Journal articles on the topic 'Catholics – France – Political activity'
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1
Ramsay, Jacob. "Extortion and Exploitation in the Nguyên Campaign against Catholicism in 1830s–1840s Vietnam." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 35, no. 2 (June 2004): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463404000165.
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Preoccupied with French mission agitation in the late 1850s and during the Franco-Spanish invasion of southern Vietnam, scholarship has long neglected the dramatic change taking place in preceding decades at the local level between Catholics and mainstream society. Exploring negotiation between Catholic communities and authorities, as well as organisational shifts in mission activity, this article brings into sharper focus the turmoil of the late 1830s and 1840s Nguyên repression of Catholicism.
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Nolan, Frances. "‘The Cat’s Paw’: Helen Arthur, the act of resumption andThe Popish pretenders to the forfeited estates in Ireland, 1700–03." Irish Historical Studies 42, no. 162 (November 2018): 225–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2018.31.
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AbstractThis article examines the case of Helen Arthur, a Catholic and Jacobite Irish woman who travelled with her children to France following William III’s victory over James II in the War of the Two Kings (1689–91). It considers Helen’s circumstances and her representation inThe Popish pretenders to the forfeited estates in Ireland, a pamphlet published in London in 1702 as a criticism of the act of resumption. The act, introduced by the English parliament in 1700, voided the majority of William III’s grants to favourites and supporters. Its provisions offered many dispossessed, including the dependants of outlawed males, a chance to reclaim compromised or forfeited property by submitting a claim to a board of trustees in Dublin. Helen Arthur missed the initial deadline for submissions, but secured an extension to submit through a clause in a 1701 supply bill, a development that brought her to the attention of the anonymous author ofThe Popish pretenders. Charting Helen’s efforts to reclaim her jointure, her eldest son’s estate and her younger children’s portions, this article looks at the ways in which dispossessed Irish Catholics and/or Jacobites reacted to legislative developments. More specifically, it shines a light on the possibilities for female agency in a period of significant upheaval, demonstrating opportunities for participation and representation in the public sphere, both in London and in Dublin. It also considers the impact of the politicisation of religion upon understandings of women’s roles and experiences during the Williamite confiscation, and suggests that a synonymising of Catholicism with Jacobitism (and Protestantism with the Williamite cause) has significant repercussions for understandings of women’s activities during the period. It also examines contemporary attitudes to women’s activity, interrogating the casting of Helen as a ‘cat’s paw’ in a bigger political game, invariably played by men.
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Cherygova, Anastasiia. "Henri-Dominique Lacordaire in the Canadian ultramontane philosophy." DIALOGO 7, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.51917/dialogo.2021.7.2.12.
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When the ultramontane bishop of Saint-Hyacinthe in Canada invited the French Dominicans to his diocese, he requested help from their leader, another French-speaking ultramontane, Reverend Father Henri-Dominique Lacordaire, O.P., who restored the Dominican Order in France after a long ban on religious orders. However, there seemed to have been a paradox at the heart of this invitation. Lacordaire was an extremely controversial figure in both secular and Catholic French circles, mostly due to his rocky relationships with the French episcopacy, his unconventional preaching style and especially his political opinions, including his admiration for republicanism and the Anglo-American political system. Theoretically, all this would put him at odds with Canadian ultramontanes. They were rather opposed to the growing politically liberal forces in Canada specifically and to the Anglo-American politico-philosophical system in general. So why would Canadian ultramontanes ask help from a man so seemingly different from them politically? Our hypothesis is that what united Lacordaire and Canadian ultramontanes was more significant than what divided them - notably, both parties were concerned about opposition to Catholicism coming from State officials, as well as about the menace of irreligion among the growing bourgeois class. Therefore, both were keenly interested in advancing the cause of Catholic education to combat these worries. To prove our hypothesis we would employ methodology based on personal writings and biographical accounts of actors involved in the arrival of Dominicans to Canada, as well as on historical analysis effectuated on connected topics, like the ultramontane scene in Canada, French missionary activity in North America, etc.
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Fedin, Andrey Valentinovich. "Acculturation strategies: a policy of francization in a context of Jesuit mission in New France in first half of the XVII century." Samara Journal of Science 5, no. 4 (December 15, 2016): 101–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv20164206.
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Formation of the difficult and branched out network of the unions with the American Indian tribes, based on mutually advantageous economic and military-political relations was one of the main features of the French colonial regime in Canada of XVII century. As a result, in the first decades of XVII century the most outstanding representatives of secular and spiritual colonisation of New France (Champlain, Recollects and Jesuits) started working out the most effective strategy of Franco-Amerindian rapprochement and the cooperation, embodied in the program francization, i.e., ideas of acculturation and assimilation of the native population of Canada by Frenchmen as basic means of social and economic and political development of a colony. Catholic missionaries including members of a Jesuit order were interested in realisation of this program at the initial stage of development of new territories and formation of a colonial infrastructure, as material basis of their apostolate activity among the American Indian peoples. From this point of view, Civilisation of Indians on the French sample was considered priority in relation to Christianization. In the process of Jesuit mission network expansion among the cores of trading and military colony partners and the Jesuit missionary transformation into the main intermediary in Franco-Amerindian relations in the middle of XVII century, on the one hand, and growth of contradictions with the secular colonial power on a wide spectrum of problems (including trade in alcoholic drinks), Jesuits began to audit initial positions of the francization program, resulted in 2nd half of the century to full refusal of them and the statement of a primacy of the religious reference over the cultural.
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Meadwell, Hudson. "The politics of language: Republican values and Breton identity." European Journal of Sociology 31, no. 2 (December 1990): 263–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000397560000607x.
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Among other things, the revolutionary period in France is notorious for two practices: the development of a civil religion and a project of linguistic standardization. The substitution of republican for religious symbols, the creation of public space for republican worship, the hostility towards intermediary bodies, all of this sought to ground a more direct relationship between the citizen and the republic. At the same time, the new order sought to consolidate its control of the church. An oath of loyalty to the republic was required from priests, as part of a plan to make priests functionaries of the state. The protest evoked, and its association with counterrevolution, however, produced equivocation on the part of regimes until the Concordat, which acknowledged the place of Catholicism in French society, without providing official recognition as the state religion, and which sought to monitor the activity of the clergy.
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Uvarov, Pavel Yu. "Who Speaks through the Mouths of Babes? Children and Religious Violence in France. Review of: Crouzet, D. (2020). Les enfants bourreaux au temps des guerres de Religion. Paris: Albin Michel. 336 p. Izvestiya Uralskogo federalnogo universiteta. Seriya 2: Gumanitarnye nauki, 23(1), 293–306." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 23, no. 1 (2021): 293–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2021.23.1.020.
