Academic literature on the topic 'Census monarchies'

In an essay published in September 1962, poet Pavle Stefanovic announced that in the next census he would identify himself as a Yugoslav rather than a Serb. Writing down “Serb” on official forms, Stefanovic said, had always made the sweat break out on his forehead, plunging him into “the nightmarish vision of an individual identity imposed upon me rather than chosen by my own will, one which fills me with polar opposites: pride and shame … a feeling of innocence and of culpability.” Mixed with his pride in parts of his Serbian heritage, he explained, was horror at the atrocities committed in the name of Serbdom by the Chetniks, the Serbian monarchist forces of the Second World War. Stefanovic emphasized that he was not rejecting Serbian identity because he thought the Serbian past was worse than others. Rather, he wished to throw off the symbolic weight attached to all national pasts. By declaring himself a Yugoslav, he thought, he could show that he considered nationality merely “a sort of historic-genetic address, a fact about one's origin,” and not a primary or sacred identity. In his eyes, choosing the Yugoslav identity meant asserting his own free will against the unchosen national collective, expressing his commitment to internationalism, and separating the future from a nightmare-ridden past.

The geostatistical analysis of the losses of members of the partisan movement from the western parts of Serbia, who died in the uprising of 1941, was made on the basis of the partially revised census of "Victims of the War 1941-1945" from 1964. Dissatisfaction with the new situation, nonacceptance of the occupation, pronounced libertarian tradition manifested by a strong desire for freedom, geographical characteristics of the terrain suitable for guerrilla warfare, with propaganda and organizational work of the Communist Party on the ground, led to a nationwide uprising. Since the beginning of its existence and activities, the partisan movement in the western parts of Serbia has emerged as the best organized and the most militant part of the entire partisan movement in Serbia. The losses suffered in the uprising by members of the partisan movement from the region of Northwestern and parts of Western Serbia stood out from the beginning of the fighting in relation to the suffering of comrades from other parts of the occupied territory. There were differences in suffered losses within these two regions, as well as with other regions of occupied Serbia. Half of the losses of the partisan movement suffered in the uprising came from this part of the occupied territory (51.37%). Considering that 18.83% of the population lived in them, their loss was really 4.57 times higher than the loss of comrades from the other eight regions. Although these two regions had an almost equal share in losses, the real suffering of the partisans from a part of Western Serbia, given the population, was 1.75 times greater than the loss of their comrades from the region of Northwestern Serbia. The steady growth of the partisan losses from these two regions culminated in November when a third of the total losses suffered in 1941 was lost. Dominant in the movement's losses since its establishment, partisans from Northwestern and parts of Western Serbia accounted for three-fifths of the total number of partisans killed in occupied Serbia during September and November 1941 (57.19% and 55.12%, respectively). A quarter of all partisans killed in the region of Western Serbia (26.84%) lost their lives during 1941, which was 3.93 times more than the average loss in occupied Serbia that year. The total losses of the partisans of occupied Serbia who suffered in the uprising, given the periods of the existence and activities of the movement in them (six versus twelve months), were realistically 2.72 times higher than in the following year, but in the regions of Northwestern and Western Serbia they were 4.28 and 5.42 times higher, respectively. The uprising against the occupation, the establishment of a free territory, whose core was in the western parts of occupied Serbia, the struggle for its preservation, and also the struggle in the civil, revolutionary and ideological war with the monarchist movement, led to great losses of the partisan movement from this occupied territory. The scale of the suffering of the partisans from the Northwest and parts of Western Serbia clearly shows that these two regions suffered disproportionately greater losses in the fighting during the uprising and the initial phase of the civil war than their comrades from other parts of the occupied territory. The losses suffered in 1941 affected the weakening of the partisan movement in the next two years, but not to such an extent that it completely disappeared from this territory. During 1944, the partisan movement in these parts of occupied Serbia completely recovered, reorganized and strengthened, and became a significant part of the army that liberated Yugoslavia. Following the idea of freedom and the fighting path of the comrades from 1941, the movement emerged victorious from the war.

