Academic literature on the topic 'Catholics – France – Political activity'
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Journal articles on the topic "Catholics – France – Political activity"
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Ramsay, Jacob. "Extortion and Exploitation in the Nguyên Campaign against Catholicism in 1830s–1840s Vietnam." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 35, no. 2 (June 2004): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463404000165.
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Preoccupied with French mission agitation in the late 1850s and during the Franco-Spanish invasion of southern Vietnam, scholarship has long neglected the dramatic change taking place in preceding decades at the local level between Catholics and mainstream society. Exploring negotiation between Catholic communities and authorities, as well as organisational shifts in mission activity, this article brings into sharper focus the turmoil of the late 1830s and 1840s Nguyên repression of Catholicism.
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Nolan, Frances. "‘The Cat’s Paw’: Helen Arthur, the act of resumption andThe Popish pretenders to the forfeited estates in Ireland, 1700–03." Irish Historical Studies 42, no. 162 (November 2018): 225–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2018.31.
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AbstractThis article examines the case of Helen Arthur, a Catholic and Jacobite Irish woman who travelled with her children to France following William III’s victory over James II in the War of the Two Kings (1689–91). It considers Helen’s circumstances and her representation inThe Popish pretenders to the forfeited estates in Ireland, a pamphlet published in London in 1702 as a criticism of the act of resumption. The act, introduced by the English parliament in 1700, voided the majority of William III’s grants to favourites and supporters. Its provisions offered many dispossessed, including the dependants of outlawed males, a chance to reclaim compromised or forfeited property by submitting a claim to a board of trustees in Dublin. Helen Arthur missed the initial deadline for submissions, but secured an extension to submit through a clause in a 1701 supply bill, a development that brought her to the attention of the anonymous author ofThe Popish pretenders. Charting Helen’s efforts to reclaim her jointure, her eldest son’s estate and her younger children’s portions, this article looks at the ways in which dispossessed Irish Catholics and/or Jacobites reacted to legislative developments. More specifically, it shines a light on the possibilities for female agency in a period of significant upheaval, demonstrating opportunities for participation and representation in the public sphere, both in London and in Dublin. It also considers the impact of the politicisation of religion upon understandings of women’s roles and experiences during the Williamite confiscation, and suggests that a synonymising of Catholicism with Jacobitism (and Protestantism with the Williamite cause) has significant repercussions for understandings of women’s activities during the period. It also examines contemporary attitudes to women’s activity, interrogating the casting of Helen as a ‘cat’s paw’ in a bigger political game, invariably played by men.
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Cherygova, Anastasiia. "Henri-Dominique Lacordaire in the Canadian ultramontane philosophy." DIALOGO 7, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.51917/dialogo.2021.7.2.12.
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When the ultramontane bishop of Saint-Hyacinthe in Canada invited the French Dominicans to his diocese, he requested help from their leader, another French-speaking ultramontane, Reverend Father Henri-Dominique Lacordaire, O.P., who restored the Dominican Order in France after a long ban on religious orders. However, there seemed to have been a paradox at the heart of this invitation. Lacordaire was an extremely controversial figure in both secular and Catholic French circles, mostly due to his rocky relationships with the French episcopacy, his unconventional preaching style and especially his political opinions, including his admiration for republicanism and the Anglo-American political system. Theoretically, all this would put him at odds with Canadian ultramontanes. They were rather opposed to the growing politically liberal forces in Canada specifically and to the Anglo-American politico-philosophical system in general. So why would Canadian ultramontanes ask help from a man so seemingly different from them politically? Our hypothesis is that what united Lacordaire and Canadian ultramontanes was more significant than what divided them - notably, both parties were concerned about opposition to Catholicism coming from State officials, as well as about the menace of irreligion among the growing bourgeois class. Therefore, both were keenly interested in advancing the cause of Catholic education to combat these worries. To prove our hypothesis we would employ methodology based on personal writings and biographical accounts of actors involved in the arrival of Dominicans to Canada, as well as on historical analysis effectuated on connected topics, like the ultramontane scene in Canada, French missionary activity in North America, etc.
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Fedin, Andrey Valentinovich. "Acculturation strategies: a policy of francization in a context of Jesuit mission in New France in first half of the XVII century." Samara Journal of Science 5, no. 4 (December 15, 2016): 101–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv20164206.
