Journal articles: 'Censorship – Government policy – China'

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Chen, Jidong, and Yiqing Xu. "Information Manipulation and Reform in Authoritarian Regimes." Political Science Research and Methods 5, no. 1 (June 23, 2015): 163–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.21.

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We develop a theory of how an authoritarian regime interactively uses information manipulation, such as propaganda or censorship, and policy improvement to maintain social stability. The government can depict the status quo policy more popularly supported than it actually is, while at the same time please citizens directly by enacting a costly reform. We show that the government’s ability of making policy concessions reduces its incentive to manipulate information and improves its credibility. Anticipating a higher chance of policy concessions and less information manipulation, citizens are more likely to believe the government-provided information and support the regime. Our model provides an explanation for the puzzling fact that reform coexists with selective information disclosure in authoritarian countries like China.

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Lin, Chia-ju, and Cui Ping Jin. "A Comparative Analysis of COVID-19 Coverage in the United States Mainstream Media—Based on the New York Times and Wall Street Journal." Asian Social Science 18, no. 9 (August 31, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v18n9p1.

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This study analyzes the news coverage of Covid-19 between 23rd Jan. to 29th Feb. in 2020 on The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal. Based on theories of news framing theory, this study employs the method of news discourse analysis to examine the virus news. The results of discourse analysis show that these two newspapers emphasize the criticism on China's political system and related policy through a western perspective of liberalism and democracy, rather than the epidemic itself. The major themes include the criticism on China's medical system, the Chinese government's media censorship, and the description of China as a threat to the world which could be seen as the macro-proposition behind all the other themes.During the one-month research period, there are very few coverage on the Chinese government's policy against the epidemic such as the official subsidy on virus test and treatment, nation-wide medical support to Wuhan, community isolation policy, or the mobile cabin hospitals. Furthermore, we seldom see the reporting of the cooperation between China and the World Health Organization. The exclusion of these themes in the reporting narrowly and negatively presents the country of China and further strengthens the negative image of the Chinese government as a dictator and global threat.

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Lin', Do. "Basis of legal regulation and Internet censorship in China." NB: Административное право и практика администрирования, no. 2 (February 2020): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2306-9945.2020.2.33152.

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This article examines the basis of legal regulation and Internet censorship in China. The genesis, development and relevant regulatory basis of legal regulation of Internet in China is examined. The author comes to the conclusion that on the one hand, Internet in China is subject to tight control due to the rapid development of technologies of observation and increase of police access to user data. Currently, China is one of the leaders in engineering and export of automated instruments for monitoring social networks. The citizens face restrictions based on the control of login accounts that give access to the Internet; blockchain apps and their developers are also subject to control and must provide registration of real names of the users; international corporations, such as Apple, Microsoft, Linkedin, are forced to bend to the demands of Chinese authorities and help to determine and punish the users who do not adhere to the censorship requirements in China. On the other hand, Chinese government makes everything possible for the large scale implementation of information technologies into socioeconomic life of the country, namely industrial and commercial sectors. Usage of internet in the sphere of sociopolitical life restricted, since China justifiably sees a threat to political stability and social security of the country.

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Baskoro, Riski M., Amalia Agustina Theresia, and Anggara Raharyo. "China’s Public Diplomacy Through the Utilization of Investment and Censorship in Hollywood (2012 – 2016)." JURNAL SOSIAL POLITIK 5, no. 1 (August 5, 2019): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/sospol.v5i1.7765.

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The conduct of traditional public diplomacy was merely concerned on the engagement of state actors. Not to mention, diplomatic communication is only occurred between the government officials by intention to earned political changes in targeted countries. Recently, public diplomacy is mainly focused on the positive reputation building in the other country and is conducted through political and economic cooperation among two countries or more, by involving the non-state actors also. Starting from its economic reforms initiative, China is engaged in international trade and successfully became one of global economic powers. By its rapid raise, China is feared to be a national threat to other countries, be it politically, economically, or even for the national security. Even more, the Western media often portrays China’s image in a negative light. Hence, in improving its global image, China expands its global outreach by establishing cooperation with the United States film industry, Hollywood, that strengthen by the 2012’s Memorandum of Understanding upon film industry, also by implementing Chinese censorship policy, where negative portrayals of China is prohibited. The conduct of censorship itself would be supervised under state-ruled agency, the SAPPRFT, and is supported by the involvement of Chinese multinational companies investors. Through this research study, the effort of China’s public diplomacy on the utilization of Hollywood as the United States film industry would be proven through new public diplomacy theory. Further, the role of multinational corporations will be assessed due to its essential contribution in enhancing Chinese censorship in Hollywood films for its global release.

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Chen, Lu. "Differentiating good from bad." Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 12, no. 2 (October 3, 2016): 166–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-08-2016-0011.

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Purpose The paper aims to reveal how the Chinese government has tried to regulate transnational cultural flows by applying cultural policies. Design/methodology/approach The paper compares the dissemination of different foreign television programmes in China since the 1980s. The documents of cultural policy released since 1990s, news reports and the statistics of imported dramas since 2000s will be analyzed. Findings The research finds that the Chinese government has treated cultural products from different countries in unequal ways. Political-diplomatic relationships and the need for ideological control, influence the making of cultural policy. Restricting the quota of imported dramas, censorship and propaganda are measures taken by the Chinese government to regulate transnational cultural flows. Research limitations/implications The paper mainly focuses on platforms such as state-owned television stations and internet. The role of pay-cable channel in disseminating imported dramas should be taken into consideration in the future research. Practical implications The paper provides a systematic understanding on the development of Chinese cultural policy. Originality/value The paper offers an alternative approach to explore the policy-oriented dissemination of transnational cultural flows other than market-oriented dissemination.