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This essay contains reflections on a new book by renowned historian Denis Crouzet on children’s violence, and, more broadly, on the image of children during the French Wars of Religion. In the book under review, the novelty lies in the fact that the images of ‘innocent infants’ make part of a separate plot. Just as novel are Denis Crouzet’s reflections on the ‘sources of inspiration’ of the young French persecutors of heretics. The author indicates the anthropological correspondences inherent in the culture of both Italian and French cities, such as the carnivalesque inversion of the ‘world inside out’ and the social function of youth associations taking part in the ‘charivari’ rites. Denis Crouzet pays attention to sources that are novel to him, like children’s Christmas chants, mystery plays, and ‘miracles’. While impersonating the Innocents persecuted by Herod but also angels carrying retaliation to this villain, urban children learnt what and how to do in the face of a carnival challenge. The ways to leave the eschatological activism are of particular interest. After 1572, the gangs of executioners-children left the scene. Only the murder of the Guises on Christmas Day, 1588, threw crowds of children into the streets of Paris. Now they were described differently, however, — as a disciplined mass, occupied not with outrages but with prayers. The author speaks of ‘Catholic consciousness’, but that was already a different reformed Catholicism, departing further and further from the old ‘corporate Catholicism’. The religious political activity of children would become a thing of the past, however. The image of an innocent child would once more be in demand only after the Revolution, when, this time in a desacralised context, children became the embodiment of the French nation.
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Bartyzel, Jacek. "Nacjonalizm włoski — pomiędzy nacjonalitaryzmem a nacjonalfaszyzmem." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 4 (February 18, 2019): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.4.11.
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ITALIAN NATIONALISM: BETWEEN NATIONALITARIANISM AND NATIONAL-FASCISMThe subject of this article is the doctrine of Italian nationalism considered using the approach of the Polish italianist Joanna Sondel-Cedarmas. This doctrine found its most complete expression in the activity and journalism of Italian Nationalist Association Associazione Nazionalista Italiana; ANI, of which the main theorists and leaders were Enrico Corradini, Luigi Federzoni, Alfredo Rocco and Francesco Coppola. Although the organization was active relatively briefly, that is, for 13 years from 1910 to 1923, it played a key role in the transitional period between the parliamentary system and the fascist dictatorship. The historical role of ANI consisted in breaking with the nationalitarian ideology dominating in nineteenth-century Italy and related to the Risorgimento Rising Again movement, which was liberal, democratic and anti-clerical. Instead, ANI adopted integral nationalism, connected with right-wing, conservative, monarchist, anti-liberal and authoritarian ideology and favourable to the Catholic religion. However, in contrast to countries like France, Spain, Portugal or Poland, nationalism of this kind failed to retain its autonomous political position and organisational separation, because after World War I it encountered a strong competitor in the anti-liberal camp — fascism, which as a plebeian and revolutionary movement found a broader support base in the pauperised and anarchy-affected society. Nationalists, forced to cooperate with the National Fascist Party after the March on Rome and the coming to power of Benito Mussolini, modified their doctrine in the spirit of the national-fascist ideology. In spite of that, the nationalists active within the fascist system were preventing that system from evolving towards totalitarianism and defended the monarchy, as well as the independence of the Roman-Catholic Church.
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Tarling, Nicholas. "The British and the First Japanese Move into Indo-China." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 21, no. 1 (March 1990): 35–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400001958.
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The French move into what they came to call Indo-China began, as the Hong Kong Register was to put it, with motives hostile to British power. Pre-revolutionary France had indeed seen such a move as a means of contesting Britain's supremacy in Asia: placing themselves between the growing empire in India and the growing trade with China, the French could embarrass their European rivals. But establishing themselves in Vietnam was easier said than done. The limited help they were able to afford Gia-long reaped them no great reward, and his successor, Minh-mang, even turned against the Catholic missionaries whom he saw as sources of subversion of his Confucian-style reunification. Continued anti-Catholic activity on the part of his successor was to give Napoleon III an excuse to intervene in the 1850s. But by then, as the Register noted, the old rivalry with the British had died out. The British had sought to open up trade with Vietnam, but, both before and after their victory over neighbouring China, the Vietnamese had refused to accept a commercial treaty. The British thus did not oppose the more forceful attempt the French made to open up Vietnam. Their only concern was lest the French should trench upon the territory of Laos and Cambodia, and thus undermine the independence of Siam, which the British saw as an outwork of their empire in Burma and Malaya. There was indeed a crisis over Laos, and thus over Siam, in 1893, but the French and the British came to terms in 1896. Their agreement in Southeast Asia was consolidated by their agreement in Europe, which the apprehension of Germany promoted.
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BARING, EDWARD. "HUMANIST PRETENSIONS: CATHOLICS, COMMUNISTS, AND SARTRE'S STRUGGLE FOR EXISTENTIALISM IN POSTWAR FRANCE." Modern Intellectual History 7, no. 3 (September 30, 2010): 581–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244310000247.
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This article reconsiders Sartre's seminal 1945 talk, “Existentialism is a Humanism,” and the stakes of the humanism debate in France by looking at the immediate political context that has been overlooked in previous discussions of the text. It analyses the political discussion of the term “humanism” during the French national elections of 1945 and the rumbling debate over Sartre's philosophy that culminated in his presentation to the Club Maintenant, just one week after France went to the polls. A consideration of this context helps explain both the rise, and later the decline, of existentialism in France, when, in the changing political climate, humanism lost its centrality, setting the stage for new antihumanist criticisms of Sartre's work.
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Hanley, David. "Religion, politics and identity: The Catholics of France and Britain." Modern & Contemporary France 6, no. 3 (August 1998): 376–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489808456444.
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Gaines, Jena M. "Alsatian Catholics Against the State, 1918–25." Contemporary European History 2, no. 3 (November 1993): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000497.
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The years that followed the return of Alsace and Lorraine to France after World War I proved that reunion was a complicated and painful process. The potential for misunderstanding, if not outright conflict, between Alsatians and French policy-makers was from the outset grossly underestimated by virtually everyone on both sides. Alsatians saw no incompatibility between the wish to preserve their regional cultural personality, or particularism, and their loyalty to France. The believers in the ‘Republic one and indivisible’, however, did. The preservation of Alsatian particularism, especially in language and religion, was regarded by French politicians as the perpetuation of German cultural and political influence. The end of the armistice celebrations and the introduction of a transitional administration brought the realisation that the cultural gulf between France and Alsace, widened by years of separation following the Treaty of Frankfurt of 1871, could not be legislated away. With few exceptions, the people on both sides of the Rhine who welcomed the end of the annexation had assumed that the commitment to reunion was sufficient to make it a success.1 This belief was nowhere more rapidly disproven than in the matter of religion. The enforcement of French legislation ending the role of the state in overseeing the congregations became the flash-point between the Catholic majority in Alsace and the Third Republic.
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Raspa, Anthony. "Donne's Model: Henry IV." Renaissance and Reformation 29, no. 4 (January 20, 2009): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v29i4.11445.
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Donne's Pseudo-Martyr is his first major published work and the longest that he ever wrote. As he argues in it about the relationship of the state and religion to each other, he establishes Henry IV of Navarre, king of France, as one of his models of a competent and tolerant king. Henry's credentials for the title are his moderation, his steadfastness and fearlessness amid religious conflicts between Catholics and Protestants in his own country, and in the face of the power of the papacy. In the pages of Pseudo-Martyr, Donne calls upon the English Catholics to swear allegiance to James I as a political leader, in the same manner in which French Catholics and Protestants swore allegiance to Henry.
