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Journal articles on the topic 'Central Committee of the Communist Party'

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Published: 28 June 2021
Last updated: 8 February 2022

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1

Sartikova, Evgeniya V. "Эволюция корпуса первых секретарей Калмыцкой организации ВКП(б) в 1921–1943 гг." Desertum Magnum: studia historica Великая степь: исторические исследования, no. 1 (December 18, 2020): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2712-8431-2020-9-1-42-50.

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The article discusses the main trends in the rotation of the executive (the first) secretaries of the Kalmyk regional party committee in 1921–1943. The study is based on the documents from the fund of the Kalmyk regional committee of the USSR Communist Party kept at the National Archive of the Republic of Kalmykia. The principles of objectivism and historicism were used for the analysis of the archive materials that allowed to examine the problem in its relation to the existing specific historical circumstances. The goal of the article is to investigate the body of the first secretaries of the Russian Communist Party — All-Russia Communist Party in Kalmykia. The use of the common in the historical research methods (the broadside examination of the archive sources, historical description, chronological method) allowed to investigate the historical phenomena in the close relation to the historical situation. The author concludes that the specific feature of the rotation of the first secretaries of the Kalmyk regional party committee was the appointment of people from other regions of the country to this position. Mainly these were formal representatives, supervisors recommended by the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party — All-Russia Communist Party for the positions of the first or second secretaries of the regional party committee. The analysis of the characteristics of the body of the first secretaries of the Kalmyk regional party in the given time period showed that all these people were from poor peasant families, without high education but with sufficient party service record who combined party and soviet activities.
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2

Cheng, Li, and Lynn White. "The Sixteenth Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party: Hu Gets What?" Asian Survey 43, no. 4 (July 2003): 553–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.4.553.

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This essay offers data about China's Central Committee, Politburo, and Standing Committee, e.g., turnover rates, generations, birthplaces, educations, occupations, ethnicities, genders, experiences, and factions. Past statistics demonstrate trends over time. Norms of elite selection can be induced from such data, which allow a broad-based analysis of changes in China's technocracy. New findings include evidence of cooperation among factions and swift promotions of province administrators.
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3

Zhang, Yang, and Xi Wang. "Provincial deficits and political centralization: evidence from the personnel management of the Chinese Communist Party." Japanese Journal of Political Science 22, no. 3 (June 17, 2021): 130–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109921000098.

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AbstractThe political autonomy of Chinese provinces derives from their economic independence. After the 2008 economic crisis, budget deficits increased significantly in most Chinese provinces, making them more reliant on financial support from Beijing. Provinces suffering high deficits will lose their political clout in both local and national politics. Therefore, provinces with large deficits tend to be less resistant to the enforcement of the law of avoidance and underrepresented in the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. We find that in provincial standing committees, the members who are native or have more birthplace ties are more likely to be ranked behind the outsiders, especially so in provinces with a high level of deficits. We also find that provincial-standing-committee members from high-deficit provinces have a low possibility to obtain seats in the party's Central Committee. These findings confirm the close relationship between economic independence and political autonomy of Chinese provinces. In addition, we find that the logic of economic independence cannot depict the whole picture and that regional pluralism is also an important concern when the party manages its provincial leadership teams.
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4

Levi, Paul. "Two Documents by Paul Levi (16 March 1920–8 January 1921)." Historical Materialism 25, no. 1 (April 3, 2017): 175–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341516.

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This is a translation and critical edition of two documents on the Kapp Putsch and the origins of the united-front policy in the German Communist Party (kpd). The documents were written by the kpd leader Paul Levi and their titles and dates are, respectively: ‘Letter to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Germany’ (16 March 1920) and ‘Open Letter of the Zentrale of the United Communist Party of Germany’ (8 January 1921). They are a documentary appendix to our essay ‘Paul Levi and the Origins of the United-Front Policy in the Communist International’, published in this issue of Historical Materialism.
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5

Ivantsov, I. G. "SECRET OFFICE WORK OF ORGANS OF THE CPSU (B). 1920S - EARLY 1930S. (ON MATERIALS OF THE NORTH CAUCASUS REGIONAL KK-RKI)." Scientific bulletin of the Southern Institute of Management, no. 2 (June 30, 2017): 104–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31775/2305-3100-2017-2-104-109.

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The Article is devoted to the secret correspondence of the CPSU (b), which began its existence in the early period of Soviet power. In the USSR, 1922-1923 were secretly carried out of the party and state reform, in which was installed dictatorship of the ruling Communist party. The old model of domination of individual Bolshevik leaders were eliminated. All power concentrated in the hands of few of its leaders at the top. As further development, there is a simple and archaic system of government which is not bound to any laws or control of the company. Whoever was at the top, dispose of everything and governs all. The basis of the Soviet state was the hierarchy of party committees headed by appointed secretaries. In addition, after the entry of Stalin in the post of Secretary General of the relation of the Supreme party organs to the party apparatus on the ground began to carry secret correspondence between them was classified. Circle functionaries who were sent extracts of the minutes of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b), the party committees and individual orders of the secretaries of the Central Committee and party committees, persons carrying out intra-party correspondence was strictly limited.
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6

ZHOU, Na. "Xi Jinping’s Building of a New Central Leadership at the 19th Party Congress." East Asian Policy 10, no. 02 (April 2018): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930518000132.

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The 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China announced its new central leadership, namely, the 19th Central Committee and the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, in October 2017. President Xi Jinping directly led the selection of the candidates. Through this congress, he has hence taken a significant step to place his forces and strengthened his grip on the military.
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7

Konovalov, A. B. "REGIONAL LEADERS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE SOVIET UNION AND THEIR IDEAS ON ECONOMIC MANAGEMENT IMPROVEMENT IN 1965–1985, SIBERIA*." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, no. 4 (December 23, 2018): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2018-4-47-57.