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KING, GARY, JENNIFER PAN, and MARGARET E. ROBERTS. "How the Chinese Government Fabricates Social Media Posts for Strategic Distraction, Not Engaged Argument." American Political Science Review 111, no. 3 (July 27, 2017): 484–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055417000144.

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The Chinese government has long been suspected of hiring as many as 2 million people to surreptitiously insert huge numbers of pseudonymous and other deceptive writings into the stream of real social media posts, as if they were the genuine opinions of ordinary people. Many academics, and most journalists and activists, claim that these so-called 50c party posts vociferously argue for the government’s side in political and policy debates. As we show, this is also true of most posts openly accused on social media of being 50c. Yet almost no systematic empirical evidence exists for this claim or, more importantly, for the Chinese regime’s strategic objective in pursuing this activity. In the first large-scale empirical analysis of this operation, we show how to identify the secretive authors of these posts, the posts written by them, and their content. We estimate that the government fabricates and posts about 448 million social media comments a year. In contrast to prior claims, we show that the Chinese regime’s strategy is to avoid arguing with skeptics of the party and the government, and to not even discuss controversial issues. We show that the goal of this massive secretive operation is instead to distract the public and change the subject, as most of these posts involve cheerleading for China, the revolutionary history of the Communist Party, or other symbols of the regime. We discuss how these results fit with what is known about the Chinese censorship program and suggest how they may change our broader theoretical understanding of “common knowledge” and information control in authoritarian regimes.

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O'Rourke, James S., Brynn Harris, and Allison Ogilvy. "Google in China: government censorship and corporate reputation." Journal of Business Strategy 28, no. 3 (May 8, 2007): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/02756660710746229.

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Hall, Wayne. "Minimising research censorship by government funders." International Journal of Drug Policy 17, no. 3 (June 2006): 240–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.drugpo.2006.02.003.

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Gamso, Jonas. "Is China exporting media censorship? China’s rise, media freedoms, and democracy." European Journal of International Relations 27, no. 3 (May 22, 2021): 858–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13540661211015722.

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This study explores the relationship between China’s rise and media censorship around the world, in light of recent suggestions in the Western press and among China experts that Beijing is advancing a global censorship agenda. I argue that the Chinese government occasionally promotes censorship in foreign countries, because it wishes to reduce negative media coverage of China or to silence certain groups abroad (e.g. Falun Gong). More often, China’s relative apathy about speech and press freedoms in foreign countries facilitates censorship in countries that can rely on trade with Beijing. Countries that cannot rely on China are less willing to risk alienating Western powers by violating press freedoms at home. Regime type is an important determinant as to whether censorship is facilitated through intensive economic integration with China, as democracies may respond to China’s rise differently than authoritarian countries. Analysis of country-level panel data shows higher rates of media censorship in democratic countries that trade intensively with China.

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KING, GARY, JENNIFER PAN, and MARGARET E. ROBERTS. "How Censorship in China Allows Government Criticism but Silences Collective Expression." American Political Science Review 107, no. 2 (May 2013): 326–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055413000014.

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We offer the first large scale, multiple source analysis of the outcome of what may be the most extensive effort to selectively censor human expression ever implemented. To do this, we have devised a system to locate, download, and analyze the content of millions of social media posts originating from nearly 1,400 different social media services all over China before the Chinese government is able to find, evaluate, and censor (i.e., remove from the Internet) the subset they deem objectionable. Using modern computer-assisted text analytic methods that we adapt to and validate in the Chinese language, we compare the substantive content of posts censored to those not censored over time in each of 85 topic areas. Contrary to previous understandings, posts with negative, even vitriolic, criticism of the state, its leaders, and its policies are not more likely to be censored. Instead, we show that the censorship program is aimed at curtailing collective action by silencing comments that represent, reinforce, or spur social mobilization, regardless of content. Censorship is oriented toward attempting to forestall collective activities that are occurring now or may occur in the future—and, as such, seem to clearly expose government intent.

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Nolan, Justine M. "The China Dilemma: Internet Censorship and Corporate Responsiblity." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 4 (2009): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2194607800000375.

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AbstractThe ever increasing nexus between human rights and business and the accompanying vagueness of concepts such as a company's ‘sphere of responsibility’ for human rights can, and has, created anxiety amongst companies. Considerations of human rights traditionally take place in the context of a state-based system of global governance; however, the rise of the corporation as a powerful non-state actor in recent decades has seen increased interest in understanding the emerging relationship between human rights and business and what, if any, responsibility business should assume for protecting human rights. This article considers the role played by U.S. technology companies such as Yahoo, Google and Microsoft in working with the Chinese government to censor internet content and thus intrude on the human rights to freedom of expression and opinion and the right to privacy. It concludes by focusing on the practicalities of protection and how human rights responsibilities might be apportioned between states and business and if so, how, when and why such an obligation might ensue.