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Formation of the difficult and branched out network of the unions with the American Indian tribes, based on mutually advantageous economic and military-political relations was one of the main features of the French colonial regime in Canada of XVII century. As a result, in the first decades of XVII century the most outstanding representatives of secular and spiritual colonisation of New France (Champlain, Recollects and Jesuits) started working out the most effective strategy of Franco-Amerindian rapprochement and the cooperation, embodied in the program francization, i.e., ideas of acculturation and assimilation of the native population of Canada by Frenchmen as basic means of social and economic and political development of a colony. Catholic missionaries including members of a Jesuit order were interested in realisation of this program at the initial stage of development of new territories and formation of a colonial infrastructure, as material basis of their apostolate activity among the American Indian peoples. From this point of view, Civilisation of Indians on the French sample was considered priority in relation to Christianization. In the process of Jesuit mission network expansion among the cores of trading and military colony partners and the Jesuit missionary transformation into the main intermediary in Franco-Amerindian relations in the middle of XVII century, on the one hand, and growth of contradictions with the secular colonial power on a wide spectrum of problems (including trade in alcoholic drinks), Jesuits began to audit initial positions of the francization program, resulted in 2nd half of the century to full refusal of them and the statement of a primacy of the religious reference over the cultural.
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Meadwell, Hudson. "The politics of language: Republican values and Breton identity." European Journal of Sociology 31, no. 2 (December 1990): 263–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000397560000607x.
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Among other things, the revolutionary period in France is notorious for two practices: the development of a civil religion and a project of linguistic standardization. The substitution of republican for religious symbols, the creation of public space for republican worship, the hostility towards intermediary bodies, all of this sought to ground a more direct relationship between the citizen and the republic. At the same time, the new order sought to consolidate its control of the church. An oath of loyalty to the republic was required from priests, as part of a plan to make priests functionaries of the state. The protest evoked, and its association with counterrevolution, however, produced equivocation on the part of regimes until the Concordat, which acknowledged the place of Catholicism in French society, without providing official recognition as the state religion, and which sought to monitor the activity of the clergy.
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Uvarov, Pavel Yu. "Who Speaks through the Mouths of Babes? Children and Religious Violence in France. Review of: Crouzet, D. (2020). Les enfants bourreaux au temps des guerres de Religion. Paris: Albin Michel. 336 p. Izvestiya Uralskogo federalnogo universiteta. Seriya 2: Gumanitarnye nauki, 23(1), 293–306." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 23, no. 1 (2021): 293–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2021.23.1.020.
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This essay contains reflections on a new book by renowned historian Denis Crouzet on children’s violence, and, more broadly, on the image of children during the French Wars of Religion. In the book under review, the novelty lies in the fact that the images of ‘innocent infants’ make part of a separate plot. Just as novel are Denis Crouzet’s reflections on the ‘sources of inspiration’ of the young French persecutors of heretics. The author indicates the anthropological correspondences inherent in the culture of both Italian and French cities, such as the carnivalesque inversion of the ‘world inside out’ and the social function of youth associations taking part in the ‘charivari’ rites. Denis Crouzet pays attention to sources that are novel to him, like children’s Christmas chants, mystery plays, and ‘miracles’. While impersonating the Innocents persecuted by Herod but also angels carrying retaliation to this villain, urban children learnt what and how to do in the face of a carnival challenge. The ways to leave the eschatological activism are of particular interest. After 1572, the gangs of executioners-children left the scene. Only the murder of the Guises on Christmas Day, 1588, threw crowds of children into the streets of Paris. Now they were described differently, however, — as a disciplined mass, occupied not with outrages but with prayers. The author speaks of ‘Catholic consciousness’, but that was already a different reformed Catholicism, departing further and further from the old ‘corporate Catholicism’. The religious political activity of children would become a thing of the past, however. The image of an innocent child would once more be in demand only after the Revolution, when, this time in a desacralised context, children became the embodiment of the French nation.
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Bartyzel, Jacek. "Nacjonalizm włoski — pomiędzy nacjonalitaryzmem a nacjonalfaszyzmem." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 4 (February 18, 2019): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.4.11.
