urban development projects and innovates within urban planning and governance theory through the use of two new concepts—project collectivity and the image of a fourth chair.
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Dhuhri, Saifuddin. "SOCIAL ENGINEERING THROUGH EDUCATION LAW A comparative analysis of cultural policies between the Dutch and Indonesian central Government." PETITA: JURNAL KAJIAN ILMU HUKUM DAN SYARIAH 4, no. 1 (July 29, 2019): 86–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/petita.v4i1.12.
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Studies on art education and culture are a continuing concern within academicians and politicians. Although extensive research has been carried out on the fields, few studies exist, which concern about the use of art education for cultural hegemony. This study concerns about Acehnese culture and identity. During the time of colonisation, imperialist scholar; Snouck Hurgronje had used cultural resources as the instrument to instil false cultural identity for the interest to take control over Aceh. Stepping on the Dutch’s colonialising policies, the central government of Indonesia has, as argued, used art curriculum as a hegemonic media for similar interests. This article discusses the case of art education in Acehnese by analysing the content of the text books recommended by the central government. This work is to demonstrate the representation of Acehnese cultural identity in the “Art and Culture” curriculum of schools in Aceh. I employ Freire, Hall, Apple, and Giroux thoughts to formulate the framework of this article. The aim of this paper is to understand the mechanism of the art curriculum used to nationalise local people and to uncover the scheme of cultural hegemony in Acehnese schools, Indonesia. This work significantly contributes toward understanding the relation between cultural hegemony and education
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Cox, Savannah. "Inscriptions of resilience: Bond ratings and the government of climate risk in Greater Miami, Florida." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 54, no. 2 (November 10, 2021): 295–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x211054162.
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In recent years, credit rating agencies have begun to incorporate a municipality's resilience and vulnerability to climate change into their US municipal bond rating methods. Drawing on the case of Greater Miami resilience planning and Science and Technology Studies-inspired work on inscriptive devices, I investigate how this incorporation practically happens, and how it shapes the ways that Greater Miami governments attempt to govern climate risk through resilience investments. What “counts” as resilience there, I suggest, is increasingly an effect of the observational practices of rating agencies. However, the still-emergent status of resilience as an object of knowledge among rating agencies and Greater Miami governments means that resilience retains a degree of plasticity, allowing government officials and residents alike to mobilize the term for different purposes and toward different ends. In tracing the emergent relations between rating agency practice on climate risk and local government resilience investments, the paper makes two contributions to scholarship in economic and urban geography. First, it illuminates the ways that extra-local practices of expert valuation shape the local construction of environmental fixes. Second, it offers insights into how one of the key actors of the 2007–2008 financial crisis is beginning to lay the epistemic groundwork for future economic crises and inequalities in and between cities, this time as they relate to climate change impacts and a city's supposed resilience and vulnerability to them.
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Streikus, Arūnas. "Between the Vatican and Moscow: The Lithuanian Imprint on the Death Throes of the Soviet Union (1979–1989)." Church History 91, no. 1 (March 2022): 100–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964072200066x.
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AbstractBy introducing different types of sources—published documents on Vatican's Eastern policy, archival material of the Soviet governmental agencies, egodocuments of local ecclesiastical leaders—this article tries to identify the role Lithuanian subjects have played in the field of Vatican-USSR relations during the first half of Pope John Paul II's pontificate. The research reveals that, since the end of 1970s, issues pertaining to the Lithuanian Catholic Church were considered priority agenda items—both within the halls of the Vatican and in the central government offices of the Soviet regime. An analysis of available sources illustrates also that interrelated issues of the boundaries of the Vilnius Archdiocese and the question of its further administration constituted the most acute node of issues during the period under review. The Soviet regime was the most interested in focusing on these issues, as it hoped thereby to dispel any mutual sympathies between Lithuanian Catholics and the Polish pope, put a stop to the emerging cooperation between Catholics in Lithuania and Poland, and bring an end to the politically costly case of Bishop Steponavičius, who by then had become a symbol of the Lithuanian Catholic Church's resistance. Suppressing of any attempts of the Holy See to be represented at commemoration of important events in Lithuania's history was yet another highly complicated task for the Soviet authorities.
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Schönwälder, Gerd. "Local Politics and the Peruvian Left: The Case of El Agustino." Latin American Research Review 33, no. 2 (1998): 73–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100038243.
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Local politics in Latin America have been attracting a great deal of scholarly interest as of late (Fox 1994; Nickson 1995; Reilly 1995). This interest can be attributed in part to the simple fact that over the past two decades, the institutional weight of Latin American local governments has continued to grow, spurred as much by the popularity of decentralization policies as by the seminal crisis of the central states in the region. Faced with shrinking resources and painful structural adjustment programs, local governments were often left with no other choice but to divest themselves of responsibilities they could no longer meet.
