Academic literature on the topic 'Cemetaries'

Babruysk District – homeland to Florian Czarnyszewicz yesterday and today (report of field research)Field research in Babruysk and vincinity taken up recently is part of research of the religious language of Catholics in former North-Eastern Polish Borderland and writings of Florian Czarnyszewicz, who comes from Babruysk Disctrict, the author of several novels, the most famous of which is called Nadberezhyntsy. The article presents short history of Babruysk with special attention drawn to cultural – educational problems and the dynamics of population development in this town. It shows functioning of the Catholic Church in Babruysk District in 20th and 21st centuries. It also discusses the language situation in the researched area which is as follows: the primary language in the town is Russian with elements of Belorussian. Th is language demonstrates great idiolectal diversity. People who live in the country and have never left it use a Belorussian dialect (which confirms the principle that living in the country favours preserving the dialect). The Polish language is present only during the liturgy and prayers of the eldest generation. During Masses said in Polish the Polish language is used for Eucharistic Liturgy but during the Liturgy of the Word Polish is present only for the reading. The sermon is preached in Belorussian. Belorussian is also used for pastoral announcements. Numerous participants of the Mass can be the proof of attachment to the Polish language as the language of liturgy. During the research trip we visited four cemetaries where we photographed 87 tombs. As for these tombs, we were certain that they belonged to Poles (as surnames, names or father’s names indicated). 33 inscriptions out of this number were engraved in Latin alphabet. We could observe mixing Latin types with Cyrillic ones. The appendix given at the end of the article contains texts of an informant from Prodwin written phonetically. Бобруйщина – родина писателя Флориана Чарнышевича в прошлом и настоящем (отчет по итогам полевых исследований)Предпринятые в 2010 году полевые исследования в Бобруйске и его окрестностях являются частью исследований языка населения католического вероисповедания на территории бывшего Великого княжества Литовского. В частности исследования проводятся также в связи с творчеством малоизвестного писателя Флориана Чарнышевича, родившегося на бобруйской земле. Флориан Чарнышевич – автор нескольких романов, среди которых наиболее известным является «Надберезинцы». В статье представлен очерк истории Бобруйска с учётом культурно-просветительских аспектов и динамики развития численности населения в городе. Авторами показана деятельность католической церкви на Бобруйщине в ХIХ–ХХ веках. Языковая ситуация на исследуемой территории представляется следующим образом. В городе преобладает русский язык с элементами белорусского. Этот язык сильно дифференцирован в зависимости от личности говорящего. Люди, которые родились в деревне и провели в ней всю свою жизнь, пользуются белорусским говором (что подтверждает наблюдение о лучшем сохранении говора в деревенской среде). Польский язык присутствует исключительно в литургии и молитвах старшего поколения. На польских мессах по-польски ведётся евхаристическая литургия и литургия слова. Проповедь и объявления священник читает побелорусски. Большое количество присутствующих на польской службе свидетельствует о привязанности католиков к польскому как языку литургии. Ценным социолингвистическим материалом являются надгробные надписи. На 4 кладбищах мы обнаружили 33 эпитафии, высеченные латинским шрифтом. На деревенских кладбищах наблюдается смешение латинского шрифта и кириллицы. В приложении приводится диалектный текст, записанный у информантки из деревни Продвино.

Cemetery companies were the principal agency of the transition from a traditional reliance on graveyards to the use of modern extra-mural cemeteries. The thesis comprises a study of the 113 cemetery companies established from 1820 to 1853, a period which saw the origin of this type of enterprise and its spreading throughout Britain. The companies are not analysed as economic entities, but rather as representations of a range of attitudes towards the problems associated with intramural interment. To facilitate discerning different trends relating to the public perceptions of the burial problem, the companies have been classified according to type. This is an exercise which relies on textual analysis of company documents to understand the principal motivation of each group of directors. Three different types of company are examined in the thesis. Directors of enterprises within the first group to emerge saw the burial problem as a religious-political issue, and used cemetery companies as a means of providing extended space for burial which was independent of the Established Church. The new cemeteries had unconsecrated ground, and offered the freedom for Dissenters to adopt any burial service they wished. The increased enthusiasm for all joint-stock enterprise in the mid-1830s saw the advent of the speculative cemetery company, which saw in the burial issue the potential to make profits in one of three ways: by tapping a specific territorial market, a particular class market, or by buying and selling the scrip of grand and impractical necropolitan schemes. A third type of company dominated the 1840s, and its main concern was the provision of extra-mural cemeteries as a sanitary measure. In addition to studies of these three groups of companies, the thesis presents analysis of two additional themes essential to the progress of burial reform: fears concerning the integrity of the corpse; and the cultural significance thought to attach to cemetery foundation. The thesis demonstrates, by studying these companies, that the reasons for taking action to found cemetery companies could vary considerably, and that perception of the burial issue altered a number of times.