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BASENKO, R. "THE CIVILIZATION SIGNIFICANCE OF HUMANISTIC IDEAS OF COMPREHENSIVE EDUCATION IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF UKRAINIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY IN EARLY MODERN TIMES." ТHE SOURCES OF PEDAGOGICAL SKILLS, no. 30 (December 28, 2022): 36–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33989/2075-146x.2022.30.270640.
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The article examines the influence of Western European ideas of integral personality education on the development of the Ukrainian educational space in the early modern times. Attention is drawn to the importance of the humanistic ideas of the secular Renaissance, the Protestant Reformation, and the Catholic Reformation for the formation of the Ukrainian socio-cultural space, in particular in terms of ethnic changes and mental transformations of Ukrainian society. The ways of penetration of early modern innovations into the educational tradition of Ukrainians are analyzed, in particular political and geographical (the proximity of Ukrainian lands to the countries of Western Europe, the location of Ukrainian cities at the intersection of key trade routes); the ideological and semantic kinship of the Orthodox Christian pedagogical tradition and Christian humanism, on the basis of which the Western European idea of enlightened piety “pietas litterata” was formed); educational and youth (active migration of Ukrainian youth from the elite environment to study in Western European countries, in particular to Italy, France, Germany, Holland, Belgium, the Czech Republic and other countries where young people received a humanistic education); ideological and literary (active dissemination of the works of European humanists in the early modern Ukrainian space); educational and institutional (the active spread of Catholic (Jesuit) and Protestant humanist schools in Ukrainian lands, which ensured the high quality of the educational process and ensured the involvement of the Russian population in the new, and most importantly, high-quality education of the European model, enriched the national educational tradition with Renaissance-humanistic tools, contributed to interaction and mutual enrichment of Western European and Russian cultures).
It was established that the leaders of the ideas of the humanist school at that time proposed new, synthetic approaches to the search for effective ways of developing holistic education of the individual. In educational institutions founded on Ukrainian lands, the humanistic ideal of “pietas litterata” was proclaimed as the goal of education, which contained the triad of the Erasmus pedagogical paradigm: knowledge of Latin (education), active piety (individual initiative in social life) and virtue (upbringing). Protestant teachers and Jesuit teachers proposed an appeal to examples of ancient education, didactic emphasis was placed on “bonae artes” (“good arts”), pedagogical concepts “vita contemplation” (“life in contemplation”) and “vita active” (“life in activity”) were recognized as equal, and the educational model successfully combined two components – “sacrum” (“spiritual”) and “profanum” (“secular”).
It has been proven that the key trajectory of the influence of Western European humanistic ideas was educational and pedagogical activity, the establishment of schools and collegiums of the humanistic model. It is emphasized that the active integration of humanist ideas in the Ukrainian educational and cultural space allowed not only to join the advanced European experience of the humanist school, but also had a significant positive impact on the development of Ukrainian national identity.
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Karlina, Oksana. "THE ATTEMPT TO RECONSTRUCT THE LIBRARY OF THE KREMENETS BASILIAN MONASTERY OF THE FIRST DECADES OF THE XIX CENTURY." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 1 (46) (June 27, 2022): 119–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(46).2022.257543.
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The article attempts to reconstruct the genre and thematic composition of the library of the Kremenets Basilian Monastery, which was formed in the early 1820s, based on an analysis of the visitation protocol, in which a significant part is a description of the monastery library. At the beginning of the XIX century, the library had 2,156 volumes (1,241 works) published in the XVI–XVIII centuries and until 1821. Of these, 508 works (41%) date from the second half of the XVIII century. The presence in the library of 283 works (23%) published in 1801–1821 indicates that the library continued to be regularly replenished with new books. The geography of the publications covered the cities of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Germany, Austria, Italy, France, the Netherlands, Kyiv, Moscow, and Saint Petersburg. The basis of the library were works in Polish and Latin, numbered 640 and 440, respectively (52% and 35%). There were only 54 (4%) Cyrillic editions. The entire book collection is divided into thematic sections: Holy Scripture, divinity, law (civil and canonical), "books of ascetics," homiletics, philosophy, physics and mathematics, chemistry, geography, economics, history, rhetoric and poetics, "letters," grammar, medicine. In terms of the number of works, the largest is the section "History," which includes periodicals published in Warsaw and Vilnius in the early nineteenth century and fiction of instructive content. It is noted that many works by ancient authors, textbooks in many mathematical disciplines, dictionaries, phrasebooks, and grammars in Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Polish, German, French, and Russian were kept in the monastery library. The conclusion is that the themes of the monastery library in Kremenets in the early XIXth century reflected the state of the rich spiritual life of the Basilians, which closely combined the traditions of the Orthodox and Catholic Churches. The Basilians, through preaching and missionary activity, indeed spread and consolidated in society the spiritual and moral values that they nurtured within the walls of the monastery. The library in general, reflected the development of education, science, art, and contemporary socio-political thought in the Ukrainian lands.
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Pazik, Przemysław. "Political Catholicism in Poland in 1945–1948. An Overview of Political Activity of Catholics." Kwartalnik Historyczny 125, no. 2 (September 19, 2018): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/kh.2018.125.si.1.05.
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Hefner, Robert William. "Muslims, Catholics, and the Secular State." American Journal of Islam and Society 36, no. 3 (July 23, 2019): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v36i3.186.
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Any attempt to explore the relationship between representations of Muslims and public advocacy in modern Western societies must at some point situate both processes in relation to the broader crises of liberal citizenship currently afflicting Western democracies. Calls heard in the 1990s for multicultural citizenship and pluralist “recognition” have long since given way to demands for the exclusion of new immigrants and the coercive assimilation of those – especially Muslims -- long since arrived. This essay examines French Catholic and Muslim perspectives on secularism and citizenship in contemporary France. It highlights disagreements among progressive secularists as well as mainline Catholics and Muslims over how to engage the secular state as well as one’s fellow citizens. It explores the ways in which Catholic advocacy for and with Muslim citizens has been challenged by conservative trends in French Catholicism, as well as the perceived rise of Salafism and, most important, growing support for far-right and Islamophobic movements. The example shows that real-and-existing public spheres look less like the genteelly deliberative public spaces Jurgen Habermas described a generation ago. They are landscapes reshaped by movements, social media, and political entrepreneurs making use of reductionist arguments and media caricature (“fake news”) as much as or even more than deliberative reasoning. These realities present serious challenges to those who hope to use education and dialogue in public advocacy with and for Muslim citizens.
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Hefner, Robert William. "Muslims, Catholics, and the Secular State." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 36, no. 3 (July 23, 2019): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v36i3.186.
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Any attempt to explore the relationship between representations of Muslims and public advocacy in modern Western societies must at some point situate both processes in relation to the broader crises of liberal citizenship currently afflicting Western democracies. Calls heard in the 1990s for multicultural citizenship and pluralist “recognition” have long since given way to demands for the exclusion of new immigrants and the coercive assimilation of those – especially Muslims -- long since arrived. This essay examines French Catholic and Muslim perspectives on secularism and citizenship in contemporary France. It highlights disagreements among progressive secularists as well as mainline Catholics and Muslims over how to engage the secular state as well as one’s fellow citizens. It explores the ways in which Catholic advocacy for and with Muslim citizens has been challenged by conservative trends in French Catholicism, as well as the perceived rise of Salafism and, most important, growing support for far-right and Islamophobic movements. The example shows that real-and-existing public spheres look less like the genteelly deliberative public spaces Jurgen Habermas described a generation ago. They are landscapes reshaped by movements, social media, and political entrepreneurs making use of reductionist arguments and media caricature (“fake news”) as much as or even more than deliberative reasoning. These realities present serious challenges to those who hope to use education and dialogue in public advocacy with and for Muslim citizens.