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Haikal, Muhammad Haikal. "KEBIJAKAN CENSORSHIP TIONGKOK TERHADAP PERUSAHAAN MULTINASIONAL DALAM BIDANG ICT (INFORMATION COMMUNICATION TECHNOLOGIES) (STUDI KASUS GOOGLE INC.)." Global Political Studies Journal 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2019): 73–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.34010/gpsjournal.v3i1.2005.

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This study focuses on the impact of censorship policy implementation with Tiongkoknese government activities against Google Inc. in Tiongkok. The Tiongkoknese government has enforced strict censorship of google which is a multinational corporation with its main product of web-based search engine that provides information and news in general and is freely accessible to Internet users, but the information must be done first through a screening process conducted by the Tiongkoknese government, if the keyword in the input in the search engine service contains a negative view of the government, then the information will be in search is blocked by the Tiongkoknese government and disappear from google search.

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Smirnov, Yu N. "Some features of censorship policy during the Crimean War of 1853–1856." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 28, no. 4 (January 5, 2023): 33–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2022-28-4-33-37.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of new sources found in the National Archives of the Republic of Tatarstan in Kazan, which clarify the picture of the censorship policy of the tsarist government during the war years. The study was carried out based on the modernization concept of Russian history, in which the printed word appears as one of the main engines of modernization, as well as on the methods of intellectual history, in which book publishing and the press are studied in close connection with issues of censorship policy. The modern historiography of the Crimean (Eastern) War continues to be enriched with new works devoted to Russian public life and connected with the history of the press and censorship. А rich literature is devoted to the history of Russian periodicals and journalism, but not to the censorship policy of the Russian Empire. The article considers a number of circulars of the Ministry of Public Education, which was the leading state body in the implementation of the censorship policy, but in war conditions it carefully took into account the requirements of the Military Censorship Committee under the General Staff. The emperor actively intervened in censorship issues, especially in publicizing literary works in the press. For example, the newspaper Samarskiye Gubernskiye Vedomosti shows, that the provincial press reprinted notes and reports about the war from the capital news that had already passed the censorship check. Despite the selection of information, these reports did not hide information about the losses of Russian troops

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Maddock-Ferrie, Blair. "Policy Proposal for Canadian the Government to Counter Disinformation." Federalism-E 23, no. 1 (May 2, 2022): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v23i1.15368.

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The effects of disinformation on Canada have been significant, yet despite the problem being identified seven years ago by NATO, the problem has only grown in intensity. In 2019 the Canadian government put out an open call for policy proposals to counter disinformation, this paper attempt to prove one such policy proposal that attempts to balance freedom of expression with creating a cost to the malicious actor. This paper further examines the root issues with countering disinformation with censorship and the risks that such a policy incurs.

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Lyulina, Anastasia G., and Elizaveta S. Efimenko. "Internet censorship in modern China: tight control and a flexible settlement system." RUDN Journal of World History 14, no. 2 (April 29, 2022): 175–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2022-14-2-175-188.

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The article considers the features of Internet censorship in the People's Republic of China, the stages of its formation, origins of specifics and modern problems of controlling information in the media. Material addressed the current theme of the CPC's fight against anti-historical research with reference to the new law on the rights and interests of military personnel; at the same time, it gives some examples of soft selective censorship of Internet user messages in China. The cultural origins of the phenomenon of Chinese censorship reveal many aspects related to the assessment of the CCP's policy towards the media by Chinese and foreigners. The work used research materials of Russian and foreign specialists in the field of state censorship in China, current information of Chinese news websites and legislation in the field of information control.

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Asadi, Mehdi, Foad Pour Arian, Hussein Abadian, and Mohammad Hasan Raz Nahan. "Police Department and Press Censorship in the First Pahlavi Era." Asian Social Science 12, no. 11 (October 13, 2016): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v12n11p54.

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<p>The press as the most important mass media and as a tool for directing public opinion in the First Pahlavi Era faced many ups and downs. Alteration in the political system, the tendency toward dictatorship government and the implementation of pseudo-modernist programs affect the existence of press. In this period, the press had to write in congruence and in sync with the government programs, otherwise they were no longer survival. The synchronization of press with the government programs and the censorship of public opinion, against the government were entrusted to the Police Department. The press censorship, contrary to common view, was not done in a systematic and specified framework and structure and, depending on the King’s view, the civilian statesmen, staffs and police chiefs were different. The present article tries to analyze the way of implementation of censorship policy and the extent of penetration and interference of police department in this case through using descriptive and analytical method.</p>

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Xu, Wenqian, and Hongchao Hu. "Government Regulation on the Flourishing Network Audio-Visual Entrepreneurship." Journal of Media Management and Entrepreneurship 1, no. 2 (July 2019): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jmme.2019070101.

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The network audio-visual entrepreneurship in China has achieved great progress and engendered conspicuous negative externalities in the early development stage. Few studies have investigated how media entrepreneurship coordinates with government regulation and the influence of government regulation on media entrepreneurship. This study aims at investigating government regulation on the flourishing network audio-visual entrepreneurship. This study performs semi-structured interviews with 14 respondents who are experienced in government regulation of the network audio-visual sector. It is found that license management and content censorship are principal approaches to regulating entrepreneurship. The media companies have been constrained by limited government support and social resources, and therefore endeavored to legitimate their business by collaborating with Internet conglomerates. Strict rules of content censorship discourage users from producing audio-visual content, and impose restrictions on Internet companies and other producers producing and displaying audio-visual content.