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ITALIAN NATIONALISM: BETWEEN NATIONALITARIANISM AND NATIONAL-FASCISMThe subject of this article is the doctrine of Italian nationalism considered using the approach of the Polish italianist Joanna Sondel-Cedarmas. This doctrine found its most complete expression in the activity and journalism of Italian Nationalist Association Associazione Nazionalista Italiana; ANI, of which the main theorists and leaders were Enrico Corradini, Luigi Federzoni, Alfredo Rocco and Francesco Coppola. Although the organization was active relatively briefly, that is, for 13 years from 1910 to 1923, it played a key role in the transitional period between the parliamentary system and the fascist dictatorship. The historical role of ANI consisted in breaking with the nationalitarian ideology dominating in nineteenth-century Italy and related to the Risorgimento Rising Again movement, which was liberal, democratic and anti-clerical. Instead, ANI adopted integral nationalism, connected with right-wing, conservative, monarchist, anti-liberal and authoritarian ideology and favourable to the Catholic religion. However, in contrast to countries like France, Spain, Portugal or Poland, nationalism of this kind failed to retain its autonomous political position and organisational separation, because after World War I it encountered a strong competitor in the anti-liberal camp — fascism, which as a plebeian and revolutionary movement found a broader support base in the pauperised and anarchy-affected society. Nationalists, forced to cooperate with the National Fascist Party after the March on Rome and the coming to power of Benito Mussolini, modified their doctrine in the spirit of the national-fascist ideology. In spite of that, the nationalists active within the fascist system were preventing that system from evolving towards totalitarianism and defended the monarchy, as well as the independence of the Roman-Catholic Church.
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Tarling, Nicholas. "The British and the First Japanese Move into Indo-China." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 21, no. 1 (March 1990): 35–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400001958.
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The French move into what they came to call Indo-China began, as the Hong Kong Register was to put it, with motives hostile to British power. Pre-revolutionary France had indeed seen such a move as a means of contesting Britain's supremacy in Asia: placing themselves between the growing empire in India and the growing trade with China, the French could embarrass their European rivals. But establishing themselves in Vietnam was easier said than done. The limited help they were able to afford Gia-long reaped them no great reward, and his successor, Minh-mang, even turned against the Catholic missionaries whom he saw as sources of subversion of his Confucian-style reunification. Continued anti-Catholic activity on the part of his successor was to give Napoleon III an excuse to intervene in the 1850s. But by then, as the Register noted, the old rivalry with the British had died out. The British had sought to open up trade with Vietnam, but, both before and after their victory over neighbouring China, the Vietnamese had refused to accept a commercial treaty. The British thus did not oppose the more forceful attempt the French made to open up Vietnam. Their only concern was lest the French should trench upon the territory of Laos and Cambodia, and thus undermine the independence of Siam, which the British saw as an outwork of their empire in Burma and Malaya. There was indeed a crisis over Laos, and thus over Siam, in 1893, but the French and the British came to terms in 1896. Their agreement in Southeast Asia was consolidated by their agreement in Europe, which the apprehension of Germany promoted.
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BARING, EDWARD. "HUMANIST PRETENSIONS: CATHOLICS, COMMUNISTS, AND SARTRE'S STRUGGLE FOR EXISTENTIALISM IN POSTWAR FRANCE." Modern Intellectual History 7, no. 3 (September 30, 2010): 581–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244310000247.
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This article reconsiders Sartre's seminal 1945 talk, “Existentialism is a Humanism,” and the stakes of the humanism debate in France by looking at the immediate political context that has been overlooked in previous discussions of the text. It analyses the political discussion of the term “humanism” during the French national elections of 1945 and the rumbling debate over Sartre's philosophy that culminated in his presentation to the Club Maintenant, just one week after France went to the polls. A consideration of this context helps explain both the rise, and later the decline, of existentialism in France, when, in the changing political climate, humanism lost its centrality, setting the stage for new antihumanist criticisms of Sartre's work.
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Hanley, David. "Religion, politics and identity: The Catholics of France and Britain." Modern & Contemporary France 6, no. 3 (August 1998): 376–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489808456444.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Catholics – France – Political activity"
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Biaggi, Cecilia. "Catholics in Northern Ireland : political participation and cross-border relations, 1920-1932." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:eeb511c0-ff08-4843-9d8b-bad91046351d.
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Coffey, Quinn. "The political, communal and religious dynamics of Palestinian Christian identity : the Eastern Orthodox and Latin Catholics in the West Bank." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/9598.