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Marrus, Michael R. "Political Ecumenism: Catholics, Jews, and Protestants in de Gaulle's Free France, 1940–1945 (review)." University of Toronto Quarterly 77, no. 1 (2008): 387–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/utq.0.0235.
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d’Ambrières, René, and Éamon Ó. Ciosáin. "Irish bishops and clergy in exile in mid-seventeenth-century France." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 141 (May 2008): 16–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140000746x.
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After the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland, hundreds of Catholic priests and religious were forced into exile on the Continent, with many seeking refuge in France, Spain and the Spanish Low Countries. For some, refuge was temporary while awaiting political developments and toleration in the home country; for others, it was permanent. The sheer numbers involved – in the hundreds (see below) – mark this as a new phenomenon in the migration of Irish Catholics to France. Although large numbers of Irish soldiers arrived there in the late 1630s and again from 1651 onwards, as Ireland was cleared of regiments connected with the Confederation of Kilkenny, the volume of priests and seminarians migrating to France had hitherto been on a much smaller scale than that of the military.
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Wils, Lode. "De Vlaamse beweging." Res Publica 27, no. 4 (December 31, 1985): 543–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v27i4.19205.
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The Flemish Movement was born out of the democratic and especially, the national enthusiasm of the Belgian revolution of 1830. lts purpose was the recovery of the people language in public life (pp. 1-3). Till the defeat of France in the France-German war of 1870-1871 she wanted to protect Belgium from annexation by France. The revolution of 1848 in Europe and the threat of Belgium by «the dictator» Napoleon III, reinforced its democratic character and connected it with the movement for enlargement of the voting-right, for decentralization and anti-militarism. Therefore she was supported also from the Walloon patriots and democrats, especially out of the catholic party (pp. 8-11).From 1847 onwards its morale and politics which were close to the church opinion ( pp. 4 and 6), were openly tempted by a group for whom the Flemish Movement had to have a liberal character (pp. 5 and 7). In that group, most of them rejected the enlargement of votingright because it would be in the interest of the catholics (pp. 12-13), and they condamned the cooperation of some liberals with the Flemish minded catholics (pp. 13-15). The introduction of the universal suffrage in 1893 led to a reinforced Flamingant agitation (p. 18).She was backed upon the christian-democrat peasant- and labour movement, but did get little response in the socialist party. The interest for political action in the Flemish Movement stayed weak (pp. 17-21).
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Tasak, Agata. "Postulowany model wspólnoty oraz dobra wspólnego w publikacjach katolickiego tygodnika społecznego „Ład” w latach 1981–1984." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 18, no. 1 (2020): 85–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2020.1.5.
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The paper focuses on the analyses of the socio-political concepts presented in the Catholic social weekly “Ład” in the years 1981–1984. In the period under question, the periodical was a media platform which enabled the expression of views by lay Catholics who perceived opportunities for increasing their socio-political activity in the political reality of Poland at that time. The model of community proposed by them, as well as the way of defining the common good, were for the most part consistent with the concepts of the social teaching of the Catholic Church and conformed to the guidelines of the hierarchs of the Catholic Church in Poland – especially Primate Stefan Wyszyński. The calls to action for the common good were combined with the idea of reconciliation, dialogue, and cooperation. Accordingly, the national community was thus considered the most important community of all. It should be emphasized that these concepts were supposed to enhance the power and importance of this particualt community of Catholics in public life and to contribute to establishing their position as the most important representative of the Catholics on the political scene of the period.
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Okafor, Eddie E. "Francophone Catholic Achievements in Igboland, 1883-–1905." History in Africa 32 (2005): 307–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2005.0020.
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When the leading European powers were scrambling for political dominion in Africa, the greatest rival of France was Britain. The French Catholics were working side by side with their government to ensure that they would triumph in Africa beyond the boundaries of the territories already annexed by their country. Thus, even when the British sovereignty claim on Nigeria was endorsed by Europe during the Berlin Conference of 1884-85, the French Catholics did not concede defeat. They still hoped that in Nigeria they could supplant their religious rivals: the British Church Missionary Society (CMS) and the other Protestant missionary groups. While they allowed the British to exercise political power there, they took immediate actions to curtail the spread and dominion of Protestantism in the country. Thus some of their missionaries stationed in the key French territories of Africa—Senegal, Dahomey, and Gabon—were urgently dispatched to Nigeria to compete with their Protestant counterparts and to establish Catholicism in the country.Two different French Catholic missions operated in Nigeria between 1860s and 1900s. The first was the Society of the African Missions (Société des Missions Africaines or SMA), whose members worked mainly among the Yoruba people of western Nigeria and the Igbos of western Igboland. The second were the Holy Ghost Fathers (Pères du Saint Esprit), also called Spiritans, who ministered specifically to the Igbo people of southeastern Nigeria. The French Catholics, the SMA priests, and the Holy Ghost Fathers competed vehemently with the British Protestants, the CMS, for the conversion of African souls. Just as in the political sphere, the French and British governments competed ardently for annexation and colonization of African territories.
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Cooke, Nola. "Early Nineteenth-Century Vietnamese Catholics and Others in the Pages of the Annales de la Propagation de la Foi." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 35, no. 2 (June 2004): 261–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463404000141.
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Western secular historiography has conventionally viewed the history of Catholicism in Vietnam through a political optic, a perspective which has distorted the early nineteenth-century religious situation in both Vietnam and France. This article discusses how Vietnamese understood Catholicism at the popular level and what attracted people to the religion, as well as introducing an important European Catholic fund-raising society whose interventions into Vietnam long predated any serious French political designs on the country.
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Karmen, Kaitlin. "First edition and translation of an unpublished poem (1566) from Johanna Otho to Camille de Morel." Humanistica Lovaniensia 70, no. 2 (February 18, 2022): 209–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.30986/2021.209.
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This paper presents the first full edition and translation of an unpublished (1566) poem written by Johanna Otho and sent to Camille de Morel. Both young women, linked by their mutual acquaintance Karel Utenhove, were internationally recognized for their learning. Otho’s poem is a significant contribution to the corpus of women’s Latin poetry. This paper also offers a brief introduction to the poem’s historical context and suggests contem- porary political resonances for Otho’s poem. Her poem contains allusions to the conflict between courtly life and religion, which reference the ongoing conflict between Protestants and Catholics in Europe and specifically France.
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Mustofa, Andi. "Imagining France as an Islamic State: Identity Construction in Michel Houellebecq’s Soumission." Language Circle: Journal of Language and Literature 14, no. 2 (April 17, 2020): 163–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/lc.v14i2.23466.