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Lian, Hongping. "Positionality and Power: Reflexivity in Negotiating the Relationship Between Land-Lost Farmers and the Local Government in China." International Journal of Qualitative Methods 18 (January 1, 2019): 160940691986450. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1609406919864508.
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Reflexivity has gained a vital role in qualitative research. Distinct from the extant global literature that explores reflexivity conceptually or practically, gaps are found in China studies and the Chinese literature, where the discussion of reflexivity remains in the conceptual realm while falling short of practical terms. Doing reflexivity entails the self-reflection of the researcher as well as the reflection of the research participants. This article aims to deal with the following questions: What are the respective positions of the researcher and the research participants, and how do they relate to each other? How do such positions and their relatedness affect the research processes and products? Such are the issues of positionality and power. There are studies that focus on either positionality or power, respectively. What remains underdiscussed is the complexities incurred by the combination of positionality and power when the relationship between two distinct actors is concerned, especially in the Chinese context. To fill these gaps, this article focuses on the practice of reflexivity in a case study on the relationship between land-lost farmers and the local government in China. Specifically, the core questions regarding positionality and power—of myself and of the research participants—are discussed in terms of how to manage the role of the researcher, how to treat participants’ utterances, and how to manage the power relation between the researcher and the researched as well as the power relations in the field. A key finding is that being reflexive about positionality and power not only substantiates an understanding of China studies for global researchers but also situates the understanding of reflexivity, positionality, and power in a wider global framework, while highlighting the distinctiveness of the interrelated positionality and power in the Chinese context.
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Amal, M. Khusna. "Towards a Deliberative Conflict Resolution? A Reflection on State Inclusive Response to Sunni-Shi’a Tension in Indonesia’s Democracy." QIJIS (Qudus International Journal of Islamic Studies) 8, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 226. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/qijis.v8i2.7146.
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<p>Most studies on the Sunni-Shi'a conflict concentrates on the failed peaceful resolution due to the state’s discrimination against the minority religious groups in Indonesia. However, these studies overlook other spectrums of the progressive role of the state agencies in religious conflict resolution. This paper examines the state engagement in the peaceful resolution of religious conflict through an inclusive policy-making. A case study of the Sunni-Shi’a conflict 2016 in Bondowoso (East Java) showed that the local government is committed and has an inclusive policy to protect or strengthen civil rights, especially for groups that are crucial to the quality of democracy. Based on Carson and Hartz-Karp’s theoretical framework, this paper shows that the local government policy has represented a model of limited deliberative conflict resolution. Although this policy was a product of public openness and willingness to hold a discussion, negotiation, and to compromise, the decision made was still exclusionary to the involvement of the Shi’a minority group.</p>
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Leripa, Khutlang. "Forming Partnership Between Local Government and the Private Sector: A Case Study of Maluti-a-phofung Municipality." International Journal of Diversity in Organizations, Communities, and Nations: Annual Review 10, no. 1 (2010): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1447-9532/cgp/v10i01/58038.
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Hönig, Patrick. "Civil Society and Land Use Policy in Uganda: The Mabira Forest Case." Africa Spectrum 49, no. 2 (August 2014): 53–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971404900203.
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Over the past few years, the Ugandan government has repeatedly initiated proceedings to clear one-fourth of the Mabira natural forest reserve in central Uganda and give the land to a sugar company controlled by a transnational business conglomerate. Each time the government took steps to execute the Mabira project, civil society groups organised large-scale protests that pressurised the government into shelving its plans. The Save Mabira Forest campaign has been widely cited as an example of how sustained protests by civil society groups serve as a corrective of democratic deficits in decision-making processes pertaining to the commons and as a deterrent to profit-driven business schemes hatched in collusion with carefree or corrupt bureaucrats and politicians. However, an in-depth analysis of the campaign suggests that ecological and social justice concerns are mixed up with identity politics and exclusionist agendas. Examining the complex web of interactions between state, big business and civil society in Uganda, this paper sheds light on the multi-layered and often ambiguous role played by non-governmental organisations in post-conflict societies of sub-Saharan Africa.
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Michelucci, Fania Valeria, and Alberto De Marco. "Smart communities inside local governments: a pie in the sky?" International Journal of Public Sector Management 30, no. 1 (January 9, 2017): 2–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-03-2016-0059.