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Despite the increasingly common situation of statelessness in the contemporary Middle East, a majority of the theoretical tools used to study nationalism are contingent upon the existence of a sovereign state. As such, they are unable to fully explain the mechanisms of national identity, political participation, and integration in non-institutional contexts, where other social identities continue to play a significant political role. In these contexts, the position of demographic minorities in society is significant, as actors with the most popular support –majorities -- tend to have the strongest impact on the shape of the political field. This thesis demonstrates what we can learn from studying the mechanisms of nationalism and political participation for one such minority group, the Palestinian Christians, particularly with regards to how national identity fails or succeeds in instilling attachment to the state and society. This is accomplished by applying the theoretical framework of social identity theory to empirical field research conducted in the West Bank in 2014, combined with an analysis of election and survey data. It is argued that the level of attachment individuals feel towards the “state” or confessional communities is dependent on the psychological or material utility gained from group membership. If individuals feel alienated from the national identity, they are more likely to identify with their confessional community. If they are alienated from both, then they are far likelier to emigrate. Additionally, I suggest that the way in which national identity is negotiated in a stateless context is important to future state building efforts, as previous attempts to integrate national minorities into the political system through, e.g., devolved parliaments and quotas, have failed to instil a universal sense of the nation.
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Lorimer, Emma. "Huguenot general assemblies in France, 1579-1622." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2b3b75f0-02bb-4855-9b2b-f29a17ee5c65.
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A large measure of the durability of the Huguenot movement was derived from then- general political assemblies. The assembly held at Montauban in 1579 was the first attended by a deputy north of the Loire; after the final and twenty-second general assembly at La Rochelle in 1622, only localised gatherings were held. This thesis argues that the assemblies were primarily a corps: their principal purpose was both to oversee the implementation of the edicts of pacification and to mobilize resources if peace broke down. Essentially based on the available manuscript sources, many of them unexplored, this thesis approaches the general assemblies as an institution. The first two chapters highlight the process of convocation of the general assemblies and the manner in which political representation (both within the assemblies and to the monarchy) took place. The third chapter principally explores the relationship between the general assemblies and the chambers created for Huguenots in the parlements from 1576. The assemblies supported these chambers as a means of obtaining implementation of the edicts of pacification. In the fourth chapter, the apparently conflicting attitudes of the general assemblies to property and civil rights are addressed. For instance, while the assemblies regulated the taking of lay and ecclesiastical property, revenue from these sources was often reinvested to support ministers, schools and charitable purposes. The fifth and sixth chapters examine the provisions for war made by the general assemblies and their attempts to ensure the adequate financing of Huguenot troops. The assemblies always stated that they acted in self-defence; a primary concern was the need to ensure the protection of local civilian populations. The monarchy allowed the assemblies to organise levies for the repayment of debts owed to mercenary troops and provided for the maintenance of Huguenot garrison troops from royal revenue. This thesis concludes that while the general assemblies worked as a corps, they never received letters of corporation from the monarchy; they remained ad hoc, susceptible to events and to the manipulation of public opinion through wellaimed pamphlet literature.
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Nicolle, François. "Les stratégies politiques des méta-organisations et de leurs membres à l’ère des réseaux socio-numériques : étude du secteur de l’enseignement supérieur privé français." Thesis, Paris, HESAM, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020HESAC036.
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Cette recherche s’intéresse aux évolutions des stratégies politiques des organisations dans un contexte de changements. Cette thèse s’intéresse particulièrement au rôle central joué par les méta-organisations dans la conduite de l’action collective, au rôle politique des réseaux socio-numériques ainsi qu’au nouveau cadre juridique du lobbying en France avec la loi dite Sapin II. Les stratégies politiques correspondent aux actions protéiformes déployées par les organisations pour influencer la décision publique. La thèse se concentre sur un secteur régulé par l’Etat, l’enseignement supérieur privé français. L’étude empirique est conçue en deux temps : une série de 18 entretiens semi-directifs avec des dirigeants d’établissements, de méta-organisations et des experts en stratégies politiques puis une ethnographie numérique de la communication des acteurs de l’enseignement supérieur français sur Twitter en 2018.La thèse met en évidence la prééminence des méta-organisations dans les actions politiques du secteur de l’enseignement supérieur privé français, et les modalités de l’articulation des actions politiques entre les méta-organisations et leurs membres. La thèse souligne le recours limité aux réseaux socio-numériques dans les stratégies politiques des acteurs étudiés. Cette thèse complète l’arbre de décision des stratégies politiques notamment par l’utilisation des réseaux socio-numériques et le recours aux organisations collectives de défense des intérêtsThis research focuses on the evolution of corporate political activities in a context of change. This thesis is particularly focused on the central role played by meta-organizations in the conduct of collective action, the political role of socio-digital networks and the influence of the new legal framework for lobbying in France. Political activities correspond to the protean actions deployed by organizations to influence public decision. The thesis focuses on a regulated sector, French private higher education. The empirical study is designed in two stages: a series of 18 semi-structured interviews with managers of establishments, meta-organizations and experts in political strategies, then a digital ethnography of the communication of actors in French higher education on Twitter in 2018.The thesis highlights the pre-eminence of meta-organizations in the political actions of the French private higher education sector, and the modalities of the articulation of political actions between meta-organizations and their members. The thesis highlights the limited use of digital social-networks in the political strategies of the organizations studied. This thesis completes the decision tree of political strategies, notably through the use of socio-digital networks and the use of collective advocacy organizations
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Allocco, Katherine Gretchen 1971. "Intercessor, rebel, regent : the political life of Isabella of France (1292/6-1358)." 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/12741.