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The regime change in France, which puts the Islamic group in a dominant position, has changed the structure of the French Republic. The dynamics of social relation transformation cause shifts in the status of social groups such as Islam, Atheists, Jews, and Catholics in social relation patterns. This descriptive qualitative research aims at revealing the form of exclusivity, resistance, and negotiation in the construction of identity performed by the characters in Soumission. The analysis is based on the concept of identity. The results of this research are the exclusive identities of Islamic group are portrayed through the education and political system and the position of women in social relation; the forms of resistance as a strategy in the construction of identity are made through demonstration, mobilization, exploitation of the body, and rejection of the use of religious symbols; the forms of negotiation are done by accepting and rejecting Islamic laws applied by the Islamic group.
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Vishivanyuk, Anna. "The Greek Catholic Church during the German Occupation of Western Ukraine (1941—1944): Relations with the Occupation Authorities and the Main Areas of Activity." ISTORIYA 13, no. 6 (116) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021881-8.
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The article considers the position and activities of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (UGCC) under the German occupation. The authors analyzed the documents by Greek Catholics, German and Soviet authorities, and tried to understand the circumstances of the relationship between the UGCC hierarchy and the occupation regime. The transformation of the position of the Greek Catholics towards the German occupation authorities was studied. The work also highlights the social and socio-political activity of the Greek Catholic clergy in Galicia during this period, church activities to support those in need. In addition, we analyzed the connection of the UGCC with the Ukrainian nationalist movement - the church, on the one hand, supported the idea of independence, on the other, condemned terror. Finally, in the article we examined how, under the conditions of the German occupation, the UGCC tried to expand the union to the East, with the support of the Vatican.
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Balas, Marie, and Josselin Tricou. "« Nous, maintenant, on veut poursuivre cette occupation de la rue » : les catholiques attestataires entre contre-culture, mission et défense patrimoniale." Social Compass 66, no. 1 (January 17, 2019): 62–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768618813984.
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The debate about the same sex marriage bill in France has launched a significant sequence of politicization and assertion in the streets for the conservative Catholics. Though mobilization declined after the law was passed, these initiatives still arouse differentiated appropriation of public urban space. Relying on ethnographic work, this article analyses two logics of action emerging complementarily and organizing these post-‘Mariage pour tous’ demonstrations in Paris. In both cases there is a real ‘place-taking/place-making’ at work. Extending the study of recent Catholic mobilizations to the different activists still active after ‘La Manif Pour Tous’ makes it possible to understand how central the issue of drop in status seems in order to analyze these protest repertoires and their evolutionary inscription in the city, especially in the direction of the ‘peripheries’.
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Dittrich, Marie-Agnes. "How to Split the Heritage when Inventing a Nation. Germany's Political and Musical Division." English version, no. 10 (October 22, 2018): 359–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.51515/issn.2744-1261.2018.10.359.
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After the end of the old Empire in the Napoleonic Age, the states which are now Austria and Germany have separated gradually. But due to the rivalry which had emerged between Prussia and Austria in the decades before the new German Empire excluded Austria, the concept of “Germany” had to be redefined by differentiation not only from France, but from Austria too. Promoting the idea of an inherently “German” culture without admitting the superiority of practically all European cultural centres and especially of Vienna’s rich cultural and musical heritage required a redrawing of the map of Europe`s musical memory with the help of great dividers like religion or gender roles. Germans liked to believe that they were, as predominantly Protestants, more intellectual, progressive, and masculine, as opposed to the decadent, traditionalist Catholics in Austria. This “othering” of Austria affected the reception of composers like Beethoven, whom Prussia appropriated as German, or Schubert as typically Austrian. Similar differences were constructed with the shifting relationships between Germany and Austria after the WWI and after National Socialism, and when Germany itself was divided once more.
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Dargent, Claude. "Religious practice versus subjective religiosity: Catholics and those with ‘no religion’ in the French 2017 presidential election." Social Compass 66, no. 2 (March 27, 2019): 164–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768619832805.
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Since the 1930s, the frequency of mass attendance has been the most widely used indicator of involvement in Catholicism in France. Yet its validity is sometimes debated: to what extent can subjective religiosity constitute an alternative measure? Both indicators seem closely related. However, the social distributions they perform diverge at the margin. And the large sample on which this research is based reveals changes in contemporary Catholicism – particularly with regard to the urban rather than rural character of today’s practitioners. Electoral behaviour is also used in this article as a touchstone for the comparison of the two indicators. Previous research has established the strong link between Catholic religious practice and right-wing – but not far-right – voting. Despite the singularity of the 2017 election, the analysis establishes that this still holds true – and that the combination of these two indicators allows for subtler insight into this link.
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Jones, Brad A. "“In Favour of Popery”: Patriotism, Protestantism, and the Gordon Riots in the Revolutionary British Atlantic." Journal of British Studies 52, no. 1 (January 2013): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2012.60.
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AbstractIn 1778, in response to news of the American alliance with France, the British government proposed a series of Catholic relief bills aimed at tolerating Catholicism in England, Scotland, and Ireland. Officials saw the legislation as a pragmatic response to a dramatically expanded war, but ordinary Britons were far less tolerant. They argued that the relief acts threatened to undermine a widely shared Protestant British patriotism that defined itself against Catholicism and France. Through an elaborate and well-connected popular print culture, Britons living in distant Atlantic communities, such as Kingston (Jamaica), Glasgow, Dublin, and New York City, publicly engaged in a radical brand of Protestant patriotism that began to question the very legitimacy of their own government. Events culminated in June 1780, with five days of violent, deadly rioting in the nation's capitol. Yet the Gordon Riots represent only the most famous example of this new, more zealous defense of Protestant Whig Britishness. In the British Caribbean and North America, unrelenting fears of French invasions and the perceived incompetence of the government mixed with an increasingly confrontational Protestant political culture to expose the fragile nature of British patriotism. In Scotland, anti-Catholic riots drove the country to near rebellion in early 1779, while in Ireland, Protestants and Catholics took advantage of this political instability to make demands for economic and political independence, culminating in the country's legislative autonomy in 1782. Ultimately, Catholic relief and the American alliance with France fundamentally altered how ordinary Britons viewed their government and, perhaps, laid the foundations for the far more radical political culture of the 1790s.
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Capperucci, Vera. "Alcide De Gasperi and the problem of reconstruction." Modern Italy 14, no. 4 (November 2009): 445–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903237540.
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Starting with a quick overview of the historiography of Italy from Fascism to the Republic, this article looks at Alcide De Gasperi's establishment as a leader within both the Italian political system and within his Party–the Christian Democrats–casting new light on three aspects of his political activity: (1) his relationship with the Church and the Catholics’ new modes of participation in political life; (2) the reasons inspiring the definition of the Republican State's institutional architecture; and (3) alliance strategy in government formation and in relationships with the other parties. The originality of De Gasperi's political activity can be defined in terms of these issues, together with the development of a distinctive political leadership, for too long overlooked, that would play a critical role in carrying Italy through its postwar reconstruction.
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Shumilin, Alexander. "France: Republic against «Political Islam» (Part II)." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 20, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 117–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran22021117124.