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Erwantoro, Heru. "SENSOR FILM DI INDONESIA DAN PERMASALAHANNYA Dalam Perspektif Sejarah (1945 – 2009)." Patanjala : Jurnal Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya 3, no. 2 (June 1, 2011): 365. http://dx.doi.org/10.30959/patanjala.v3i2.283.

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AbstrakBanyak persoalan di dunia perfilman Indonesia, antara lain masalahpenyensoran, khususnya periode 1945 – 2009. Penelitian masalah tersebut dengan menggunakan metode sejarah menunjukkan, bahwa penyensoran film yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah Republik Indonesia didasarkan atas kepentingan politik dan kekuasaan pemerintah. Dalam praktik penyensoran, film masih dilihat sebagai sesuatu yang dapat mengganggu dan merugikan masyarakat dan negara. Film belum dilihat sebagai karya seni budaya, akibatnya, dunia perfilman nasional tidak pernah mengalami kemajuan. Hal itu berarti penyensoran film yang dilakukan pada periode tersebut, pada dasarnya tidak berbeda jauh dengan masa kolonial Belanda. Pada masa kolonial Belanda, sensor merupakan manifestasi kehendak pemerintah untuk menjaga kredibilitas pemerintah dan masyarakat Eropa di mata masyarakat pribumi. Begitu juga sensor pada periode 1945 – 2009, sensor pun lagi-lagi menjadi ajang perwujudan politik pemerintah, tanpa mau memahami film dari persfektif para sineas. Kondisi itu masih ditambah lagi dengan mudahnya pelarangan-pelarangan penayangan film yangdilakukan oleh berbagai kalangan. Bagi para sineas, sensor fim hanya menjadi mimpi buruk yang menakutkan. AbstractThere are many issues in Indonesia’s movie industry. One of them is censorship,especially in the period of 1945-2009. This researh, supported by method inhistory, shows that censorship done by the government was based on political and governmental interests. The government thought that films could harm the society and the state as well. They do not think films as products of art and culture, ending up in the stagnancy in Indonesia’s movie industry. This situation more or less is similar to what happened in the time of Dutch colonialism. During that time censorship was manifestation of government policy in showing the credibility of European government and society before native Indonesians. During 1945-2009 censorship was also manifestation of government’s political policy without understanding films from the filmmaker’s point of view. Not to mention the movement to easily ban films by various group in the society. Censorship is a nightmare for filmmakers.

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Mehta, Smith, and D. Bondy Valdovinos Kaye. "Media Censorship: Obscuring Autocracy and Hindutva-ideology in Indian Governance." Communication, Culture and Critique 14, no. 3 (June 21, 2021): 524–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ccc/tcab036.

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Abstract This article draws on a political economy approach to examine the politics of censorship that undergirds the current Indian online audio-visual sector. Through our analysis of interviews with media creators, government policies and trade press literature, we probe the implications of censorship on India’s burgeoning online production culture and we contest the Indian government’s ideological motives in spearheading the censorship process. We conclude that the current measures for regulating online content reflect the government’s ongoing agenda to curb freedom of expression and promote Hindu nationalism through policy interventions.

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Li, Jeffrey (Chien-Fei). "Internet Control or Internet Censorship? Comparing the Control Models of China, Singapore, and the United States to Guide Taiwan’s Choice." Pittsburgh Journal of Technology Law and Policy 14, no. 1 (February 12, 2014): 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/tlp.2013.131.

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Internet censorship refers to a government’s unjustified scrutiny and control of online speech or government-approved control measures. The danger of Internet censorship is its chilling effect and substantial harm on free speech, a cornerstone of democracy, in cyberspace. This article compares China’s blocking and filtering system, Singapore’s class license system, and the United States’ government-private partnership model and identifies the features of each model. This article also explores the pros and cons of each model under international human rights standards. By finding lessons from each of the models, this article contends that Taiwan should retain its current minimal Internet control model. Further, Taiwan should fix flaws in its current Internet control system, including the private partnership model adopted by the Copyright Act, to be consistent with Article19.3 of the ICCPR.

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Kuang, Xianwen. "Central State vs. Local Levels of Government: Understanding News Media Censorship in China." Chinese Political Science Review 3, no. 2 (January 23, 2018): 154–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s41111-018-0091-5.

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Cai, Yongshun, and Titi Zhou. "Online Political Participation in China: Local Government and Differentiated Response." China Quarterly 238 (March 12, 2019): 331–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741019000055.

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AbstractChinese citizens commonly take to the internet to voice complaints concerning their daily lives. The political hierarchy in China dictates that local governments are primarily responsible for addressing such grievances. This study investigates how local governments deal with online complaints and finds that they respond in a variety of ways and that their choice of a particular form of response is shaped by the pressure generated by the complaint and the cost of resolving it. This study contributes to the understanding of government responsiveness in China by directly assessing the quality of governmental responses and by measuring the pressure and costs faced by the government when dealing with online complaints. It also explains how the Chinese government, without having to rely on censorship, shields regime legitimacy from media exposure.