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De, Mattos Rudy Frédéric 1974. "The discourse of women writers in the French Revolution: Olympe de Gouges and Constance de Salm." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3468.
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Twentieth-century scholars have extensively studied how Rousseau's domestic discourse impacted the patriarchal ideology in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and contributed to women's exclusion from the public sphere. Joan Landes, Lynn Hunt, and many others, argued that the French Revolution excluded women from the public sphere and confined them to the domestic realm. Joan Landes also argued that the patriarchal discourse was a mere reflection of social reality. In The Other Enlightenment, Carla Hesse argues for the women's presence in the public sphere. One of the goals of this dissertation is to contribute to the debate by analyzing the content of the counter-discourse of selected women authors during the revolutionary era and examine how they challenged and subverted the patriarchal discourse. In the second chapter, I reconstruct the patriarchal discourse. I first examine the official (or legal) discourse in crucial works which remain absent from major modern sources: Jean Domat's Loix civiles dans leur order naturel and Louis de Héricourt's Loix eccleésiastiques de France dans leur order naturel. Then I look at how scientists like Monroe, Roussel, Lignac, Venel, and Robert used discoveries regarding woman's physiology to create a medical discourse that justifies woman's inferiority so as to confine them into the domestic/private sphere. I examine how intellectuals such as Rousseau, Diderot, Montesquieu, Coyer and Laclos, reinforced women's domesticity. In chapter 3, I examine women's participation in the early stage of the Revolution and the overt attempt by some women to claim their place in the public sphere and to challenge and subvert the oppressive patriarchal discourse through their writings. Chapter 4 focuses on Olympe de Gouges's theater and a specific example of subversion of the patriarchal discourse: I compare the father figure in Diderot's La Religieuse and de Gouges's play Le Couvent, ou les Voeux forcés. Finally chapter 5 examines women's involvement in the French Revolution after 1794 and Constance de Salm's attack on patriarchy.
Books on the topic "Catholics – France – Political activity"
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Les évêques de France en politique. Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1986.
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Catholicisme et société dans la France du XXe siècle: Apostolat, progressisme et tradition. Paris: Éditions Karthala, 2011.
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Demain, une revue catholique d'avant-garde: 1905-1907. Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 2011.
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Piety and politics: Catholic revival and the generation of 1905-1914 in France. New York: Garland, 1987.
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Fleury, Alain. "La Croix" et l'Allemagne, 1930-1940. Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1986.
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Schlegel, Jean-Louis, ed. À la gauche du Christ: Chrétiens de gauche en France de 1945 à nos jours. Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 2012.
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Naomi, Black. Feminist politics on the farm: Rural Catholic women in southern Quebec and southwestern France. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1999.
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Marx, Jacques. Le péché de la France: Surnaturel et politique au XIXè siècle. Bruxelles: Espace de Libertés, 2004.
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Le péché de la France: Surnaturel et politique au XIXe siècle. Bruxelles: Espace de libertés, Éditions du Centre d'action laïque, 2005.
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Die französischen Konservativen in der katholischen Provinz: Parteigenese und politische Kultur im Doubs (1900-1930). Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2008.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Catholics – France – Political activity"
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Questier, Michael. "Catholic Martyrs and the Political Crises of the mid-1580s." In Catholics and Treason, 140–78. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192847027.003.0006.