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The study defines the positions of the first secretaries of the Siberian regional committees of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) in the field of economic management in 1965 – 1985. After sector ministries had been restored, regional CPSU leaders declared that management institutions had to be moved to production centers, thus demanding the organization of inter-regional sector bodies on their territories. The paper shows how regional initiatives were supported by the central party-state bodies that introduced public debates and kept sending letters to the CPSU Central Committee, the heads of the USSR Council of Ministers, and the USSR State Planning Committee. The author managed to reveal the conflicts between the first secretaries of the regional committees of the CPSU. The conflicts were caused by the growing need to control the territorial administration bodies of the allied ministries and departments. One may conclude that the regional party bodies intended to strengthen the coordination of the local economic policy. However, the policy was controversial: on the one hand, there was a need to eliminate the redundant management levels of sector ministries and departments; on the other hand, there was a strong motivation to increase the staff of sector departments of regional and regional party committees.
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8

Ērglis, Dzintars. "Latvijas Komunistiskās (boļševiku) partijas Ventspils apriņķa komitejas slepenā sarakste ar Prokuratūras, Iekšlietu un Valsts drošības iestādēm (1945–1949)." Sabiedrība un kultūra: rakstu krājums = Society and Culture: conference proceedings, no. XXIII (August 16, 2021): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.37384/sk.2021.23.039.

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The secret correspondence of the Ventspils District Committee of the Latvian Communist (Bol-shevik) Party (LC(b)P) with the Prosecutor’s Office, the Interior and the State Security Institutions dur-ing the last years of the district’s existence, from 1945 to 1949, shows how the Communist Party man-aged and controlled life in the region. The research is based on the scope of documents dedicated to Ventspils District Committee of the LC(b)P. The secret correspondence covers the following issues: collection of compromising materials on the nominees; abuse of authority performed by officials and military personnel; events organized by the Ministry of the Interior and the Ministry of State Security in Ventspils District on election days of the Supreme Council, local councils and the People's Court; sending the best communists to work in the sys-tem of the Ministry of the State Security and the Ministry of the Interior, as decided by the Central Committee Bureau of LC(b)P; the staff conflicts within the Interior and State Security Institutions; defi-ciencies in the work of people's courts; non-compliance with the fire safety regulations, etc.
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9

Cheng, Li, and Lynn White. "The Thirteenth Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party: From Mobilizers to Managers." Asian Survey 28, no. 4 (April 1, 1988): 371–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2644734.

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10

Cheng, Li, and Lynn White. "The Thirteenth Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party: From Mobilizers to Managers." Asian Survey 28, no. 4 (April 1988): 371–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1988.28.4.01p0153p.

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11

Joo Jang-Hwan. "The 18th Central Committee of Chinese Communist Party: Advent of ‘Generalist Cadre’ era." Journal of Eurasian Studies 10, no. 2 (June 2013): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31203/aepa.2013.10.2.003.

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12

Meyer, David A., Megha Ram, and Laura Wilke. "CIRCULATION OF THE ELITE IN THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY." Journal of East Asian Studies 16, no. 1 (March 2016): 147–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2015.6.

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AbstractThe history of leadership change in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) exemplifies Pareto's notion ofcirculationof the elite. To analyze it we have compiled a partially ranked dataset of members and alternates of the Politburo Standing Committee, Politburo, and Central Committee for the 1st through 18th National Party Congresses. Quantitative studies of leadership change in the CCP have typically focused on the fraction of new members in each political body from one Party Congress to the next, but the existence of partially ranked data calls for a more subtle quantification of leadership change. Thus, we define a new family of metrics which consider change within each political body, the magnitude of such change, and the importance of each change to CCP structure and policy. We use two of these metrics to compute the distances between each pair of successive, partially-ranked leadership lists in our dataset. Our results capture important political developments from the irregular leadership change of the early years to the subsequent transformation of the CCP into a more institutionalized polity. This metric-based analysis also supplements our understanding of anomalous leadership transitions, intra-Party dynamics, and systemic change in the CCP.
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13

Luong, Hy V. "Vietnam in 2006: Stronger Global Integration and Resolve for Better Governance." Asian Survey 47, no. 1 (January 2007): 168–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2007.47.1.168.

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In 2006 Vietnam continued its momentum of economic growth and stronger global integration, partly through World Trade Organization accession. Following significant turnover in the Central Committee of the Vietnamese Communist Party in April, personnel changes were made in many top positions in the state apparatus. The new leaders resolved to improve governance by combating corruption and power abuse in the bureaucratic system.
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14

Gaido, Daniel. "Paul Levi and the Origins of the United-Front Policy in the Communist International." Historical Materialism 25, no. 1 (April 3, 2017): 131–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341515.

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During its first four congresses, held annually under Lenin (1919–22), the Communist International went through two distinct phases: while the first two congresses focused on programmatic and organisational aspects of the break with Social-Democratic parties (such as the ‘Theses on Bourgeois Democracy and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat’, adopted by the first congress, and the 21 ‘Conditions of Admission to the Communist International’, adopted by the second), the third congress, meeting after the putsch known as the ‘March Action’ of 1921 in Germany, adopted the slogan ‘To the masses!’, while the fourth codified this new line in the ‘Theses on the Unity of the Proletarian Front’. The arguments put forward by the first two congresses were originally drafted by leaders of the Russian Communist Party, but the initiative for the adoption of the united-front policy came from the German Communist Party under the leadership of Paul Levi. This article explores the historical circumstances that turned the German Communists into the pioneers of the united-front tactic. In the documentary appendix we add English versions of two documents drafted by Levi: the ‘Letter to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Germany’ on the Kapp Putsch, dated 16 March 1920, and thekpd’s ‘Open Letter’ of 8 January 1921, which gave rise to the united-front tactic.
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15

Morozova, T. I., and V. I. Shishkin. "Communist Party of Bolsheviks as a Soviet Social Elevator in the Context of the New Economic Policy." Modern History of Russia 10, no. 4 (2020): 902–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2020.406.