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Purpose Via embracing the idea that one who directly experiences a problem is keener to develop more innovative solutions, local governments have started to engage smart communities in the innovation of public services’ delivery. Even if the meaning of “smart community” generally refers to the community participation in the innovation of public services for urban living, local governments have predominantly stimulated the participation of their citizens. But innovative ideas can potentially spring out also from the insiders. The purpose of this paper is to find the managerial and technological issues that public managers have to consider when planning an internal smart community initiative. Design/methodology/approach For this purpose, the authors analyse the case study of the Municipality of Turin that developed a participatory smart community project named Innova.TO, through the theoretical lens of sensemaking (Weick, 1979; Weick et al., 2005). Findings Results show that there are three main aspects to be considered when implementing smart community initiatives in local governments. Originality/value Even if there is the potential, the engagement of public employees in a smart community of innovators is not straightforward, and several complexities may challenge its success. Moreover, real-life examples and empirical studies are still episodic. As a consequence, if it is concretely possible to build a smart community of innovators inside a local government still remains a question, to which this paper aims to respond.
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Evers, Hans-Dieter. "Trade and State Formation: Siam in the Early Bangkok Period." Modern Asian Studies 21, no. 4 (October 1987): 751–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009306.
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Though local and international trade is a main point on the agenda of any government and though economists build elaborate models around trade statistics, the social consequences of trade have hardly ever been explored in full by social scientists. This is particularly the case in Thailand where only a few studies of limited scope exist on traders, businessmen and markets. There is a reason for this lack of attention to trade. The series of post-war village studies, carried out mainly by anthropologists in isolated villages, stressed intra-village relations and neglected as a consequence larger networks of trade. The most important study on trade during that time was probably the work of Skinner (1962, 1967) on the Bangkok Chinese in which, however, ethnic relations rather than trade and business constituted the main theme of the study.
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Gagieva, Anna K. "Influence of Russian Modernization on the Management System in the Komi Region in the 18th Century." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2021): 779–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-3-779-790.
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The article addresses major issues of influence of the modernization on the management system in the Komi region in the 18th century The relevance of the study is due to the fact that today in historical science there are a number of interesting concepts explaining interaction and mutual influence of all levels of government, both central and local. This refers to the theory of modernization, which allows us to identify local variants in regional management and to emphasize their alternativeness against the industry morphology. In this case, the state actively included the annexed territories into socio-economic relations and active administrative and state construction. The Komi region, as well as its neighboring regions, experienced a transfer of management technologies from the center and its neighboring regions, which resulted in formation of several local forms of management. The first one was represented by heads of administrative structures, officials of the uezd administration. Their main functions were administrative and economic, judicial and supervisory. Their sphere of responsibility varied and changed to follow the trend of strict regulation of their activities; all adjustments were made exclusively by the governor. Alongside with this first group, there was peasant volost administration, which had been operating on the territory of the Komi region for a long time. Its main functions lay in solving fiscal, land, economic, residential and other issues. Both were administrating authorities, constantly changing in the studied period. The second local administrative structure was represented by managers and employees of industrial enterprises: Seregovo saltworks and Kazhym metal works (mines in Nyuvchim, Nyuchpas and Kazhym). The key functions of their employees were administrative and economic, supervisory, and supply ones. Their sphere of responsibility varied and was adjusted by the plant owners. Yet another local model, characteristic for the 18th century, was represented by officers and heads of garrison offices in military camps. Their main activity was solution of various defense and supply tasks. When analyzing the influence of modernization on these elements of management in the Komi region in the 18th century, its progressive convergence should be noted. There was a complex administrative and managerial framework. Its formation was influenced by impulses coming to the periphery (in our case to the Komi region) from the central government.
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Vesco, Antonio. "The cultural foundations of political support in eastern Sicily: Mafia clans, political power and the Lombardo case." Modern Italy 22, no. 1 (February 2017): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2017.1.
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From 2008 Sicily’s president was Raffaele Lombardo, leader of the Movimento per le Autonomie (MpA), a party founded by politicians who were already well established in the city of Catania and its province. In the summer of 2012 Lombardo’s government was forced to resign following an investigation that exposed the connections between the president and Mafia families in eastern Sicily. This article draws on two ethnographic studies carried out in Catania between 2009 and 2013: in describing the political behaviour and power relations between voters, local councillors and MpA executive officers, the research examined the tendency to internalise the widely understood narrative about politics and patronage in Sicily that Lombardo and his colleagues embodied. By relating ethnographic data to the legal documents showing the links between MpA leaders and Cosa Nostra bosses, I argue that social and cultural support for the party will have included support from local Mafia members.
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Maraqa, Amer, and Arif Darmawan. "ENHANCING THE ROLE OF NETWORKED BUSINESS INCUBATORS AS A CATALYST OF PROMOTING TRADING BUSINESS AMONG OIC." International Journal of Islamic Business 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/ijib2016.1.1.3.