Constructions of memory, myth and legend relating to Gallipoli have dominated the academic assumption which suggests that this dimension alone has allowed for the reawakening of the exceptional interest in the Anzac tradition; a tradition that has converged at the physical site in modern day Turkey. While these intangible constructions have waxed, waned, and re-emerged over the Twentieth Century, possessing the site to commence the construction of an Anzac Battlefield Cemetery has been ignored in academic enquiry. This significant series of events from 1916 to 1965 were indispensable to memory perpetuation and essential to the commemorative primacy that this preserved headland now enjoys. The desire to repossess, and then own in perpetuity the battlefield in order to attach the appropriate masonry adornments, is in itself unique. This dimension has not been academically scrutinised by any historian until now. Nor has the deliberate desire to construct an Anzac shrine that would someday attract pilgrims from the Antipodes been studied. Present day site-sacralisation by rite-of-passage pilgrims, thoroughly emersed in the Anzac tradition, suggests the convergence of the two dimensions is complete. To counteract this problem of the �hegemony of the intangibles� this thesis explores primary sources, gleaned largely from archival records, then evaluates the significance of the history of �physical Gallipoli.� Thematic approaches based upon the lines of possession, preservation and pilgrimage argue that this parallel dimension has played an indispensable role in shaping the end result today. Tens of thousands Australasian travellers now flock to this preserved battlefield to encounter the actual physicality of the tradition. The battlefield cemetery, complete with botanical emblems of ownership, had been out of the reach of the very generation who had created, acquired and constructed the battlefield landscape. The New Zealand public had to be content with assorted forms of vicarious pilgrimage coupled with widespread domestic memorialisation. New Zealand�s post-evacuation experience at Gallipoli became a story completely distinctive from that of Australia or Great Britain. The deliberately constructed Anzac Battlefield Cemetery is a unique landscape artefact that a proud but mournful generation set out to create. They eventually achieved this end by a complicated mixture of conquest, occupation, careful preservation, and commemorative ownership. These efforts were assisted by the vagaries of economic happenstance and international politics that left this remote Peninsula isolated and off-limits to human encounter. Fortuitously frozen in time, this landscape artefact, so steeped in Classical history, has emerged as one of the most sacred, and perhaps the most recognisable, geographic features associated with Australasia. Overriding these plans for shrine construction had been the stated goal of securing a reverent final resting place for those who fell during the creation of the Anzac legend in 1915. Sepulture perpetuelle became the post-evacuation catchphrase that propelled this Great War generation to go almost to the brink of war to secure the principles of this phrase. This lofty goal of permanence, by passage of time and the re-appropriation of nature, had mercifully been completed before the current �second invasion� that commenced in the 1980s. The Anzac Battlefield Cemetery is now a victim of its own very successful physical preservation.

This Masters by Research project involves two ways of meeting that explore, in complimentary ways, the question of belonging. It comprises this exegesis and a performance at a spot near where I’ve lived for 15 years, on the banks of the Merri Creek in Melbourne. This spot is where John Batman probably met with Wurundjeri elders on June 6th 1835, with the aim of negotiating a treaty for the buying of 500,000 acres of their land. When I walk along the Merri Creek I feel that it is in some way ‘mine’, but know that this is only the case because the original inhabitants were violently prevented from maintaining their traditional lives here. For contemporary Aboriginal people, Australia can be felt as ‘theirs’ and ‘not theirs’; and many immigrant Australians who now ‘belong’ here were, either themselves or their ancestors, violently moved off their own homelands. It could be argued that Australians’ relationship to the land is paradoxical. I am interested in what theatre, specifically site-­‐specific theatre, can do to address the issue of belonging. Neil Leach describes belonging as inherently performative.1 Assuming that the personal, social, historical and spatial are inseparable and interdependent, I have chosen a site that is particularly evocative of my (and hopefully other Australians too), exploration of connection to this country.