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The authors analyze and interpret the processes that occurred during the New Economic Policy (NEP) period in the Russian Communist Party (bolsheviks) (RCP(b)) — All-Union Communist Party (bolsheviks) (AUCP(b)) as a “social elevator” from the standpoint of the theory of social mobility. The article takes into account the achievements of national historiography and is based on a wide range of published and unpublished sources. The authors reveal conditions that the party leadership imposed on those who wanted to “enter” the elevator; the number and social composition of replacements; the mechanisms, instruments, and procedures used to carry out movements between floors, as well as the volume of these movements; the transformation of the party as a social elevator; and its impact on mobility in Soviet society. The authors conclude that, thanks to the mass recruitment of workers, the height of the party pyramid quickly increased, and its structure and profile became more complex, which increased the potential for internal mobility. The forced promotion of young Communists into leading party bodies and the expansion of the number of party committees artificially caused upward intra-party mobility and the formation of a new generation of middle-level elites. The use of the nomenklatura system for appointing to the upper floors of the party hierarchy completed the process of rebuilding the RCP(b) — AUCP(b) as a social elevator controlled by Stalin’s Central Committee. As a result, by the end of NEP, the party’s influence social stratification in Soviet society became decisive.
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16

Voytikov, S. S. "Documents of the Moscow Central State Archive as a Source on the History of Party and Military Institutions of Soviet Russia During the Civil War." Modern History of Russia 11, no. 1 (2021): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.103.

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The article analyzes the valuable corpus of sources of party and military institutions of Soviet Russia during the Civil War. During the Soviet period, documents of the (then) Moscow Party Archive were actively introduced into scholarly circulation, revealing mainly the activities of the Moscow Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) on communist mobilizations, and primarily regarding the Eastern front in 1918 and the Petrograd front in 1919. At the same time, a whole layer of materials from the archive’s collections remained mostly unclaimed. The Moscow Party Archive retains documents on the organization and activities of the Communist faction of the People’s Commissariat for Military Affairs, which together with the documents of Russian State Military Archive allow a comprehensive study of the process of “communization” of the military apparatus in 1917 and subsequent years. The specified sources, in particular, make it possible to answer the question about the reasons for the establishment in 1919 of the Red Army Political Department as a department of the Central Committee of the RCP(b). Reports of old Bolsheviks to the Moscow Committee of the RCP(b) and the Mossoviet of 1918 contain valuable information about the use of military specialists by the Bolshevik regime, the contribution to the Soviet military construction of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, the liquidation of the rebellion of the Commander-in-Chief of the Eastern Front M. A. Murav’yov, the causes of loss of the nascent Red Army of Kazan, and other issues.
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17

Chotiner, Barbara Ann. "Dismantling an Innovation: The November 1964 Decision Reunifying Industrial and Agricultural Organs of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 501 (January 1, 1985): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1985.22.

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Two years after the November 1962 decision to divide the Communist party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) into separate industrial and agricultural organs, the new Brezhnev-Kosygin leadership reunited the party. The reorganization was and remains the most fundamental reform of the Soviet political system since the Great Purges. Restructuring the CPSU "on the production principle" had divided party committees below the union-republican level into industrial and agricultural organizations. Raikoms and some gorkoms were abolished; territorial production kolkhozsovkhoz administration (TPA) party committees and zonal-industrial party committees were established. The CPSU Central Committee (CC) and its unionrepublican counterparts acquired specialized bureaus to oversee production in the different economic spheres. 1 As a result of the 1962 reorganization, party involvement in the economy became more frequent and more occupied with details of production. Moreover, partkoms' economic interventions became oriented primarily toward development and guidance through the restructuring of productive relationships, introducing new products and technology, and planning.
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18

Riddell, John. "The Comintern in 1922." Historical Materialism 22, no. 3-4 (December 2, 2014): 52–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341379.

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The Fourth Congress of the Communist International, held in November–December 1922, shows evidence of member parties outside Soviet Russia taking initiatives and exerting significant influence on central political questions before world communism. On at least three issues, all related to united-front policy, non-Russian delegates’ pressure substantially altered Comintern Executive Committee proposals to the Congress. A central role in this process was played by leaders of the German Communist Party. The record of the Congress, newly available in English, also contains many calls for increasing the authority of the Comintern Executive. Still, the influence of non-Russian delegations, in a context of frequent division among leading Bolsheviks, suggests that influence of front-line parties was significant and possibly growing in 1922, little more than a year before the Comintern took a sharp turn toward Russian-dominated bureaucratisation.
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19

Sheng, Yumin. "Central–Provincial Relations at the CCP Central Committees: Institutions, Measurement and Empirical Trends, 1978–2002." China Quarterly 182 (June 2005): 338–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005000226.

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What is the nature of central–provincial relations in China? How have they evolved during the era of reform and opening? How can we begin to measure and assess the dynamic changes empirically and consistently? This article tackles these questions by examining year-to-year changes in aggregate trends of provincial presence at the Communist Party Central Committee from 1978 to 2002. After first sketching its formal workings, it highlights how the centre is institutionally empowered to exert political leverage over the provinces at the Central Committee. Drawing upon a new dataset that differentiates among three types of Central Committee membership, it shows evidence of declining provincial shares in full Central Committee membership, a conventionally used indicator of provincial clout at the centre, but rising shares in its alternate membership and Politburo full membership. It concludes, on balance, that central political strength remains resilient in this period.
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20

Ribić, Vladimir. "The Political Mobilization of Serbian Communists in the First Phase of the "Antibureaucratic Revolution"." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 5, no. 3 (May 14, 2010): 201–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v5i3.10.