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From March 30 to April 12, 2021, members of the French Senate considered the government-prepared draft law on «countering separatism». His ideology is primarily aimed at curbing the increased activity of supporters of «political Islam» (Islamism) in France. Earlier, on February 16, 2021, the National Assembly (lower house of parliament) had approved the document. As shown in the first part of the article, the discussion of the draft deepened the split in the Muslim community of France between followers of moderate Islam, who supported the efforts of the government, and Islamists, who rejected the main provisions of the document. This article attempts to analyze a new stage of relations between the state and the Muslim community of the country – against the background of the decisions made by the senators. Accusing the French government of «Islamophobia»”, Islamic radicals appeal to the leadership of the European Union. Behind them, the figure of the Turkish President R.T. Erdogan, who is increasingly using religious rows in Europe for his own political purposes. The author of the article comes to the conclusion that the escalating confrontation in the Muslim environment and around it is acquiring more and more obvious political implications in France.
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Babich, Irina L. "Mikhail Nikolaevich Abatsiev: some aspects of social and political activity in emigration." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 1(2021) (March 25, 2021): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-1-12-19.
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The aim of this article is to study the social and political activities of one of the Ossetian emigration figures of the 1920s. - Mikhail Nikolaevich Abatsiev (1891–1983) - a representative of a large and authoritative family in Ossetia. This research was based on the published and archival materials collected in Russia and France. In modern Caucasian studies, there is still not enough study connecting with the period of the first wave of emigration of the North Caucasian highlanders in the 1920s–1930s. to Europe. The life of M.N. Abatsiev in France (from 1925 to 1983) was very unique. The aim of this article is to examine the foundations of the socio-political views by Abatsiev. He understood the historical processes on the North Caucasus connecting with Russia very good. The author concludes about the life of Abatsiev among the highlanders of the North Caucasus, who supported not him, but the idea of a Confederation of independent Сaucasian states. There were many highlanders-nationalists in Europe. They were active. There were also many highlanders who supported the idea of the North Caucasus in the Russian state, but they were mostly not active, because they were afraid that them would call “Russians.” The author identifies three key aspects of the socio-political views by M.N. Abatsiev: common Caucasian solidarity, the ability of the highlanders of the North Caucasus to create the independent state, the role of Russia in the development of the North Caucasus. In this article was study all these views in the context of the socio-political positions of other North Caucasian emigrants in France in the 1920s–1930s. Military and legal thinking of M.N. Abatsiev did not allow him to fantasize about the “independence of the North Caucasus.” The author separately examines the activities of M.N. Abatsiev in the Republican Democratic Party of M.N. Milyukov. He was a member of this party in France.
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Connell, Francis J. "Comments on “The Crisis in Church-state Relationships in the U.S.A.”." Review of Politics 61, no. 4 (1999): 710–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500050592.
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The author seems to have no regard for the supernatural life and vigor of the Catholic Church. He proposes as the most necessary means of protecting the Church from grave harm in the United States something natural—the “adaptation” of a traditional Catholic doctrine to a naturalistic concept of the State. The truth is that the most effective means toward preserving the Church from harm and promoting its apostolic activity will be found in a more ardent zeal on the part of bishops and priests and in a more faithful observance of God's law by Catholics. It should not be forgotten that Christ has promised to abide with His Church and to sustain it, so that the gates of hell shall never prevail against it. The author does not take this promise into consideration.
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Mialon, Melissa, and Jonathan Mialon. "Analysis of corporate political activity strategies of the food industry: evidence from France." Public Health Nutrition 21, no. 18 (July 12, 2018): 3407–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980018001763.
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AbstractObjectiveTo identify the corporate political activity (CPA) of major food industry actors in France.DesignWe followed an approach based on information available in the public domain. Different sources of information, freely accessible to the public, were monitored.Setting/SubjectsData were collected and analysed between March and August 2015. Five actors were selected: ANIA (Association Nationale des Industries Agroalimentaires/National Association of Agribusiness Industries); Coca-Cola; McDonald’s; Nestlé; and Carrefour.ResultsOur analysis shows that the main practices used by Coca-Cola and McDonald’s were the framing of diet and public health issues in ways favourable to the company, and their involvement in the community. ANIA primarily used the ‘information and messaging’ strategy (e.g. by promoting deregulation and shaping the evidence base on diet- and public health-related issues), as well as the ‘policy substitution’ strategy. Nestlé framed diet and public health issues, and shaped the evidence base on diet- and public health-related issues. Carrefour particularly sought involvement in the community.ConclusionsWe found that, in 2015, the food industry in France was using CPA practices that were also used by other industries in the past, such as the tobacco and alcohol industries. Because most, if not all, of these practices proved detrimental to public health when used by the tobacco industry, we propose that the precautionary principle should guide decisions when engaging or interacting with the food industry.
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Harrigan, Patrick J. "Political Ecumenism: Catholics, Jews, and Protestants in de Gaulle's Free France, by Geoffrey AdamsPolitical Ecumenism: Catholics, Jews, and Protestants in de Gaulle's Free France, by Geoffrey Adams. McGill-Queen's Studies in the History of Religion. Montreal, McGill-Queens University Press, 2006. xxiii, 395 pp. $85.00 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 43, no. 2 (September 2008): 311–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.43.2.311.
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A. Baisotti, Pablo. "“THE FALL OF THE SECOND WALL”: THE NORMALIZATION OF RELATIONS BETWEEN CUBA AND THE UNITED STATES AND THE ROLE OF POPE FRANCIS." POPE FRANCIS AND POLITICS 11, no. 2 (November 13, 2017): 191–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj1102191b.
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The pastoral trips of Pope Francis to Cuba and to the United States were not only religious. The political activity that he organized to consolidate the relationship between the two recently reconciled countries was remarkable. Through visits, meetings and masses the Pope expressed his position and concerns about various arguments, beyond the recomposed Cuban-American relationship. During the trip he addressed subjects including the environment, poverty, family, union, freedom, all of which were themes that the Pontiff had clearly stated in his encyclical Laudato Si ‘(2015) and his Apostolic Exhortation Evangelii Gaudium (2013). With this trip, Pope Francis ended up consolidating his status as a global politician as well as a pastor with a high degree of acceptance not only among Catholics.
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Dmitriy S., Lavrinovich. "Representatives of the Orthodox and Catholic Churches from the Belarusian-Lithuanian Provinces in the State Duma of the Russian Empire." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 4 (October 30, 2022): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2022-0-4-49-61.
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Representatives of the Orthodox and Catholic Churches from the Belarusian-Lithuanian provinces in the State Duma of the first and fourth convocations took an active part in political and legislative activities, influenced the development of the socio-political and socio-economic situation, both in the territory of the region and the Russian Empire in general. Due to the support of the deputies and the Orthodox clergy, measures were taken to inhance the situation of the Orthodox Church, to develop school affairs, and draft laws were developed to improve the situation of the peasant population. The deputies representing the Catholic Church mostly supported the rights of the church and the Catholics. For the majority of deputies, as well as the Orthodox and Catholic clergy, the period of Duma activity was the peak of their socio-political career.
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Verbytskyi, Volodymyr. "Main Vectors of International Activity of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church." Roczniki Kulturoznawcze 12, no. 2 (June 17, 2021): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rkult21122-4.