Abstract The census narrative in 1 Chr 21 draws from the earlier version of the episode preserved in 2 Sam 24, which followed a mythological pattern we encounter in “crisis episodes” deriving from the monarchic era. The Chronicler introduces changes that not only depart from his source material on the literary level; they also break with the older mythological patterns found in earlier crisis episodes. These departures result from the influence of Persian imperial mythology on the Chronicler’s writing, with implications for the Chronicler’s own mythological agenda within his rendition of the census narrative and the chapters surrounding it.

Ghana had a census for the Muslim population in 2017 and 2021, a national census including Muslims. Two international airports were being constructed to render three international airports for Muslims to embark on planes at Accra, Cape Coast and Tamale for the annual haj pilgrimage in Saudi Arabia. This paper is situated in the north, where the Gold Coast colonial government wrote diplomatic letters for the dispersed Islamic people in the Northern Territories Protectorate who travelled on haj. In 1910, British colonial officers and the Gold Coast colonial government made policies that met the Saudi monarch’s requirement that Muslim pilgrims had to travel with British passports. During the colonial era, the Gold Coast colonial government allotted passports to Muslim pilgrims in the Northern Territories Protectorate from the Gold Coast and Nigeria and controlled the finances they deposited for repatriation during haj.

Préfet entré en politique au mitan du XIXe siècle, Charlemagne-Émile de Maupas a commencé à être redécouvert par les dix-neuviémistes il y a une trentaine d’années, dans un contexte de relecture historiographique du Second Empire. Claude Vigoureux, dans une étude pionnière, a notamment mis en lumière son rôle, en tant que préfet de police de la Seine, dans l’élaboration et l’exécution du coup d’État du 2 décembre 1851. Son parcours riche et varié, souvent réduit à cet évènement, mérite pourtant d’être appréhendé dans sa globalité, d’autant que de sa première expérience de sous-préfet à Uzès à la prestigieuse préfecture des Bouches-du-Rhône, en passant par le ministère de la Police générale, la légation de France à Naples ou le Sénat impérial, Maupas a laissé de très nombreux papiers privés qui constituent un précieux fonds pour l’historien. Notre thèse, qui s’inscrit dans la perspective d’une biographie totale, a donc pour objet d’analyser sa trajectoire administrative, politique et notabiliaire, depuis les monarchies censitaires jusqu’à la Troisième République naissante. Nous entendons en outre montrer comment ce notable à la fois singulier et idéal-typique, profondément conservateur et attaché au régime monarchique, a mobilisé ses réseaux et ses capitaux multiples pour construire sa carrière
Charlemagne-Émile de Maupas, a prefect who entered politics in the mid-nineteenth century, began to be rediscovered by historians some thirty years ago in the context of a historiographical rereading of the Second Empire. Claude Vigoureux in particular published a pioneering study shedding light on his role as Prefect of Police of the Seine and in the elaboration and execution of the coup d'état of December 2, 1851. His rich and varied career, often reduced to this event, nevertheless deserves to be understood in its entirety, especially as Maupas left numerous private papers, from his first experience as a sub-prefect in Uzès to the prestigious prefecture of Bouches-du-Rhône, via the Ministry of the General Police, the French legation in Naples and the Imperial Senate, which constitute a precious collection for the historian. Our thesis, which is written with the perspective of a total biography, therefore aims to analyze his administrative, political and notabiliary trajectory from the census monarchies to the nascent Third Republic. We also intend to show how this deeply conservative, singular and yet ideal-typical notable who was committed to the monarchical regime mobilized his networks and his capital to build his career