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The failure of the queen’s preferred method of dealing with the Dutch revolt in Flanders led, eventually, to the English military intervention there and a de facto state of war with Spain. As some contemporary commentators saw it, this fed into the setting up of a new State security apparatus. Influential Catholic exiles, notably William Allen in his pamphlet entitled A True, Sincere, and Modest Defence, in reply to Burghley’s Execution of Justice, claimed that the queen’s government had turned into a tyranny and that it might be necessary to appeal to papal authority to confront that development. Inevitably the regime’s officials started to retaliate against separatist Catholics who, covertly or overtly, made this case. The further strengthening of the law of treason in 1585 coincided with what some scholars have discerned as a republican moment in Elizabethan politics—based upon the so-called bond of association and various schemes for dealing with an interregnum in the event of Elizabeth’s death. This was the backdrop for the prosecutions, of Catholic clergymen and their harbourers and patrons, under the new act against seminary clergy. That measure was highly controversial, and preceded the regime-led strike against Mary Stuart in the context of the Babington conspiracy. Although this did not prevent a new spate of anti-puritanism, it also provoked new and much more overt expressions of Catholic resistance theory, paralleling the same case being made in France against the Valois monarchy by the Holy Catholic League.
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Horn, Gerd-Rainer. "Last Stands." In The Moment of Liberation in Western Europe, 217–46. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199587919.003.0007.
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The moment of liberation in Western Europe spans several years before and after Victory in Europe Day. The roughly two years before 8 May 1945 witnessed the greatest extension of antifascist resistance activism, imparting an aura of radicalization to this period. It is possible to pinpoint specifically when the pressures of radical antifascist resistance activism broke out one last time in post-liberation Western Europe. In Belgium, tensions rose in conjunction with the attitudes of the new post-liberation government headed by the conservative Catholic Hubert Pierlot. In November 1947, first in Marseille but then also in Saint-Étienne, resistance activists defied the old political elite in militant actions which were the last of their kind in post-liberation France. In Italy, the assassination attempt on Palmiro Togliatti in 1948 marked the last stand of the radical resistance spirit, witnessing instances of quasi-urban insurrections in some of the traditional hotspots of antifascism in Italy.
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"Women’s political activity in the ecology movement and coordinations." In Women and Politics in France 1958-2000, 171–86. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203186275-11.
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Questier, Michael. "The Coming of Toleration in Late Elizabethan England?" In Catholics and Treason, 259–87. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192847027.003.0009.
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The stalemate in the fighting in France and Flanders, together with the exhaustion of the military capacity of the French and Spanish monarchies, made some sort of peace a virtual certainty. This would be the context for the accession in England of the Scots king, James VI. He would not, like Henry of Navarre, convert to Rome, but it was likely, some thought, that his rule would see a change in the relationship between Catholics and the (new) regime. There had been a rehabilitation of formerly rebel Catholics in Scotland. This coincided with the so-called Archpriest Dispute in England. This controversy was conducted via manuscripts and printed pamphlets and was technically about an issue of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. But it dealt also with some of the major contested political issues of the moment, including whether the regime was persecuting good (Catholic) Christians. It was a debate conducted in part through the regime’s continuing resort to the law of treason and the resulting dumbshow of the scaffold, which this chapter reviews. These confrontations were, in turn, part of the public politics of the increasingly imminent accession. Towards the end of the 1590s there were, here and there, visible signs that the authorities were not (if they ever had been) united over the way that the law should be enforced against Catholic separatism.
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Smith, Hannah. "Popery, Arbitrary Government, and War, 1670–8." In Armies and Political Change in Britain, 1660-1750, 38–53. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198851998.003.0003.
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This chapter examines Charles II’s political and military problems during the Third Anglo-Dutch War as he once again attempted a policy of religious toleration. With the country at war, Charles was confronted with the dilemma of appointing a commander for his army and with the problem of how to discipline this newly increased force. But even more difficult was his relationship with parliament, which was intensely suspicious of the army. Parliament remained deeply concerned that the army had been infiltrated by Catholics. Moreover, parliament continued to be apprehensive of Charles’s plans for his army, particularly when the army was enlarged to fight a war with France in 1678.
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Hertz, Robert. "Excerpt from “St Besse: A Study of an Alpine Cult”." In Anthropology of Catholicism. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520288423.003.0002.