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Business incubators have been proven as effective in creating jobs and accelerating the growth of new businesses. The purpose of this paper is to investigate and identify the situation and factors of business incubator as a catalyst to facilitate successful implementation such as, 1) young entrepreneur, 2) job creation, and 3) Networking business incubators and (SMEs) among OIC countries. Although the basic concept of business incubation remains until today, there have been several enhancements to the capability of business incubators to create entrepreneurs and improve economic driver. Moreover, institutional theory stated that business incubators have generated some positive results for small businesses’ success. The nature of this research is mainly a mixed methods approach such as case study and qualitative (literature review). Case studies reflect a comparative analysis of entrepreneurship ecosystem between Asia and Arab world. Some data retrieved from journals, articles, and business incubator report. Findings of this paper show that the rapid expansion of business incubators in Asia and the Arab world is an important phenomenon affecting the economic growth in those countries. Moreover, much attention and great support from central and/or local government has relation on growth in incubation industry. Furthermore, partnerships and sharing among different incubators is a crucial component to make incubators more successful. The findings of this paper help governments and local authorities to shape future polices for incubation industry, entrepreneurs, and economics development among OIC.
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Ali, Shara. "Yucatecan-Mexican Relations and Yucatecan Politicking from 1829–1832: Centralism, Secession, and Federalism." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 30, no. 2 (2014): 313–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2014.30.2.313.
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This paper will explore Yucatecan-Mexican relations and local Yucatecan politicking during the early national period, using Yucatán’s pronunciamientos of 1829 to 1832 as case studies. This examination will highlight that, while Yucatán has historically been perceived as a marginal and pro-autonomous state of early nineteenth-century Mexico, in fact, the years of Yucatecan secession from 1829–1832 were instigated by a small but powerful government, and the majority of Yucatecan economic, military and political factions still desired unification with and possessed loyalty to Mexico. In turn, this examination will contribute to re-defining the identification of Yucatán as a secessionist state. Este artículo explora las relaciones México-Yucatán y la forma yucateca de hacer política durante los primeros años del periodo nacional, tomando como caso los pronunciamientos de 1829 y 1832. Nuestro examen subrayará que, aun cuando Yucatán haya sido percibido históricamente como un estado marginal y pro-autónomo de principios del siglo xix en México, los años de secesión yucateca, entre 1829 y 1832, realmente fueron instigados por un gobierno pequeño pero poderoso, y la mayoría de las facciones económicas, militares y políticas yucatecas aún deseaban la unificación y eran leales a México. A su vez, este examen contribuirá a redefinir la identificación de Yucatán como un estado secesionista.
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Verloo, Nanke. "Governing the global locally: Agonistic democracy practices in The Hague’s Schilderswijk." Urban Studies 55, no. 11 (October 31, 2017): 2354–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098017732715.
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Cities have become stages for (inter)national conflicts over political and religious identity, democratic values and ownership of place. These ‘glocal urban conflicts’ challenge local actors to respond immediately and effectively in ways that prevent escalation and strengthen democratic relations. The theory of agonistic democracy provides a valuable model that celebrates difference and inclusiveness to foster democracy. There is, however, little understanding of how these agnostic ideals are practiced in rapidly unfolding situations. This article provides a case study to further our understanding of dealing with conflicts where global tensions are enacted at the street level. It proposes an interpretative approach that brings into focus how a decentred network of local professionals practice agnostic democracy in action. The local government of The Hague was challenged to ‘govern the global locally’ when young Muslims waved flags allying with ISIS on the streets of the Schilderswijk neighbourhood. A series of local demonstrations required appropriate responses in a highly mediatised conflict. The analysis provides three ‘critical moments’ that function as a lens to study governance practices that underscore diversity as a political resource. Practices of ‘governing meaning’ and ‘governing the street’ addressed concerns about security, ownership and local grievances.
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Wang, Shu-Li. "Museums, heritage and the politics of pursuing indigenous rights in Taiwan." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 4 (October 7, 2019): 474–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-06-2018-0104.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to trace the development of indigenous heritage rights in Taiwan. It examines how this pursuit is intertwined with the global indigenous movement, national political interests and rising local cultural awareness. Design/methodology/approach This paper focuses on the rise of indigenous rights in Taiwan by looking at political shifts, indigenous museums and changing frameworks through which heritage is understood. The paper uses two case studies: one is the implementation of a heritage protection law in Taiwan; the other is the launch of indigenous museums. Findings In Taiwan, heritage is often associated with political ideology, power relations and resource distribution. The development of heritage discourse is inseparable from the international heritage trend as well as the local political situation. Originality/value The pursuit of indigenous heritage rights in Taiwan is supported on the one hand by the government so as to define a distinctive Taiwanese culture and on the other to meet the demands of Taiwan’s indigenous movement. Two case studies are provided to examine the pros and cons of current indigenous heritage projects in Taiwan.