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During the 1950s and 1980s, the Eastern Catholic Church (sharing the Byzantine tradition) was maintained in countries with a Ukrainian migrant diaspora. In the 1960s, this branched and organized church was formed in the Ukrainian diaspora. It was named the Ukrainian Catholic Church (UCC). The Galician Metropolitan Department was headed by Andriy Sheptytskyi until 1944, and after that Sheptytskyi was preceded by Yosyp Slipiy, who headed it until 1984. In addition to the Major Archbishop and Metropolitan Yosyp, this church included two dioceses (in the United States and Canada), a total of 18 bishops. It had about 1 million believers and 900 priests. The largest groups of followers of the union lived in France, Yugoslavia, Great Britain, Brazil, Argentina, and Australia. Today, the number of Greek Catholics in the world is more than 7 million.
The international cooperation of denominations in the field of resolving historical traumas of the past seems to be quite productive. An illustrative example was shared on June 28, 2013. Preliminary commemorations of the victims of the 70th anniversary of the Volyn massacres, representatives of the UGCC and the Roman Catholic Church of Poland signed a joint declaration. The documents condemned the violence and called on Poles and Ukrainians to apologize and spread information about the violence. This is certainly a significant step towards reconciliation between the nations.
The most obvious fact is that the churches of the Kyiv tradition—ОCU and UGCC, as well as Protestant churches (All-Ukrainian Union of Evangelical Churches—Pentecostals, Ukrainian Lutheran Church, German People’s Church)—are in favor of deepening the relations between Ukraine and the European Union. A transformation of Ukrainian community to a united Europe, namely in the European Union, which, in their view, is a guarantee of strengthening state sovereignty and ensuring the democratic development of countries and Ukrainian society.
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Grzybowski, Jerzy. "Polskie cywilne duszpasterstwo prawosławne w Niemczech Zachodnich w latach 1945–1951." Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 9 (July 14, 2016): 81–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0009.8270.
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The article discusses the history of the formation and activity of the Polish orthodox chaplaincy in the three western occupation zones of Germany after World War II. At that time, there were hundreds of thousands of refugees from Poland in the area. In terms of religion they constituted a mosaic. The followers of the Orthodox Church were the second largest group after the Catholics. The authorities of the Republic of Poland in exile felt obliged to provide these people with religious care. Led by Archbishop Sawa (Sowietov), priests carried out the ministry in Germany. The author has analyzed the political and social conditions in which the structures of the Polish Orthodox Church in refugee camps in West Germany were organized and functioned. The author has also presented the influence of the ethnic factor on the activity of the Polish Orthodox clergy.
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Williams, Michael E. "William Allen: The Sixteenth Century Spanish Connection." Recusant History 22, no. 2 (October 1994): 123–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200001837.
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William Allen is best remembered as the founder of those colleges at Douai and Rome which prepared men to go as missionary priests to England and so helped to preserve the faith there during the time of persecution. Because of his own personal qualities as a scholar, and his ability to work with others and meet the changing political situation, he became in his day the acknowledged leader of the English catholics. He maintained cordial relations with the Society of Jesus and was fully aware of the ecclesiastical scene on the continent of Europe. His resolute attitude towards heresy and insistence on the practice of the true faith even in the most difficult conditions, entitles him to be considered the father of recusancy. Yet Allen's reputation is not high outside Catholic circles. His involvement in the cause of Spain, especially at the time of the Armada, has led many to regard him as seriously misguided if not an outright traitor. This criticism has had its effect on Catholics since it has cast a shadow on his work and his claim that he never allowed his students to become engaged in politics has not always sounded totally convincing. Over a hundred years ago in his Introduction to the Douai Diaries T. F. Knox deliberately avoided any discussion of this matter saying, ‘his political action stands in no relation to his work for the seminary.’ This side of Allen's activity has often proved an embarrassment to his biographers who sometimes try and console themselves with the ungracious conclusion that Allen's political involvement was due to the machinations of Robert Persons. The fourth centenary of his death provides an opportunity to take another look at Allen's life and writings, paying particular attention to the context in which he lived before he went into exile, and from an appreciation of the situation under Mary Tudor to progress towards an understanding of his later work and activity on the continent, especially his relationship with Spain.
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Mahieu, Pierre-Alexandre, Romain Crastes, Bengt Kriström, and Pere Riera. "Non-market valuation in France. An overview of the research activity Introduction." Revue d'économie politique 125, no. 2 (2015): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/redp.252.0171.
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Zhitko, Anatolij. "Discriminative Economic Policy of the Russian Government Towards the Catholic Nobility of Belarus (Second Half of the 19th Century – the Beginning of the 20th Century)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (August 2021): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.4.8.
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Introduction. The upper class of Belarus within the Russian Empire attracted the attention of researchers. However, the restrictive economic policy of the Russian government towards the nobility of the Roman Catholic faith has not been the subject of special study. The aim of the article is to identify the main aspects of the discriminative policy of the autocracy against the Catholic nobility of Belarus in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries. Methodology. The study is based on the fundamental principles of historical knowledge – historicism, objectivity, value-based approach, and traditional general scientific and concrete historical methods were used to implement the research tasks. Results. In 1858 in the Belarusian provinces the hereditary nobility made up one third of the upper class of the European part of Russia. The implementation of the “parsing the shliahta” policy led to a sharp reduction in the Catholic nobility by 1865. The government sought to economically undermine the economic activities of the Catholic nobility and equalize Russian and Catholic land ownership in the Belarusian region. This was reflected in the preferential sale of sequestered and confiscated estates, the prohibition of land purchases by Catholics, all kinds of fines and especially through contribution fee and a tax to support the Orthodox clergy. Conclusion. The government’s discriminative policy towards Catholic nobility was aimed at curbing the economic activity of “the Poles” in Belarus. The main elements of its implementation were the sequestration and confiscation of the estates of Catholics who directly or indirectly participated in the uprising of 1863–1864, various fines, the prohibition of the purchase of land holdings, contribution fee, taxes on maintaining the Orthodox Church, etc. At the same time, this policy did not lead to the expected results. At the beginning of the 20th century the Catholic nobility outnumbered the Russian nobility in land ownership.
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Mali, Anya. "Strange encounters: Missionary activity and mystical thought in seventeenth century New France." History of European Ideas 22, no. 2 (March 1996): 67–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(95)00070-4.
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Houliston, Victor. "Robert Persons’s Precarious Correspondence." Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 4 (July 9, 2014): 542–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00104012.
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The Jesuit mission to England during the reign of Elizabeth depended a great deal on written correspondence with Rome and other missionaries “in the field.” As the superior of the mission, Robert Persons wrote frequently and sometimes voluminously to his colleagues and associates, as well as to interested lay people and political figures. This article considers the effect of the urgency and the unpredictability of his correspondence. He was often on the run, so letters could go astray, be intercepted or delayed. Letters took two to three weeks to reach Rome, and generally crossed each other, so that policy discussion was subject to a degree of guess-work and anticipation. With the capture and execution of Campion, Persons’s flight to France, the vicissitudes of Scottish and French politics (which crucially affected the fortunes of the English Catholics), and the growth of factionalism within the exile community, ignorance or misunderstanding could play a significant role in determining strategy and forming attitudes. Our own interpretation of Elizabethan Catholicism has also been affected by the loss of much of this correspondence at the suppression of the Society.