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Cairns, Christopher, and Allen Carlson. "Real-world Islands in a Social Media Sea: Nationalism and Censorship on Weibo during the 2012 Diaoyu/Senkaku Crisis." China Quarterly 225 (January 19, 2016): 23–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741015001708.

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AbstractDuring August and September 2012, Sino-Japanese conflict over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands escalated. Alongside street demonstrations in China, there was an outpouring of public sentiment on China's leading micro-blog, Sina Weibo (微波). Using human and computer-assisted content analysis, we exploit original Weibo data to measure how public sentiment in China fluctuated over the dispute, and ask two questions. First, how cohesive and volatile were online nationalist sentiments? Second, we measure government censorship of Weibo in order to ask which sentiments did authorities allow to be expressed, and when? We first find that many of the micro-bloggers' harshest invective was directed not at Japan but at their own government. Second, while censorship remained high across topics for most of the dispute, it plummeted on 18 August – the same day as bloggers' anger at Beijing peaked. These observations suggest three theoretical explanations: two are instrumental-strategic (“audience costs” and “safety valve”) and one is ideational (elite identification with protesters).

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Bell, P. M. H. "Censorship, Propaganda and Public Opinion: The case of the Katyn Graves, 1943." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 39 (December 1989): 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3678978.

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THE SUBJECT of this paper is not the sombre story of the mass graves at Katyn, filled with the corpses of murdered Polish officers; nor will it deal directly with the question of who killed those officers. I approach these events in the course of research on the relationship between public opinion and foreign policy in Britain during the Second World War, and on the closely related matters of censorship and propaganda as practised by the British government in that period. The diplomatic crisis produced by the affair of the Katyn graves was one in which publicity was freely used as an instrument of policy—indeed sometimes policy and publicity were indistinguishable. Those who controlled British censorship and propaganda, and attempted to guide public opinion, were faced with acute and wideranging problems. It is the object of this paper to analyse those problems, to see how the government tried to cope with them, and to trace the reactions of the press and public opinion, as a case study in the extent and limitations of government influence in such matters.

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Novy Khusnul Khotimah and Dessy Kushardiyanti. "Sensor Penyiaran Televisi Indonesia : Menyoal Muatan Negatif Dalam Konten Siaran Televisi." Mediakita 6, no. 1 (January 31, 2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.30762/mediakita.v6i1.304.

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Censorship on television becomes a polemic in society, especially when censorship is carried out on certain images which even become controversial because they are considered unrealistic. Various parties regretted it, but not a few criticized and blamed the government in this case KPI and LSF for their ignorance of the censorship system on television. Although the issue of censorship is not the realm of the KPI in a pragmatic manner, it still has a big role to play in this situation because it governs the policy. How to make and apply laws and regulations when applied by television practitioners so that it gives rise to various interpretations including the irrelevant censorship. Analytical descriptive research method is used in reviewing this research by making an actual and factual path analysis regarding the facts, policies and implications of television broadcasting industry policies. The results of this study indicate that there is a need for intense supervision from KPI and LSF in their capacity to censor television station programs and anticipate the various censorship limits of television companies as a result of differences in human resources and technology capabilities and the application of censorship.

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Peng, Yubo, LingWu Wang, and Shuiqing Yang. "Explaining mobile government social media continuance from the valence perspective: A SEM-NN approach." PLOS ONE 16, no. 2 (February 4, 2021): e0246483. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0246483.

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Different from many previous studies explain mobile social media usage from a technical-center perspective, the present study investigates the factors that influence citizens’ mobile government social media (GSM) continuance based on the valence framework. The research model was calculated by using data collected from 509 citizens who are the mobile GSM users in China. A structural equation modeling (SEM)-neural network (NN) method was employed to test the research model. The results of SEM indicated that the positive utilities included social value and hedonic value positively affect mobile GSM continuance, while the negative utility reflected by self-censorship negative affect mobile GSM continuance. This is further supported by the results of the neural network model analysis which indicated that hedonic value is more influencing predictor of continuous usage of mobile GSM, following by social value and self-censorship.

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Hari Hananto, Pulung Widhi. "LEGAL OPINION: Does China Can Be Sued for The Global Pandemic?" Administrative Law and Governance Journal 3, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 232–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/alj.v3i2.232-239.

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This legal opinion will be constructed on the current issues and chronological basis of following facts: 1. Chinese authorities have chosen denial, censorship and bluster during the early stages of the virus progression rather than the transparency that might save lives. 2 The China government blocked the COVID agenda at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). 3. The China’s regime transmission of patently false information has made matter worse. 4. In addition, China has deliberately gives incorrect data to WHO.

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Gao, Yongqiang, and Zhilong Tian. "How Business Influences Government Policy in China." Chinese Public Administration Review 2, no. 1-2 (March 2003): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/cpar.v2i1.2.40.

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Although the Chinese corporate sector is deeply involved in the political process, there has been very little research on the topic so far. This article tries to identify the approaches by which Chinese firms influence government policy decision-making, in order to maintain a favorable business environment. Our analysis indicates that, due to the differences in culture and political and economic systems, there are correspondingly great differences in approaches to political participation in China and the west. For China, the participation of business in the policy process has led to corruption and other serious problems.

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Gao, Yongqiang. "How business influences government policy in China." Chinese Public Administration Review 2, no. 1/2 (November 1, 2016): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/cpar.v2i1/2.40.