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This paper offers an analysis of concrete actions and legitimations, and also of the elements of the action- and legitimation basis of the Serbian communists’ political moblization conducted during the first phase of the so-called Antibureaucratic Revolution, which began in April 1987 with Slobodan Miloševi R’s speech in Kosovo Polje, and came to an end with the intra-party showdown at the Eighth Session of the Serbian Communist Party’s Central Committee in September of the same year. The paper also provides a reconstruction of the political context in which the mobilization was conducted.
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21

Zaytsev, Aleksandr V. "Yugoslavia on the pages of the journal Slavyane (1942–1958)." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2021): 100–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2021.1-2.1.06.

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The journal Slavyane was created by the Central Committee of All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) as an organ of internal and external political propaganda aimed at Russian-speaking Slavs. It reflected the pullback of Soviet foreign policy from proletarian internationalism. The policy of its editorial board towards Yugoslavia repeated the one of the Party, but sensitive subjects were avoided or covered with a delay on the pages of the journal. Josip Broz Tito as spokesman for the aspirations of Yugoslav peoples was extolle since 1943 while D. Mihajlović’s activities had not been covered until his condemnation in October 1943. The journal supported the government of the People’s Federative Republic of Yugoslavia until early 1948, condemned it since late 1949 to early 1953, kept silence on Yugoslavia for several months in 1948–1949, 1953–1954, 1956, 1957 and 1958. Each time such deliberate silence had been caused by the aggravation or, on the contrary, by attempts to break ice in relations between the Soviet Union and People’s Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) / the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of Yugoslavia / the Union of Yugoslavian Communists. The only exception from the rule seems to be Issue 5/1953 of the journal which contains anti-Tito insults but they may be due to struggle on top of the Soviet government. Overall, the policy of the editorial board was marked by more caution and desire to cover up problems than the policy of Party newspapers.
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22

Goodman, David S. G. "China and the Legacy of Deng Xiaoping: From Communist Revolution to Capitalist Evolution. By Michael E. Marti. [Washington, DC: Brassey's, 2002. xviii+265 pp. $27.95. ISBN 1-57488-416-6.]." China Quarterly 172 (December 2002): 1065–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443902210621.

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In retrospect, 1991–1992 may well prove to be a pivotal period in the evolution of the People's Republic of China. The reform era ushered in by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) at the Third Plenum of its 11th Central Committee in December 1978 had dramatically restructured the economy and the state, but in the aftermath of the events of June 1989, it appeared to falter. Partly through reactions from outside China, and partly because of resistance within (including elements within the leadership of the Party), the programme of ‘reform and openness’ seemed challenged and about to topple.
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23

Bo *, Zhiyue. "The 16th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party: formal institutions and factional groups." Journal of Contemporary China 13, no. 39 (May 2004): 223–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1067056042000211889.

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24

Iliin, O. "THE ANTI-SOVIET MOOD OF URBAN POPULATION OF IZMAIL REGION OF UKRAINIAN SSR IN THE POST-WAR PERIOD (1944–1954)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 146 (2020): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.146.4.

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The work researches essential reasons for spreading anti-Soviet public sentiments among local inhabitants of Izmail Region, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in the post-war period, describes their specific features and forms of counteraction to Soviet reformation and Communist totalitarian regime. Source basis of the said research is represented by documents of the Central State Archives of Public Organizations of Ukraine and the State Archives of Odessa Region. General reports and statements of activities from Regional Attorney Office Fund, SAOR, as well, as statistics data, reports and accounts in cases of special jurisdiction of Regional Attorney Office. Furthermore, reports of Soviet Administration and Communist Party figures, special notifications referring to armed force censorship, reports by PCHA about local inhabitants' sentiments, documentation describing the course of operation of kulaks' deportation. Documentation of Organization and Instruction Section of Communist Party of Ukraine Central Committee, CSAPO fund was also used: reports about the activities of military section of Communist Party Regional Committee, internal memoranda, statements of completed work. Special attention has been paid to review of display of discontent in matters of religious policy, particularly, activities of underground religious associations. Author also describes resistance of the local population to mobilization to Soviet industrial enterprises, specified number of deserters from enterprises of military industry. Author also revealed and described social and political sentiments in the first months of Soviet power implementation and changes in such sentiments which occurred due to drop in social standards and housing problems. It was discovered also that illegal actions of local Communist Party and Soviet Administration and individual public figures formed additional factors, which contributed to popular discontent.
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25

SHIH, VICTOR, CHRISTOPHER ADOLPH, and MINGXING LIU. "Getting Ahead in the Communist Party: Explaining the Advancement of Central Committee Members in China." American Political Science Review 106, no. 1 (February 2012): 166–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055411000566.

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Spectacular economic growth in China suggests the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has somehow gotten it right. A key hypothesis in both economics and political science is that the CCP's cadre evaluation system, combined with China's geography-based governing logic, has motivated local administrators to compete with one another to generate high growth. We raise a number of theoretical and empirical challenges to this claim. Using a new biographical database of Central Committee members, a previously overlooked feature of CCP reporting, and a novel Bayesian method that can estimate individual-level correlates of partially observed ranks, we find no evidence that strong growth performance was rewarded with higher party ranks at any of the postreform party congresses. Instead, factional ties with various top leaders, educational qualifications, and provincial revenue collection played substantial roles in elite ranking, suggesting that promotion systems served the immediate needs of the regime and its leaders, rather than encompassing goals such as economic growth.
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Eversone, Madara. "Kampaņa pret abstrakcionismu un formālismu 1963. gadā. Latvijas Padomju rakstnieku savienības valdes nostāja." Letonica, no. 35 (2017): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.35539/ltnc.2017.0035.m.e.43.52.