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The works of French sociologist Robert Hertz (1881–1915) are now staple readings in general anthropology. This study of the cult of a saint in the Italian Alps is lesser known than Hertz’s celebrated essay on the symbolism of death and sin, “Death and the Right Hand” (1907), yet it remains a model of classic ethnography. Hertz was raised in a devout Parisian Jewish family, studied at the École Normale Supérieure under Émile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss, and later became a critical member of the famous Année Sociologique group. The influence of the Année—its concern with theoretically driven, detailed, holistic, and integrative analyses of social phenomena—can be seen in his essay “Saint Besse: Étude d’un culte alpestre” (first published in 1913 in the French Revue de l’Histoire des Religions and translated into English in 1988).1 The essay is a painstaking, eloquent ethnohistory, locating Saint Besse intimately in divergent paths of regional history and local tradition, where Saint Besse’s shrine in a rocky Alpine overhang is, quite literally, embedded in the landscape. The essay portrays beautifully the independent spirit of popular Catholicism, especially in the flexibility of the hagiography of Saint Besse, which allows each community—whether mountain peasants or village dwellers, even church authorities—to lay claim to the saint through the qualities he is seen to manifest: the courage of a soldier, the moral stature of a bishop, and the devotion of a pious shepherd. The work is methodologically unorthodox for a Durkheimian, for Hertz not only draws on oral and archival sources, popular, local, and ecclesiastical traditions, but also has left his Parisian armchair for direct, “participant observation” in the field. In the Italian Alps, as elsewhere, a vibrant popular Catholicism evolves from pagan, telluric sources, sometimes articulating with official Catholicism, sometimes not. In typically Durkheimian fashion, Hertz describes the tremendous power of Saint Besse to knit together diverse communities of people morally and physically through collective religious devotion. In Hertz’s focus on Saint Besse as a material source and mediator of social identity we can read this work as a precursor to many other great ethnographies on Catholic saints (popular and more official), whether in Europe, Latin America, or elsewhere. But we can also read in the essay the political and moral vision of a socialist, activist—and Jewish—scholar who saw in a popular rural Catholic saint cult the vitality of community life that he might have seen as missing in his own social milieu of pre–World War I France.
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Unowsky, Daniel. "Jews, Roman Catholics, and Mass Politics in Western Galicia." In The Plunder, 11–42. Stanford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9780804799829.003.0002.
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This chapter provides an overview of social, and economic relations in the small towns and villages where most of the 1898 attacks took place. What were the small towns of the region like? Who lived in them? How did Jews and Catholics interact and in what locations and contexts? In this period in Italy, France, and elsewhere, Catholic institutions propagated new and virulent forms of antisemitism. Galicia’s Catholic hierarchy and clergy translated and transferred this Catholic-inflected modern antisemitism into the Galician countryside. This took place at the very moment when mass politics arrived in Habsburg central Europe. New political parties competed for rural voters, bringing a strident, aggressive style of political action, rhetoric, and organization to the countryside. The new Catholic antisemitism played a central role in this competition as it did in two fiercely fought elections for parliamentary seats that took place in the first half of 1898.
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Bailey, Heather L. "Roman Catholicism, Russian Orthodoxy, and Russophobia in France, 1830–1856." In The Public Image of Eastern Orthodoxy, 17–44. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501749513.003.0002.
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This chapter discusses the development of anti-Orthodox and anti-Russian sentiment in France. It explains the anti-Orthodox and anti-Russian sentiment after 1830 within the context of the schools of thought that divided French Catholics in the nineteenth century and the geopolitical tensions between France and Russia. It analyzes Russia's place in the European schema that has been a question at the forefront of the minds of European rulers, statesmen, clergy, intellectuals, political radicals, and revolutionaries since Peter I. The chapter addresses how the questions on Russia's place produced a presupposition of some kind of dichotomous relationship between Russia and the West. It also mentions the Slavophile–Westerner debate among nineteenth-century Russian intellectuals, which perceives Russia's relation to the West dichotomy as a construction of Russian intellectuals.
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Carté, Katherine. "Antipopery and the End of the Protestant State." In Religion and the American Revolution, 246–86. University of North Carolina Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469662640.003.0007.
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This chapter chronicles how Britain ceased to be, and the United States failed to become, protestant polities. In both countries, government leaders relied by necessity on Catholics as political partners during the war. In the United States, that was the search for support from either the Quebecois or, more significantly, from France. In Britain, after the French Alliance, that was the military necessity to draw on Catholic subjects, in Britain as well as in Ireland, for soldiers. American religious leaders largely accepted this fact, depriving the new nation of a language of unity and purpose—the cosmic conflict between protestants and Catholics—that had long dominated early modern international affairs. In Britain, religious leaders made parallel choices, as anti-Catholic riots in Scotland and then, more dramatically in England, set political protestantism and the goals of empire—prosecuting the war with all available resources—at odds. These two related events signal the end of the confessional era in the midst of the Age of Revolutions.