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Hambali. "AZAS-AZAS KEBIJAKAN SISTEM PENYELENGGARAAN KETENAGAKERJAAN DI KABUPATEN PASURUAN." MALIA (TERAKREDITASI) 10, no. 2 (May 24, 2019): 287–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.35891/ml.v10i2.1448.
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Government efforts in overcoming the global economic crisis are carried out jointly with the community, especially business people, one of the main reasons for stabilizing the economy and maintaining monetary balance and avoiding the bankruptcy of most companies that have an impact on the majority of workers and ends in termination of relations work. So the role of the actors in implementing local regulations is expected to be overcome, and can realize the capability that exists so that they can run local regulations and can improve their respective roles which ultimately can create a balance between the government, companies and workers who are disadvantaged but with the high school to get good welfare company workers and the government so that they can improve performance with a work ethic, then show human resources that can encourage economic growth and development and realize advanced regions, independent work competitiveness and no more problems for implementing actors Implementation of the Perda. This study was designed with a qualitative research method that uses a case study approach to determine the role of actors in implementing Regional Regulation No. 22 of 2012 concerning the Employment Management System (Study of Industrial Relations in Pasuruan Regency. The data analysis uses interactive model data analysis developed by Miles, Huberman and Saldana, while data collection was conducted through literature studies, field observations, and indept interviews, all data were simulated in depth, comprehensively, and corrected each other in a Focus Group Discussion (FGD).
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Chen, Ling S. "Getting China’s Political Economy Right: State, Business, and Authoritarian Capitalism." Perspectives on Politics 20, no. 4 (December 2022): 1397–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759272200247x.
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There is no doubt that the political economy of contemporary China has received significant attention, both in academic disciplines and in the real world. The role of the state in the economy and the relations between government and business actors have always been central concerns of classic social science works about China. There are, however, several crucial challenges in studying this topic. The complicated landscape of a multilayered, fragmented Chinese state and numerous state-owned, private, foreign, or mixed-type businesses has made it difficult to tease out their interactions and establish a comprehensive theoretical model. The fast-changing nature of state–market relations and their vast subnational and sectoral variation has often prevented scholars from generalizing those lessons beyond the case or issue area. Yet, among all these, the most daunting challenge is: How can studies of a particularly interesting phenomenon in China’s political economy contribute to broader discussions of state–society relations, regime durability, and state-led development without losing respectable country expertise?
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Kitika, Chiranthanin. "New Feature of Mixed-use Design on Public Area: Case Studies from Chang Phuak Road to Moon Muang Soi 7, Chiang Mai Thailand." Journal of Architectural/Planning Research and Studies (JARS) 17, no. 1 (April 23, 2020): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.56261/jars.v17i1.160872.
Full textAbstract:
Mixed-use design is the design integration on urban development which provides flexibility program and manages diversity usage. By location based learning, mixed-use design feature is to converge physical design with fostering social on specific location. The aim of this article is to characterize mixed-use design on Thai urban context and summarize as the new design feature. On the area of study, researcher chooses Changpuank and Lamchang communities where both connect with Changphuak rd., Phrapokkloa rd. and Moonmuang soi 7. These areas belong to main North-south axis of the old city and have appeared diversity contemporary lifestyle on Chiang Mai public area. Besides, there have adjusted many conflicts between old communities, business-purpose activities and also local government by individual adjustments and community network. With these potentials, this research is set to reclaim the new understanding of public area design with the concept of mixed-use design. Furthermore, research finding is to analyze mixed-use design as new feature on public area in Chiang Mai. Research methodology is created by referring to spatial practice and neighborhood network concept theories. Each area usage reflects as spatial practicing which represents the relationship between government strategy and locals’ tactic. Towards situation based design, researcher has to understand on-site situations and analyzes through conditions of physical design and social relations. The study process provides with 3 sessions; (A) Case study selection is to select potential areas where appear shared space characteristic by street photograph, (B) Flexible use is on-site observation to understand organizing public area usages by interviewing and data collecting, (C) Mixed-use characteristic, this session sets to record street films to characterize mixed-use design feature on those area usages. Towards analysis session, researcher finalized architectural design feature by finalizing isometric section drawing to understand relations of physical design and social relations. These features aim to compromise conflicts and also improve functional programming on Chiang Mai public area.