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Between 1962 and 1963 the First Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union Nikita Khrushchev launched several campaigns against abstractionists and formalists in Moscow, thus marking the end of the so-called Thaw throughout the Soviet Union. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of Latvia also started a campaign against national abstractionists and formalists. On the 22nd and 28th of March 1963 the works of the new poets Vizma Belševica, Monta Kroma, Ojārs Vācietis as well as writer Ēvalds Vilks came under the criticism cross-fire at the Intelligentsia Meeting of the Latvian Soviet Socialist Republic. After the criticism from the Communist Party the above mentioned authors also had to be discussed at the Board meetings of the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union and the local organization meetings of the Party. The article examines the attitude of the Board of Soviet Writers’ Union towards the campaign initiated by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Latvia in March 1963 by looking at the documents of the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union and the Union’s local organization of the Communist Party that are available at the State Archives of Latvia. Crucial and artistic aspects of the works of the above-mentioned authors have not been included in the analysis. Examining the debates that evolved in the Writers’ Union within the ideological campaign, it is possible to state that the Board, which was loyal to the Communist Party, kept its official stance in line with the Party principles, hereafter paying special attention to the ideologically artistic achievements of particular authors. Generally, the position of the Board of the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union in respect to the criticized authors can be evaluated as passive, because no repressions were carried out against the new authors and no creative activities were completely suspended by the Board. The campaign of 1963 strongly demonstrates the differences between the generations and the views of the writers. It also reveals the older generation’s struggle for keeping their position and prestige in the field of literature while the younger generation took an increasing opposition.
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GULARYAN, A. B. "THE ROLE OF PARTY AND KOMSOMOL ACTIVISTS IN THE LOCAL STATE SECURITY AGENCIES MANAGEMENT IN 1920-1930. (ON THE EXAMPLE OF OREL AND OMSK)." JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AND MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 9, no. 3 (2020): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2225-8272-2020-9-3-43-52.

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The purpose of the article is to use archival material collected in the archives of Orel, Voronezh, Omsk and Novosibirsk to reveal the role of party and Komsomol activists in the leadership of the OGPU bodies in the regions of Orel and Omsk. The comparative analysis showed that similar processes took place in the regions. The OGPU bodies were locally controlled by the party apparatus, but, in turn, they monitored the behavior of ordinary communists and Komsomol members, and in some cases during the period of party purges, the leading employees as well. In some cases, there was ‘linkage’ between the Chekist and the Party-Chekist leadership, which allowed to weaken the control of party bodies. In addition, from the mid-1920s the process of removing the OGPU from the local party bodies control was launched, which remained only for the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. This, according to the author of the article, contributed to the «great purge» of 1937.
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Obradović, Marija. "From Revolutionary to Clientelistic Party." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 3 (June 17, 2013): 376–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325413486582.

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Recent reinterpretations of the history of socialist Yugoslavia, which broke up at the time of the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe (1989–1991), have revived old and opened new controversies concerning the character and policy of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) at the time of the establishment of the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia (FNRJ) following the Second World War. One of them credits the “absolutization” of Josip Broz Tito’s charisma for the establishment and functioning of KPJ rule. The main aim of this article is to challenge such claims by providing an analytical account of the formative years of socialist Yugoslavia based upon primary archival sources. These sources illustrate that rather than Tito’s omnipotence, the decisive factor in the functioning of KPJ power was the clientelistic structure of hierarchical party and state organization. This paper argues that the establishment of clientelistic group-rational behavioral patterns in the KPJ structure and state organization drove the institutionalization of loyalty between the patron, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the KPJ (KPJ CC Politburo), and the client, the communist nomenklatura, an organized social network of party cadres occupying all significant functions in the society. The social origin of the members of the nomenklatura, that is, the new worker-peasant class organized at the level of federal units, was the basis for the legitimacy and functioning of KPJ power from 1945 through 1952. The revolutionary authority of the KPJ, which had been won through the partisan anti-fascist people’s liberation struggle during the Second World War, legitimized itself in this period through clientelistic structural dynamics in the political system of a “people’s democracy.” In order to explore these arguments, this article applies a generic-structural historical analysis to the dynamics of the social and political KPJ structures in 1945–1952 Yugoslavia.
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Bergien, Rüdiger. "Activating the ‘Apparatchik’: Brigade Deployment in the SED Central Committee and Performative Communist Party Rule." Journal of Contemporary History 47, no. 4 (October 2012): 793–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009412451285.

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Bo, Zhiyue. "Balance of Factional Power in China: The Seventeenth Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party." East Asia 25, no. 4 (July 5, 2008): 333–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12140-008-9052-1.

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Chuanliang, Shen. "The History of Chinese Communist Party (1949–1978), by the Party History Research Center of the CPC Central Committee." Journal of Modern Chinese History 6, no. 1 (June 2012): 111–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2012.670984.

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Ėmužis, Marius. "Nesutarimai ir kovos dėl lyderystės tarp Lietuvos komunistų 1935–1937 m." Lietuvos istorijos metraštis 2019/1 (September 1, 2019): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/2019/1/4.

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This article analyses the internal fight between the leadership of the Communist Party of Lithuania (LCP) in the 1930s. In the 1920s and early 1930s the LCP had two strong leaders: Zigmas Angarietis and Vincas Kapsukas who disagreed on some revolutionary tactics related issues. Z. Angarietis, being the leader of the Lithuanian section in the Comintern, was in control of many of the everyday affairs of the Communist underground movement in Lithuania and the Soviet Union. Being able to send young revolutionaries to Communist schools and courses in Moscow, he attracted some ollowers. V. Kapsukas, however, being an old revolutionary Bolshevik and one of the ideologues of Lithuanian Communism, was a moral authority, who also attracted followers. Following the death of V. Kapsukas in 1935, Z. Angarietis wished to advance with the new Comintern tactics of popular fronts and thus wanted to consolidate his power in Lithuania, though some of the former V. Kapsukas’ followers, mainly Aizikas Lifšicas and Karolis Grosmanas, disagreed with Z. Angarietis and the new tactics. Z. Angarietis managed to replace them but they started objecting their ousting by sending letters to other LCP Central Committee members and the Comintern Executive Committee. This had the opposite effect as Z. Angarietis and his followers started to suspect both A. Lifšicas and K. Grosmanas of treason and of being Trotskyists. Finally, A. Lifšicas was expelled from the party and K. Grosmanas, acknowledging his guilt, was spared. Z. Angarietis and his followers, advancing the new Comintern tactics (adopted at the seventh congress) managed to expand the circle of Communist sympathizers which proved very useful in the new administration after the occupation of 1940.
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Diac, Cristina. "Behind Closed Doors?" Aspasia 15, no. 1 (August 1, 2021): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2021.150104.