Au temps des dernières monarchies françaises, la surveillance de la librairie s’appuie sur les textes fondateurs que sont le décret napoléonien du 5 février 1810 et la loi promulguée par Louis XVIII le 21 octobre 1814. Dans la capitale, centre des pouvoirs politiques et culturels de la France, imprimeurs et libraires parisiens font l’objet d’un contrôle particulièrement serré, orchestré par l’administration de la Librairie. Un imprimeur en lettres ou un libraire n’est autorisé à exercer qu’à condition de détenir un brevet, titre professionnel personnel, délivré par le roi sur proposition du ministre de tutelle de la Librairie. Le brevet constitue un instrument-clé dont se sert la Librairie pour asseoir son autorité. Par celui-ci, elle contrôle l’ « entrée en librairie » et elle peut brandir la menace de son retrait vis-à-vis des professionnels en exercice. Les inspecteurs de la Librairie ainsi que les commissaires de police se rendent dans les ateliers d’imprimerie et les boutiques, librairies et cabinets de lecture, pour contrôler le respect des procédures légales et la nature des ouvrages proposés au public. Au cours des différents règnes, de nouvelles lois complètent l’arsenal juridique en définissant les crimes et délits qui, en matière de publications, sont passibles de sanctions ainsi que le « tarif » des peines – amendes et emprisonnement – afférentes. L’étude de la surveillance de la librairie de 1814 à 1848 souligne les inflexions politiques d’un pouvoir monarchique hésitant entre liberté de la presse et censure inavouée
In the days of France’s latest monarchies, the surveillance of bookselling relied on two founding laws: the napoleon decree of February 5th, 1810 and the law enforced by King Louis 18th on October 21st, 1814. In the capital, which was the heart of France’s political and cultural powers, Parisian printers and booksellers were being imposed a very strict control organized by the bookselling authority. A printer as well as a bookseller could only work provided they should be in possession of a patent, “brevet”, a professional license delivered individually by the king upon the suggestion of the ministry in charge of bookselling government. Therefore, a “brevet” became the key-instrument to strengthen the power of the bookselling management. By this means, they controlled the access to “bookselling” along with the threat of a potential withdrawal. Bookselling inspectors as well as police superintendents would go to printing workshops, booksellers and reading rooms to check whether legal procedures were being respected and which books were being proposed to the public. In the course of the different reigns, new laws completed the judicial arsenal by defining crime which, as far as publishing is concerned, was subject to fines or imprisonment. The study of the bookselling surveillance from 1814 to 1848 emphasizes the political changes of monarchies hesitating between freedom of the press and unspoken censorship

L’opera collettiva Vie privée et publique des animaux è una raccolta di racconti satirici, pubblicata nel 1842. I racconti sono stati scritti da numerosi autori: alcuni poco conosciuti, come P.J. Stahl e Gustave Droz, altri più celebri, come Honoré de Balzac. Tuttavia, la nascita del volume non sarebbe mai stata possibile senza il contributo del suo illustratore: J.J. Grandville. Il contenuto dei racconti, infatti, si ispirò proprio dalle sue litografie. Malgrado i riferimenti ai personaggi e agli eventi storici del tempo, i racconti riusciranno a scampare alla censura politica per via dei protagonisti a cui sarà data la parola: gli animali. Attraverso il mio lavoro di tesi ho cercato di riportare alla luce un’opera che di certo non è entrata nel canone letterario francese, ma che merita di essere riscoperta. Nel primo capitolo ho parlato della carriera artistica di Grandville, spiegando quanto il suo incontro con Balzac sia stato fondamentale per la futura collaborazione all’opera. Nel secondo capitolo ho descritto il contenuto di Vie privée et publique des animaux. L’opera è stata immaginata come un insieme di racconti scritti in prima persona dagli animali stessi, ormai stanchi di essere sfruttati dall’umanità. Verrà data a ogni animale la possibilità di scrivere un manoscritto, dando vita ad un’originale rivoluzione intellettuale. Nel terzo capitolo mi sono soffermata sull’interpretazione dei riferimenti storici e politici presenti nel testo. Nel quarto capitolo ho inserito la mia proposta di traduzione di un racconto di Balzac che non è stato tradotto nell’edizione italiana dell’opera: Guide-âne à l’usage des animaux qui veulent parvenir aux honneurs. Infine, nel commento finale, ho analizzato i problemi traduttivi che ho riscontrato seguendo le quattro categorie individuate dalla studiosa Christiane Nord. La documentazione sul contesto storico in cui Grandville e Balzac hanno vissuto è stata fondamentale per scrivere una traduzione fedele al testo di partenza.