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Kościelniak, Krzysztof. "Status chrześcijan w Libanie według Règlement z 1861 oraz 1864 roku." Analecta Cracoviensia 40 (January 4, 2023): 357–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/acr.4023.
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Lebanon’s experiment with power sharing dates back to 1861 and 1864. Règlement, the law regulating relations between of all the ethnic-religious groups of Lebanon (Maronite Christians, Sunni Muslims, Christian Greek Orthodox, Greek Catholics, the Shi’a Muslims, and the Druze) was a novel, very interesting solution for multi-ethnic society of Lebanon. This society was divided along confessional lines concentrating in distinct geographical regions. The Ottoman governor had to be a appointed by Constantinople, non-Lebanese Catholic with the authorization of the five foreign guarantors (from England, France, Germany, Austria and Russia). Each of the six mentioned communities was allotted two seats on the twelve-member administrative council that helped the governor rule. According to the Règlement, all members of the administrative and judiciary councils as well as local officials of smaller counties were to be nominated and chosen by the leaders of the respective communities and appointed by the government. The Règlement Organique transformed Mount Lebanon into a fully autonomous Ottoman province with political institutions based on power sharing among its various denominations under an Ottoman-European consortium protectorate giving a half century communal peace (1864–1920) to Mount Lebanon.
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Mialon, Melissa, and Jonathan Mialon. "Corporate political activity of the dairy industry in France: an analysis of publicly available information." Public Health Nutrition 20, no. 13 (July 10, 2017): 2432–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980017001197.
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AbstractObjectiveIn the present study, we used a structured approach based on publicly available information to identify the corporate political activity (CPA) strategies of three major actors in the dairy industry in France.DesignWe collected publicly available information from the industry, government and other sources over a 6-month period, from March to August 2015. Data collection and analysis were informed by an existing framework for classifying the CPA of the food industry.Setting/SubjectsOur study included three major actors in the dairy industry in France: Danone, Lactalis and the Centre National Interprofessionnel de l’Economie Laitière (CNIEL), a trade association.ResultsDuring the period of data collection, the dairy industry employed CPA practices on numerous occasions by using three strategies: the ‘information and messaging’, the ‘constituency building’ and the ‘policy substitution’ strategies. The most common practice was the shaping of evidence in ways that suited the industry. The industry also sought involvement in the community, establishing relationships with public health professionals, academics and the government.ConclusionsOur study shows that the dairy industry used several CPA practices, even during periods when there was no specific policy debate on the role of dairy products in dietary guidelines. The information provided here could inform public health advocates and policy makers and help them ensure that commercial interests of industry do not impede public health policies and programmes.
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Sterkhov, Dmitrii. "The Hanoverian Question and Prussian Foreign Policy in the Early Nineteenth Century (1801–1806)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2022): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018318-7.
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This study explores the significance of the Hanoverian Question for Prussian foreign policy in the early nineteenth century. The author looks at the origins of the Hanoverian Question and analyses Prussian motives for annexing Hanover in the first part of the article. Special attention is paid to the relationship between Prussian foreign policy and Prussian domestic stability. The political system in Prussia was severely unbalanced by the capture of vast swathes of Polish territory to the east, populated mostly by Catholics. To restore the balance, the Prussian state badly needed a German-speaking and Evangelical province to the west, and only the Electorate of Hanover met these requirements. The Hanoverian Question went hand in hand with the neutrality policy pursued by Prussia between 1795 and 1806. After the unsuccessful occupation of Hanover in 1801, Prussian King Friedrich Wilhelm III committed himself solely to the peaceful annexation of the Electorate, which had to be recognised internationally, above all by France, Great Britain, and Russia. Forced to manoeuvre between Napoleon and the Anti-French Coalition, Prussia eventually gained possession of Hanover, but found itself at war with both Great Britain and France. Thus, the delicate Hanoverian Question paved the way for the War of the Fourth Coalition of 1806–1807, which ended in Prussia's worst defeat. One can conclude that Prussia failed to resolve the Hanoverian Question satisfactorily, yet this diplomatic setback was instrumental in changing Prussian foreign policy. After 1806 Prussia finally abandoned its policy of neutrality and manoeuvring appeared more willing to use force to achieve its goals.
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Bannikov, K. V., N. K. Radina, O. A. Smirnova, and D. V. Shavarova. "Electronic petitions in France on the material of Change.org, a non-governmental e-petition platform." Digital Sociology 5, no. 3 (September 6, 2022): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2658-347x-2022-5-3-45-56.
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The article presents the results of an empirical study on electronic petitions posted on the Change.org French-speaking segment, geographically linked to France. The relevance of the topic is due to the intervention of modern information and communication technologies in political reality and the need for scientific reflection of the consequences of digital changes in political processes. The authors of the article analyse the regional particularities of the online petition activity by the inhabitants of France on the material of 15 887 electronic petitions (January 2015 – October 2017), 570 of which are petitions with the status of “victory” (4 %). The authors note that the European territories of France form three main groups of online petition activity (with low, medium and high petition activity). Residents of France most often relate to social problems (social security, health care and education) in electronic petitions. In addition, Change.org is actively registering electronic petitions on issues related to crime and terrorism, discrimination, the environment, the economy and animal welfare. Electronic petitions about problems of culture, sports and problems of confessional relations are recorded relatively rarely. The greatest response from the recipients of the petition is caused by problems in the social sphere, education and health. The French society, through the prism of activity on the non-governmental Internet resource Change.org, appears as a modern society with post-industrial values, preoccupied with security issues, in an active and relatively productive dialogue with its political and business elite.
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Bukrieieva, Olha, and Yana Medvedovska. "The formation of metrology as government regulated activity in France." History of science and technology 11, no. 2 (December 12, 2021): 274–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.32703/2415-7422-2021-11-2-274-283.
Full textAbstract:
The article has discussed the historical process of development of metrological activity in France. It was revealed that the history of metrology is considered as an auxiliary historical and ethnographic discipline from a social and philosophical point of view as the evolution of scientific approaches to the definition of individual units of physical quantities and branches of metrology. However, in the scientific literature, the little attention is paid to the process of a development of a centralized institutional metrology system that is the organizational basis for ensuring the uniformity of measurements. It was shown that traditionally there are two periods of development of metrology based on the unification of weights and measures: the association under Charlemagne and the introduction of the decimal metric system during the French Revolution. Because this division has a mixed scientific and organizational basis, a new periodization of the development of French metrology from the position of state regulation was proposed. The highlighted stages include the primitive period and the first city-states, the time of the domination of the Roman Empire, the era of the coexistence of many measures, the chapters of Charlemagne, the feudal practices of the Middle Ages, the creation of royal standards under Henry II, the introduction and dissemination of the decimal metric system, the emergence of metrological institutes, laboratories, centers. At the State level the first step in organizing a centralized institutional metrology system was the creation of a testing laboratory, the second was the creation of National Metrological Bureau, national bodies for metrology, and the third was reorganization of the system and appointment of the National Testing Laboratory as the governing metrological body of France. Thus, the French metrology system has experienced many crises and upheavals in the process of its formation. However, France today is one of the most experienced and respected countries in the field of metrology, and at the international level, it was the one who laid the foundations for new metrological agreements, as well as the social, philosophical, scientific, political and geographical area of the new system of measures and weights.