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This article explores the relationship between men, spousal violence, and politics in Romania in the 1950s and aims to analyze how the Romanian Communist Party (RCP), as an institution, dealt with spousal violence perpetrated by its officials. The RCP was a significant player within state socialist regime. Thus, the way the Party managed the discussed cases of spousal violence gives an idea about how gender relations functioned in reality, beyond the official discourse and the letter of the law. This article argues that spousal violence was the result of inequality within the family and a manifestation of patriarchy and male dominance. This analysis draws on files from the archive of the Committee of Party Control of the Central Committee of the RCP, which contains cases of Party members with a history of spousal violence.
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Monty, Christopher S. "The Central Committee Secretariat, the Nomenklatura, and the Politics of Personnel Management in the Soviet Order, 1921-1927." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 39, no. 2 (2012): 166–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-03902003.

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This article re-examines early efforts to put into practice the nomenklatura system for assigning elite office holders adopted by the Organization Bureau of the Central Committee (Orgburo) of the Russian Communist Party in late 1923. Until recently, scholarly treatments of this issue have largely taken for granted Stalin’s ability to transform the formal authority this initiative concentrated in the executive agencies of the Central Committee into effective administrative power. This article challenges that assumption by looking past official regulations in order to examine the operational records of the body most closely involved in managing the assignment of responsible officials across the soviet political order, the Organization-Assignment Department of the Central Committee Secretariat. The working papers of the Organization-Assignment Department, the Secretariat and the Orgburo make it evident that the nomenklatura had not yet evolved into the central vehicle for managing elite office holding that it was intended to be prior to the Stalin Revolution. The evidence suggests the persistence of ad hoc improvisation in the management of personnel, which produced a hybrid order that relied on an unstable mix of bureaucratic, personalistic and campaign-style methods to extend communist influence over government and economic administration.
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Dzhalilov, Teymur, and Nikita Pivovarov. "“There is such a situation that Comrade Svoboda is under pressure”. The Soviet leadership and the settlement of relations with Czechoslovakia. May 1969." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2019): 512–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2019.1-2.7.03.

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The published document is a part of the working record of The Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee on May 5, 1969. The employees of The Common Department of the CPSU Central Committee started writing such working records from the end of 1965. In contrast to the protocols, the working notes include speeches of the secretaries of the Central Committee, that allow to deeper analyze the reactions of the top party leadership, to understand their position regarding the political agenda. The peculiarity of the published document is that the Secretariat of the Central Committee did not deal with the most important foreign policy issues. It was the responsibility of the Politburo. However, it was at a meeting of the Secretariat of the Central Committee when Brezhnev raised the question of inviting G. Husák to Moscow. The latter replaced A. Dubček as the first Secretary of the Communist party of Czechoslovakia in April 1969. As follows from the document, Leonid Brezhnev tried to solve this issue at a meeting of the Politburo, but failed. However, even at the Secretariat of the Central Committee the Leonid Brezhnev’s initiative at the invitation of G. Husák was not supported. The published document reveals to us not only new facets in the mechanisms of decision-making in the CPSU Central Committee, the role of the Secretary General in this process, but also reflects the acute discussions within the Soviet government about the future of the world socialist systems.
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36

Ji, Zhiqian. "An Analysis of Chinese Cultural Confidence in the “Belt and Road” Strategy——Based on the Vision of a Community with Shared Future for Mankind Contained in the Communist Manifesto." Lifelong Education 9, no. 5 (August 2, 2020): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.18282/le.v9i5.1204.

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After the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the Party Central Committee stood for the times and proposed forward-looking strategies such as the “Belt and Road” and cultural confidence. Cultural confidence is based on the profound heritage of our own excellent traditional culture, and the advanced socialist culture condensed in long-term practice. Its role in the “Belt and Road” strategy cannot be underestimated. Use culture to communicate, to draw in our relationship with other countries. It is not only in line with the vision of a community with shared future for mankind contained in the Communist Manifesto, but also able to demonstrate the demeanor of a major country and ensure the smooth progress of the “Belt and Road” strategy.
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37

Efimova, Larisa. "Did the Soviet Union instruct Southeast Asian communists to revolt? New Russian evidence on the Calcutta Youth Conference of February 1948." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 40, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 449–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463409990026.

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This article uses recently declassified archival documents from the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (of Bolsheviks) concerning the Calcutta Youth Conference of February 1948. This evidence contradicts speculation that ‘orders from Moscow’ were passed to Southeast Asian communists at this time, helping to spark the rebellions in Indonesia, Malaya, Burma and the Philippines later that year. Secret working papers now available to researchers show no signs that the Soviet leadership planned to call upon Asian communists to rise up against their national bourgeois governments at this point in time. This article outlines the real story behind Soviet involvement in events leading up to the Calcutta Youth Conference, showing both a desire to increase information and links, and yet also a degree of caution over the prospects of local parties.
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van Meter, Karl M., Lise Mounier, Ghislaine Chartron, and Max Reinert. "Multimethod Analysis: Official Biographies of Members of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union Communist Party." Bulletin of Sociological Methodology/Bulletin de Méthodologie Sociologique 33, no. 1 (December 1991): 20–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/075910639103300102.

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39

Kallin, Igor V. "INTRA-PARTY STRUGGLE OF THE POLITICAL ELITE FOR AUTHORITATIVE POWERS IN THE SOVIET STATE IN 1917–1920." Vestnik Chuvashskogo universiteta, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 105–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/1810-1909-2021-2-105-111.