Cette thèse en histoire économique a pour objectif l'analyse quantitative des liens entre la richesse et les mobilités économique et géographique dans la France des années 1840 aux années 1880 par une étude du corps électoral censitaire parisien des années 1840. Pour ce faire, une base de données originale a été construite par un appariement entre différentes sources afin de suivre dans le temps les multiples trajectoires des individus appartenant à ce groupe particulièrement riche et politiquement important. La mobilité individuelle est ainsi observée à court terme grâce à un appariement entre listes électorales parisiennes des dernières années de la monarchie de Juillet. La mobilité à long terme est, quant à elle, révélée par l'exploitation des tables parisiennes des successions et absences (TSA) qui contiennent des informations sur la situation des individus au moment du décès. Tant à court terme qu'à long terme, la mobilité économique et géographique s'avère considérable, remettant en cause l'idée historiographique d'un groupe clos et stable. Le corps électoral censitaire parisien apparaît comme une classe de l'instant, sa forte hétérogénéité se renouvelant sans cesse sous l'effet de mécanismes économiques puissants mis en évidence dans une série de régressions économétriques. Au-delà du corps électoral censitaire, l'observation du groupe des riches individus figurant comme tels dans les TSA parisiennes montre à quel point la mobilité fut forte au XIXème siècle : seule la moitié d'entre eux furent inscrits sur les listes censitaires de 1845 considérées au niveau national. In fine, l'ensemble de nos résultats invite à renouveler le débat sur les élites et la richesse
This economic history dissertation aims to analyse quantitatively the links between wealth and economic and geographic mobility in France from the 1840s to the 1880s through the study of franchised Parisian voters of the 1840s. To do so, an original dataset has been built by matching different sources so as to follow the multiple trajectories of the individuals who belong to this particularly rich and politically important group over time. Short-term individual mobility is observed by matching individuals across electoral lists from the last years of the July Monarchy. Long-term mobility is revealed by exploiting the Parisian tables of successions and absences (TSA). These contain information about the wealth at death of individuals. Both in the short- and long-run, economic and geographic mobility proves to be considerable, raising serious questions about the long-held idea of a close and stable elite group. Parisian franchised voters appear to be an instant class, with a large heterogeneity that was continuously renewed under the effect of powerful economic mechanisms that have been highlighted in a series of econometric regressions. Beyond the franchised electorate, the group of the wealthy individuals who appear in the Parisian TSA shows the massive extent of mobility in the 19th century: only half of these individuals were on the 1845 franchise lists considered at the national level. Taken as a whole, our results lead to renew the debate about the elites and wealth

In demographic research, one of the better-known ways to learn about populations in the past is to use the method of reconstructing families. This article presents the most important information on the census of the population of St. Clement’s parish in Wieliczka. In addition, for a broader understanding of the population of the mining town in 1788, the age pyramid of Wieliczka’s residents will be presented, as well as a brief description of the family structures in the town developed on the basis of source material, along with an indication of the problems and research doubts that arose during the application of the family reconstruction method.

Through the example of David’s census in 2 Sam 24, key issues related to divine violence in the book of Samuel are introduced: the occurrence of inexplicable divine violence; the interplay of divine and human sovereignty; God’s emotion; and the relationship between forgiveness and punishment. The parameters for the use of the term ‘divine violence’ in this study are defined, taking into account the distinction between subjective and objective violence and Walter Benjamin’s technical use of the term. The methodology of this study is outlined. Debate regarding a proposed ‘dark side’ of God will be addressed through contemporary thinkers who challenge the dominance of retributive frameworks in ethical evaluation. An account of the characterisation of God will be given that acknowledges a diversity of traditions in the text and focuses minimally on narrative gaps. Political contexts for the divine violence will be proposed, both monarchic and exilic.