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Although the Chinese corporate sector is deeply involved in the political process, there has been very little research on the topic so far. This article tries to identify the approaches by which Chinese firms influence government policy decision-making, in order to maintain a favorable business environment. Our analysis indicates that, due to the differences in culture and political and economic systems, there are correspondingly great differences in approaches to political participation in Chian and the west. For China, the participation of business in the policy process has led to corruption and other serious problems.

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Burton, Charles. "Canada's China policy under the Harper government." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 21, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2014.934860.

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Huang, Jiefu, Yilei Mao, and J. Michael Millis. "Government policy and organ transplantation in China." Lancet 372, no. 9654 (December 2008): 1937–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(08)61359-8.

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Hoe, SingRu, and Srinivas Nippani. "2016 U.S. Presidential Election and Stock Markets in China." International Journal of Economics and Finance 9, no. 7 (June 2, 2017): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijef.v9n7p32.

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This study seeks to address the question if the 2016 U.S. Presidential election and Mr. Donald Trump’s path to U.S. presidency affected the stock market returns in China. We do not find conclusive results from three leading stock indices of China, SHCOMP, SZCOMP, and SHSZ300. There is an immediate impact shown in SHSZ300, but not in SHCOMP and SZCOMP. We ascribe this to the impact of less sophisticated investors who dominate the stock market in China and also to that country’s censorship of the media wherein the government could effectively either block or downplay the unfavorable information.

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GREEN, ABIGAIL. "INTERVENING IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE: GERMAN GOVERNMENTS AND THE PRESS, 1815–1870." Historical Journal 44, no. 1 (March 2001): 155–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01001716.

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This article argues that the growth of a free press in nineteenth-century Germany went hand in hand with the growth of an official, government-sponsored, press. The collapse of pre-publication censorship in 1848 prompted the development of increasingly sophisticated (and relatively successful) press control strategies by German governments, in the shape of official newspapers, semi-official newspapers, and indirect government press influence. Government press policy was essentially reactive. Changes in press policy were usually prompted by political events. Furthermore, government press coverage was forced to reflect shifts in public opinion in order to maximize readership of official propaganda. Government press policy focused not just on the dissemination of pro-government opinion, but also on the dissemination of pro-government information, probably the most effective form of government press influence. News management was subtle, and targeted small circulation local newspapers, rather than high profile opposition newspapers. Consequently, historians have tended to overlook the scale of government news management.

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Li, Zi, and Bonnie Nardi. ""There Should Be More Than One Voice in A Healthy Society": Infrastructural Violence and Totalitarian Computing in China." Proceedings of the ACM on Human-Computer Interaction 5, CSCW2 (October 13, 2021): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3476070.

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During the COVID-19 pandemic, Chinese citizens were caught up within a public health crisis and an expansive censorship and propaganda infrastructure built by the Chinese government over the past few decades. In March 2020, we interviewed 24 Chinese citizens to understand how they experienced censorship and propaganda during the first few months of the pandemic. Drawing from the lens of infrastructural violence, we document state violence inflicted on the Chinese people at the infrastructural scale, penetrating ordinary citizens' minds and daily lives. We examine three dimensions of infrastructural violence: epistemic violence of truth distortion, emotional violence of state retaliation, and interpersonal violence of relationship deterioration. Based on our empirical findings, we reflect on how infrastructural violence is constituted through totalitarian computing technologies. We stress the need to study the geopolitics of technology and propose a research agenda for studying totalitarian computing.

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Asensio Peral, Germán. "‘One does not take sides in these neutral latitudes': Myles na gCopaleen and The Emergency." International Journal of English Studies 18, no. 1 (June 26, 2018): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/ijes/2018/1/282551.

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The years of the Second World War (1939-1945), a period known as The Emergency in Ireland, were pivotal for the development of the nation. Immediately after the outburst of the war in the continent, the Fianna Fáil cabinet led by Éamon de Valera declared the state of emergency and adopted a neutrality policy. To ensure this, the government imposed strict censorship control, especially on journalism and the media. The aim of the censorship system was to ensure that war facts were presented as neutrally as possible to avoid any potential retaliation from any of the belligerents. This censorship apparatus, however, affected many intellectuals of the time who felt that their freedom of expression had been restrained even more. One of these dissenting writers was Brian O’Nolan (1911-1966), better known as Flann O’Brien or Myles na gCopaleen. For more than twenty-six years (1940-1966), he wrote a comic and satirical column in The Irish Times entitled Cruiskeen Lawn. In his column, O’Brien commented on varied problems affecting Dublin and Ireland as a whole. One of the many topics he began discussing was precisely Ireland’s neutral position in the war. Therefore, this paper aims at examining Ireland’s neutral position in the war as seen through a selection of columns from Cruiskeen Lawn, devoting special attention to the oppression of censorship and the distracting measures developed by de Valera’s government.

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CHOO, Jaewoo. "South Korea’s China Policy." East Asian Policy 12, no. 02 (April 2020): 93–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930520000173.

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South Korea’s Moon Jae-in government has four China policy goals: (i) to resolve the THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defence) issue with China; (ii) to persuade China to play a more active role in North Korea’s denuclearisation process; (iii) to facilitate Chinese President Xi Jinping’s reciprocal visit to South Korea; and (iv) to connect the Belt and Road Initiative with President Moon’s “New Northern Policy”, which is ultimately driven to induce Xi’s reciprocal visit.