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The article examines the activities of three political institutions (the Council of People’s Commissars, the Politburo, the Secretariat of the Central Committee) of the Soviet state from the point of view of their superiority in the political arena at the time of the initial formation of a new one-party state. As a result of various transformations by the end of the 1920s, the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of the Bolsheviks began to play a special role in the power structures. The relationship between the members and candidates for membership of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the AUCP(b) gradually begins to depend on the position of the General Secretary I.V. Stalin (since 1922). He begins to acquire the functions of a judge in various disputable situations that periodically arose between the opposing ideological associations of the above-mentioned state decision-making body, the nature of outgoing documents that appear in the business correspondence of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party is also transformed, and the factor of the informal system of making key decisions acquires a particular importance. As a result of such transformations, only a part of the approved decisions is recorded in the resolutions of the Political Bureau, while the preliminary work on their implementation is generally not taken into account anywhere. The Secretariat of the Bolshevik Party at the very beginning of its existence was generally conceived as an absolutely technical body, a kind of bureau of typists-secretaries, who would prepare on paper the printed texts of the decisions made by the Politburo of the Central Committee of the AUCP(b). The Secretariat of the Central Committee in no way meant a body for making economic, administrative, industrial, personnel, and no less political decisions. Elevation of this unsophisticated organ above other state and party organs is largely due to I.V. Stalin, who managed to redirect the documentation flow of the Soviet state through his department.
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40

Vasile, Valentin. "The Relationship between Higher Education and the Workforce in Romanian Socialist Industry Case-study of the ‘23 August’ Factory." International Review of Social Research 4, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/irsr-2014-0019.

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Abstract: This article presents the mechanisms used to integrate higher education graduates in socialist economic units. The case-study referring to the ‘23 August’ factory in Bucharest mainly relies on the files of Securitate, and those of the economic section of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party. It also outlines the practical difficulties faced by various groups of higher education graduates – engineers, economic staff, human sciences graduates – as well as their efficiency within the communist industrial framework. The study combines the description and analysis of numerical allocation, the responsibilities and the results of the activities carried out by higher education graduates.
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41

Stranahan, Patricia. "The Last Battle: Mao and the Internationalists’ fight for the Liberation Daily." China Quarterly 123 (September 1990): 521–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000018907.

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Although scholars have examined the struggle between Mao Zedong and the Internationalists associated with Wang Ming and Bo Gu for control of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in some detail, they have ignored the final battle between the two groups. That confrontation did not take place in the Central Committee or at the Seventh Party Congress in 1945. Rather, new source materials from the People's Republic and a close reading of the newspaper itself show that it took place in the Party's primary propaganda organ, the Liberation Daily (Jiefang ribao).
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42

Tarasova, Nina. "Documentation of control process over carrying out management decisions in the work of party organization on the regional level during 1970s – 1980s." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 6 (June 2020): 101–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.6.32952.

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The author meticulously examines the aspects of documentation of control process s over carrying out management decisions in the work of party organization on the regional level during 1970s – early 1980s. Emphasis is made on the record management aspects of control over carrying out management decisions within party structures on the basis of archival material of Rostov and Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The article reviews control functions of the department of the Central Committee and Regional Committee of CPSU, requirements to formulations and procedures of documentation of control over execution of decrees, and flaws detected during inspection. The special contribution of the authors consists in studying the procedures of documentation of management decisions of party organization that did not receive due coverage by the researchers, as well as in introduction into the scientific discourse of archival sources, which views party documentation as a peculiar system, which specifics is reflected in the content of documents and documentation procedures and differentiates it from the national documentation system of that period. Documentation of control process over management decision-making in the party organization is described.
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Doucette, Courtney. "Glasnost in the Mailroom: The Soviet Subject in Gorbachev’s Perestroika, 1985–1988." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 48, no. 2 (June 11, 2021): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763324-bja10034.

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Abstract This article examines letters on glasnost sent to the Central Committee of the Soviet Communist Party in 1987 and compiled by the Central Committee’s Letter Department in a booklet for the Politburo in 1988. Contextualized by other sources from the archive of this Letter Department and others, these sources begin to illuminate how the Central Committee’s Letter Department functioned and how it evolved during Perestroika. These letters also allow us to begin to incorporate more ordinary citizens’ conceptions of glasnost into the history of this concept. These sources show at least four definitions of glasnost that circulated in the first years of reform. None of these definitions coincided with the liberal concept of “freedom of speech”. The conversation about glasnost in these letters challenges the common liberal teleology of studies of Perestroika, highlighting the distinctly Soviet nature of those who wrote letters and the concepts they wrote about.
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44

Voytikov, Sergey S. "Materials of the Serpukhov Uezd Committee of the RCP(B) as a Source on the History of the Soviet Military Construction in 1918–19, on the “Stavka” Case on the “Conspiracy in the Field Staff” of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic, and on the Reaction of the Bolshevik Leadership to the Explosion in Leontievsky Lane." Herald of an archivist, no. 4 (2020): 1168–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-4-1168-1183.

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The Central State Archive of the City of Moscow (TsGA of Moscow) holds documents that expand existing notions on the Soviet military construction of 1918-19, the formation of military intelligence and counterintelligence in Soviet Russia, and the “third wave” of mass Red terror in 1919. These documents are mostly found in the seemingly insignificant fond of the Serpukhov uezd committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). Since in the autumn 1918 – summer 1919, the Field Staff of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic was located in Serpukhov and its military commissar, head of the registration department, and founder of the Soviet military intelligence, S. I. Aralov actively worked in the Serpukhov uezd committee, the committee protocols are of great importance for studying the formation of the Red Army and its special services. The documents on admission to the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and party registration of the Field Staff senior officials, brothers Alexei and Pavel Vasiliev contain new information on the personnel continuity in the Operational Department of the People's Commissariat for Military Affairs of the RSFSR and the Field Staff. Protocols of the reports of the old Bolshevik A.A. Antonov at sessions of the Serpukhov uezd bodies of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) clarify the existing notions on the calamity of June 1919, which took place on the eve of the events associated with the arrest of the first Commander-in-Chief of all the armed forces of the Republic J. J. V?cietis and some of his employees in July 1919, the cleaning of the Field Staff initiated by the old Bolshevik, longtime associate of Lenin S.I. Gusev who replaced S.I. Aralov at his posts. There are also documents containing information on the Bolshevik leadership reaction to the events related to the explosion in the building of the Moscow Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) on September 25, 1919, when 12 Bolsheviks were killed and 55 received wounds of varying severity. These materials complement and correct data from the documents stored in the federal archives, in particular, in the Russian State Military Archive, which keeps documents on the history of the Red Army in 1918-41. For instance, it turns out that it was decided to arrest the bourgeoisie and other “counter-revolutionaries” with their subsequent imprisonment in a concentration camp created specifically for this purpose in Serpukhov district.
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45