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Kselman, Thomas. "God and Liberty?" In Conscience and Conversion. Yale University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300226133.003.0006.
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This chapter examines the religious choices of Félicité Lamennais, a key figure in the political and religious debates of the French Restoration. After flirting with the doctrines of Rousseau as an adolescent, Lamennais converted to ultramontane Catholicism, convinced that papal authority was the only reliable basis for social order. State repression of Catholicism in Poland, Belgium, Ireland, and France in 1830 led Lamennais to alter his views and embrace a marriage of “God and Liberty” in which Catholics would support the separation of church and state, and defend political and civil liberties, in particular the freedom of the press. Twice condemned by Pope Gregory XVI, Lamennais abandoned Catholicism and embraced the right of freedom of conscience that he had formerly condemned.
Conference papers on the topic "Catholics – France – Political activity"
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Demir, Emre. "THE EMERGENCE OF A NEO-COMMUNITARIAN MOVEMENT IN THE TURKISH DIASPORA IN EUROPE: THE STRATEGIES OF SETTLEMENT AND COMPETITION OF GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN FRANCE AND GERMANY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bkir8810.
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This paper examines the organisational and discursive strategies of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and its differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe, with the primary focus on the movement’s educational activities. The paper describes the characteristics of organisational activity among Turkish Muslims in Europe. Then it analyses two mainstream religious-communitarian movements and the contrasting settlement strategies of the “neo- communitarian” Gülen movement. Despite the large Turkish population in western Europe, the movement has been active there for only about ten years – relatively late compared to other Islamic organisations. Mainly, the associational organisation of Turkish Islam in Europe is based on two axes: the construction/ sponsoring of mosques and Qur’anic schools. By contrast, the Gülen movement’s members in Europe, insisting on ‘the great importance of secular education’, do not found or sponsor mosques and Qur’anic schools. Their principal focus is to address the problems of the immi- grant youth population in Europe, with reintegration of Turkish students into the educational system of the host societies as a first goal. On the one hand, as a neo-communitarian religious grouping, they strive for a larger share of the ‘market’ (i.e. more members from among the Turkish diaspora) by offering a fresh religious discourse and new organisational strategies, much as they have done in Turkey. On the other hand, they seek to gain legitimacy in the public sphere in Germany and France by building an educational network in these countries, just as they have done in Central Asia and the Balkans region. Accordingly, a reinvigorated and reorganised community is taking shape in western Europe. This paper examines the organizational and discursive strategies1 of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and it is differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe. We seek to analyse particularly the educational activities of this movement which appeared in the Islamic scene in Diaspora of Europe for the last 10 years. We focus on the case of Gülen movement because it represents a prime example amongst Islamic movements which seek to reconcile-or ac- commodate- with the secular system in Turkey. In spite of the exclusionary policy of Turkish secular state towards the religious movements, this faith-based social movement achieved to accommodate to the new socio-political conditions of Turkey. Today, for many searchers, Gülen movement brings Islam back to the public sphere by cross-fertilizing Islamic idioms with global discourses on human rights, democracy, and the market economy.2 Indeed, the activities of Gülen movement in the secular context of France and Germany represent an interesting sociological object. Firstly, we will describe the characteristics of organizational ability of Anatolian Islam in Europe. Then we will analyse the mainstream religious-com- munitarian movements (The National Perspective movement and Suleymanci community) and the settlement strategies of the “neo-communitarian”3 Gülen movement in the Turkish Muslim Diaspora. Based on semi-directive interviews with the directors of the learning centres in Germany and France and a 6 month participative observation of Gülen-inspired- activities in Strasbourg; we will try to answer the following questions: How the movement appropriates the “religious” manner and defines it in a secular context regarding to the host/ global society? How the message of Gülen is perceived among his followers and how does it have effect on acts of the Turkish Muslim community? How the movement realises the transmission of communitarian and `religious’ values and-especially-how they compete with other Islamic associations? In order to answer these questions, we will make an analysis which is based on two axes: Firstly, how the movement position within the Turkish-Islamic associational organisation? Secondly, we will try to describe the contact zones between the followers of Gülen and the global society.