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Nornes, Markus. "Filmless Festivals and Dragon Seals: Independent Cinema in China." Film Quarterly 72, no. 3 (2019): 78–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.2019.72.3.78.

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Markus Nornes, who documented the Chinese independent film festival scene for Film Quarterly in 2009, returns with a report on the changes this sector has experienced in the intervening decade. Borrowing a metaphor from Beijing Film Academy professor Zhang Xianmin, he offers an “update from the ruins,” as government censorship and an absence of institutional support has taken a toll on what had been a thriving festival scene. Nornes reviews the challenges faced by the Beijing International Film Festival, and its innovative responses to them, and finds hope for the future at the Shanghai International Film Festival, the Pingyao Crouching Tiger Hidden Dragon International Film Festival, and the West Lake International Documentary Film Festival.

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Toelle, Heidi. "Irony, a Way to Escape Censorship." Semiotika 16 (July 29, 2021): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/semiotika.2021.7.

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Among Arab authors, a number of Egyptian writers use irony when addressing a criticism to the politics settled by the authorities. The enunciator of the text is perfectly aware that what he writes, or the speech he assigns to one of his characters, is a false compliment addressed to the government policy, since he intends to say or to make say the very contrary. He manages, at the same time, to put his words, and/or those of his character, in such a context that allows the reader to understand that the apparent meaning of the uttered speech is not what the enunciator, or the character, suggests. This same context also allows the reader to decode the secret meaning, easy to find, considering that the apparent meaning of the speech and its secret one are in relation of contrariety. To demonstrate that, I take as an example a short story published in 1980 by Yûsuf al-Qa‘îd from his collection Hikâyât al-zaman al-djarîh (Tales of the Injured Time).

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Wright, Scott. "Government-run Online Discussion Fora: Moderation, Censorship and the Shadow of Control1." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 8, no. 4 (November 2006): 550–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2006.00247.x.

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Junyu, Ma. "CHINA FOREIGN POLICY: A LEGAL ANALYSIS." Jurnal Pembaharuan Hukum 9, no. 1 (March 17, 2022): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/jph.v9i1.20482.

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This study aims to find out China's foreign policy in carrying out its economy which is characterized by its own economy, as a communist country but China does not carry out a complete communist economic system. Since 1978 the Chinese government has reformed a more planned economic system which is more market oriented. Thus the higher-ups increased the power of local leaders and installed managers in industry, allowing small-scale enterprises in services and light production. This study uses qualitative research by collecting data sources in the literature and then analyzing them according to the research objectives. China also uses politics in its economic cooperation with other countries, namely by setting the condition that countries wishing to establish cooperation with China must agree to China's claims to Taiwan and sever official relations with the Taiwanese government. Data analysis shows that China's foreign policy making is still traditional communist style, which has continued its leadership from the beginning such as Mao Zhedong to Xi Jinping. China as a communist country with foreign policy makers centered on one central command. It can be interpreted that China's foreign policy is determined by the leader of the country and the people around him. The conclusion of this study is that in deciding a Chinese foreign policy through the Think Tank group or the Politburo in its government.

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MILLER, NICOLA. "A Revolutionary Modernity: The Cultural Policy of the Cuban Revolution." Journal of Latin American Studies 40, no. 4 (November 2008): 675–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x08004719.

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AbstractThis article seeks to explain why such a wide range of Cuban cultural producers have opted to remain on the island and work ‘within the revolution’, despite all the notorious problems caused by state censorship, political persecution and material shortages. It accounts for the importance of culture to the legitimacy of the revolutionary government; suggests that the regime has drawn effectively on the long-established significance of culture in Cuba's radical tradition; and illustrates the extent to which the government has backed up its rhetoric of commitment to culture for all with a sustained policy of support for institutions, organisations and events across the island. The main argument is that culture has been a key element – perhaps the only successful element – in the revolution's attempt to implement an alternative model of modernity that was distinctive not only from the Western capitalist version but also from that promoted by the Soviet Union.

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Hiraoka, Leslie S. "Evolution of the Search Engine in Developed and Emerging Markets." International Journal of Information Systems and Social Change 5, no. 1 (January 2014): 30–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijissc.2014010103.

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The search engine has evolved into a dynamic, information and marketing channel in both developed and emerging countries because of its ability to provide relevant and useful information to the searcher. However, due to language, cultural, and government-imposed barriers, major U.S. search engines, compared to their counterparts in multinational manufacturing, encountered considerable difficulty in competing for Asian markets against indigenous firms that provided censored links to websites approved by the government. This has become critical for these high-tech firms that need to expand abroad because their markets are maturing at home. The dispute on Internet censorship between the United States and China has reached the highest diplomatic offices in both countries and this could lead to bilateral negotiations whereby U.S. search engines are permitted to establish unfettered commercial operations in China.

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Cass, Philip. "Review: The realities of authoritarian media in China." Pacific Journalism Review 22, no. 1 (July 31, 2016): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v22i1.24.