Joo, Janghwan. "Does Dynamics of China’s Elites Politics Change?: Focusing on The 19th Central Committee of Chinese Communist Party." Journal of Modern China Studies 19, no. 3 (December 30, 2017): 87–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.35820/jmcs.19.3.3.

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46

Vladimirov, Katya. "Social Origins of the Soviet Party Elites, 1917–1990." Russian History 41, no. 2 (May 18, 2014): 283–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04102013.

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The Soviet system replicated the imperial reign it destroyed by establishing the rule of a new elite: the Soviet party bureaucracy. True beneficiary of a revolutionary transformation, this elite came from peasant sons, promoted and rewarded by the Soviet system. This provincial surplus was a major force behind the Soviet empire: many of these young, uprooted individuals were extraordinarily successful. From slums and humble origins, they reached the inner circle of party power and remained there for almost forty years. This article profiles one of the most powerful groups within the upper echelon of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the members of the Central Committee, using statistical database analysis to examine the dramatic social transformation of this demographic group and its evolution to successful power domination.
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47

Schoenhals, Michael. "Yang Xianzhen's Critique of the Great Leap Forward." Modern Asian Studies 26, no. 3 (July 1992): 591–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009926.

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Kang Sheng—a veteran counter-intelligence official and close political ally of Mao Zedong's—is said to have remarked in the winter of 1959 that among the critics of the Great Leap Forward (GLF) there was ‘One soldier’ and ‘One civilian’ whose criticisms were ‘in close harmony’. The soldier was Peng Dehuai, China's Minister of Defence, who had clashed with Mao at the Lushan Conference that summer, and whose criticism of the GLF had subsequently been denounced by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Central Committee as an ‘attempt at splitting the Party´ and ‘a ferocious assault on the Party Center and Comrade Mao Zedong's leadership’. The civilian was Yang Xianzhen, the President of the Central Party School, who had aroused Kang's wrath by condemning the GLF as hopelessly Utopian, and by claiming that it already had brought on starvation and might yet bring about the collapse of the CCP.
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Hamid, Adnan Khalaf. "Chinese Foreign Policy In period presidency Both of Mao Zedong and Deng Chao Bing: A comparative study." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 2, no. 4 (February 27, 2019): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v3i4.71.

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The Chinese foreign policy may have been associated in the personal and political decision-maker as we find fluctuate fluctuated between those who hold decision Chinese solo of the magnitude of his leadership, "Mao Zedong" or for possession of the three authorities in his hand "Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party and the state presidency and the presidency of the Military Committee," and the collective leadership actress of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau, and a small leadership groups to address urgent crises. And also I thought it was the Communist ideology adopting the Stalinist model, at the beginning of the PRC in 1949 until 1978. And began his leadership of China in the new track, the opposite of the old path, because contrary to policies of the past irrationality, and works on the application of an economic system Rashid aims to modernize China, which moved from a simple, isolated from the outside world to significant in foreign policy, its international impact of the State of the State.
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Shakhin, Y. V. "ABOUT THE POLITBURO OF CC CPY WRONGLY DATED MEETING." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no. 2 (2021): 151–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-2-151-156.

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The article deals with the problem of correct dating of the session of the Politburo of the Central committee of the Communist party of Yugoslavia, which was listed in the Archive of Yugoslavia under the date January 15, 1949. Starting from the content of the source, the author suggests that it was created several years later. Using the method of comparing with other party sources, the author concludes that the most probable date of the session is January 15, 1952. The method of external criticism of the source indicates that the error in dating occurred earlier than January 1983 and has not been corrected until now.
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Lisitsina, Yana Yu. "The Reverse Regional Effect of the All-Union Unification (On the Example of the East Siberian Regional Union of Soviet Artists)." Observatory of Culture 18, no. 2 (May 31, 2021): 212–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/2072-3156-2021-18-2-212-223.

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The establishment of Soviet artists’ unions in remote parts of the country has not been fully studied, but it is of interest for understanding the processes of formation of national fine art. One of the most important documents for the Soviet cultural space of the 1930s was the resolution of April 23, 1932, of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks “On the restructuring of literary and artistic organizations”. Its impact is of a prolonged nature: artistic associations, originally created in the form of regulated unions, still exist, already having the status of entities exempt from direct government control. The main object of this research is the organization that united the masters of fine arts of a vast territory — the East Siberian Regional Union of Soviet Artists. The source base of the research is archival documents that make it possible to reconstruct the process of uniting provincial artists into a single regular organization and to assess the decisions of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks from the point of view of the development of the cultural space of the East Siberian Territory. Despite the regulatory actions common to the creation of such institutions, the process of organizing the association of Soviet artists in the peripheral parts of the country had a number of features that formed the final assessment of the outcome of the above-mentioned resolution. The article demonstrates that the geographic remoteness from the capital, the separation from the cultural centers, the harsh climatic conditions, the small population on a large territory, and technical communication difficulties had predetermined the specificity of the processes of Siberian social design, and the need for certain decisive actions and support from the authorities to create a viable association of fine art masters.
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