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Review of: Stockman, D. (2012). Media Commercialization and Authoritarian Rule in China. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-01844-0 China can no longer be called Communist. It is an authoritarian state in which a party that likes to call itself Communist maintains a firm grip on the country. However much the party and the corrupt party princelings enjoy the benefits of capitalism (and let us be frank that it is a distinctively 19th century robber baron style of capitalism), the government usemethods of media control that have not changed since Mao took power in 1959. Censorship has always been part of the regime, but Mao and his direct successors were always clever enough to give the masses a chance to let off steam now and then through such projects as the Hundred Flowers campaign and the Democracy Wall movement.

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Fu, King-wa, Chung-hong Chan, and Michael Chau. "Assessing Censorship on Microblogs in China: Discriminatory Keyword Analysis and the Real-Name Registration Policy." IEEE Internet Computing 17, no. 3 (May 2013): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/mic.2013.28.

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Zhang, Changdong. "Nongovernmental Organizations’ Policy Advocacy and Government Responsiveness in China." Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 47, no. 4 (May 2, 2017): 723–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0899764017705735.

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Can the “associational revolution” improve authoritarian government responsiveness? If it can, what kind of nongovernmental organization (NGO) can successfully lobby the government? Based on different theoretical perspectives, I develop three hypotheses: a pluralist hypothesis that focuses on resource exchange between such organizations and the government, a corporatist hypothesis that focuses on government institutional control and policy consultant intention, and a clientelist hypothesis that recognizes the underinstitutionalization of the policy-making process and emphasizes the informal network. I then test these hypotheses with a quantitative study of survey data of registered NGOs in three Chinese provinces. I find that the corporatist hypothesis is largely supported; the pluralism hypothesis is also somewhat supported while the clientelist hypothesis is not supported. The data reflect a hybrid pattern of policy advocacy that I term pluralized state corporatism, which fits China’s recent social-economic transformation and lagged political reform.

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Xu, Yi chong. "'Strong enterprise, weak government': energy policy making in China." International Journal of Global Energy Issues 29, no. 4 (2008): 434. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijgei.2008.019077.

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Zhang, Qi, Wenmiao Chen, and Wen Ling. "Policy optimization of hydrogen energy industry considering government policy preference in China." Sustainable Production and Consumption 33 (September 2022): 890–902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.spc.2022.08.017.

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THOMPSON, ANTHONY B. "LICENSING THE PRESS: THE CAREER OF G. R. WECKHERLIN DURING THE PERSONAL RULE OF CHARLES I." Historical Journal 41, no. 3 (September 1998): 653–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98007808.

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The commitment of Charles I's government to press censorship and the rigour with which that censorship was enforced is the subject of the present essay. In 1627 Georg Rudolph Weckherlin, the Latin secretary to the privy council, became political licenser for the press. Over the next fourteen years he granted eighty-two licences and probably was responsible for many more. Drawing on his two office diaries, his personal correspondence, and the books and pamphlets to which he gave his imprimatur, this essay attempts a small portrait of a ‘royal censor’ in 1630s London. Although he occasionally allowed works implicitly critical of government policy, he appears to have been conscientious in his duties. (At least twice he approached Charles for his opinion about a licence.) Weckherlin's eventual loss of his licensing job to secretary of state Sir Francis Windebank's staff signalled the crown's interest in an even closer watch on printing and publishing. The evidence of Weckherlin's career suggests that in the decade before the Long Parliament Charles increasingly sought to curtail the power of the press.

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Moore, Gregory J., and Christopher B. Primiano. "Audience Costs and China’s South China Sea Policy." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 7, no. 3 (November 1, 2020): 325–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797020962635.

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China’s island building in the South China Sea has received considerable attention from scholars, the media and policy-related officials in recent years. In this article, we conduct a survey to assess the opinions of Chinese university students as it regards their views of any moves by the Chinese government to retreat from its island building and the South China Sea claims due to international pressure. Since China has laid claim to much of the South China Sea via its ‘nine-dash line’, if it were to reverse course and retreat from its man-made islands or remove military installations, how would that play out domestically? Would the Chinese government incur audience costs for doing so? We hypothesise that it would. More specifically, we find it likely that Chinese university students would seek to hold their government accountable for claims to the South China Sea that it has made recently, making it more difficult for the government to retreat from or otherwise adopt a more flexible policy on the South China Sea if it chose to do so. The findings are significant for the audience costs literature, Chinese foreign policy, and South China Sea territoriality studies, in addition to having important policy implications.

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Guttenberg, Vlady. "Rice Bunnies vs. the River Crab: China’s Feminists, #MeToo, and Networked Authoritarianism." Flux: International Relations Review 11, no. 1 (November 5, 2021): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/firr.v11i1.59.

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As censorship algorithms for digital communications evolve in China, so do netizens’ evasion techniques. In the last two decades, strategic users have employed the language of satire to slip sensitive content past censors in the form of euphemisms or analogies, with messages ranging from lighthearted frustration to wide scale resistance against repressive government policies. In recent years activists have used spoofs to discuss controversial subjects, including the president, violent arrests by the Domestic Security Department, and even the #MeToo movement. In addition to providing an outlet for criticism and free speech, spoofs can also be a powerful organizational tool for activists in authoritarian societies through their ability to facilitate decentralized, personalized, and flexible connective action. This paper investigates how feminists used spoofs for social mobilization throughout China’s #MeToo movement while evaluating potential frameworks for measuring activists’ success against the media censorship and political repression of a networked authoritarian regime.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Censorship – Government policy – China'

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