Journal articles on the topic 'Catholic secondary college'

We conducted an archival study at a coeducational Catholic university to test the proposition that single-sex secondary education predicts lasting differences in college majors. Men from single-sex schools were more likely to both declare and graduate in gender-neutral majors than those from coeducational schools. Women from single-sex schools were more likely to declare gender-neutral majors, but were not different from their coeducated peers at graduation. A second study was conducted with a sample of first-year students to examine the correspondence between egalitarian attitudes, single-sex secondary education, and major choice. Egalitarianism was higher in students in nontraditional majors, but did not correspond in expected ways with single-sex education. Men from single-sex schools were less likely to hold egalitarian attitudes about gender roles, whereas women from single-sex and coeducational high schools did not differ in egalitarianism. Taken together, our results raise questions about the potential of single-sex high schools to reduce gender-stratification in professions.

The Polish version of the article was published in “Roczniki Humanistyczne,” vol. 57 (2009), issue 2. The Sodality of Our Lady is a Catholic religious association for young people founded in the Jesuit College in Rome in 1563 by Fr Jan Leunis. The most gifted and devout boys joined the Sodality in order to spread the cult of the Mother of God. Popes provided care for the vibrantly developing movement because of the great influence Sodalities of Our Lady had on the religious formation of young people. Jesuits established Marian congregations of students attending colleges in all Catholic countries, forming an international elite organization of lay Catholics. Sodalities thrived and they spread to all social estates in the 17th and the first half of the 18th century. Not only did school students belong to it, but also popes, kings, the gentry, clergy, townsfolk, craftsmen, military men and servants. The chief objective of the Sodality was to live by the motto “Per Mariam ad Jesum.” The development of the Sodality was halted by the dissolution of the Jesuit Order. In the middle of the 19th century the pronouncement of the dogma of the Immaculate Conception of the Holy Virgin, made by Pope Pious IX, opened a new era of the cult and a new period in the history of the Sodality. In Poland, the first Marian congregation of school students was established in Braniewo in 1571. At the end of the 18th century, before the dissolution of the Jesuit Order, in Poland there were 66 colleges, seminaries and monastery schools, and there was always at least one congregation affiliated to each of the schools. At the end of the 19th century, school sodalities were revived in Galicia, i.e. in Tarnopol, Chyrów, Tarnów, and in a girls’ secondary school run by the Ursulines in Kraków. A dynamic development of Marian congregations of school students started after Poland regained independence in 1918. The centre of the sodalitarian movement for all the estates was Kraków. The movement gained solid foundations in the two powerful sodality unions of both secondary school boys and girls. Father Józef Winkowski established a sodality for boys, and Fr Józef Chrząszcz one for girls. Sodalities published their own magazines, organized conventions, pilgrimages to Jasna Góra (Częstochowa, Poland), and ran charity organizations. In the late 1930s, nearly seventeen thousand students of secondary schools throughout the country were members of school sodalities. At the dawn of the Second Polish Republic, the greatest number of school sodalities operated in Kraków. There were 11 boys’ sodalities in secondary state schools and one in a private school run by the Piarist Order, and 11 girls’ sodalities in state and private schools. The Sodality of Our Lady contributed to the religious revival in Poland. The development of this organization was halted by World War II. After the war, in the years 1945–1949, the operation of the Sodality of Our Lady was resumed in many centres. The liquidation of church organizations in 1949 stopped its work for good, and its members came to be persecuted by the Communist regime.

Abstract Hematology, Catholic Hematology Hospital and Leukemia Research Institute, Seoul St. Mary's Hospital, College of Medicine, The Catholic University of Korea, Seoul, Korea, 2Department of Biomedical Science, College of Medicine, The Catholic University of Korea, Seoul, Korea, 3Department of Laboratory Medicine, Seoul St. Mary's Hospital, College of Medicine, The Catholic University of Korea, Seoul, Korea Background: Hemophagocytic lymphohistiocytosis (HLH) is a disease showing severe systemic inflammatory cascade which is life-threatening if not detected and treated appropriately. The diagnosis of HLH is confused due to other similar febrile diseases with cytopenia such as severe sepsis, autoimmune disease, and malignancies. Although decreased or absent natural-killer cell (NK) cytotoxicity is known as an important diagnostic parameter for pediatric HLH, the role for adult HLH is not elucidated well and also the significant level is not reported compared to other similar febrile diseases. Aim: We tried to identify the initial level of NK cytotoxicity in several febrile diseases and find out the role for diagnosis of HLH in adult patients in related with several cytokine levels. Methods: We prospectively enrolled 55 patients from 2015 to 2017. Adult patients older than 18 years with fever>38℃ presenting cytopenia in at least two lineages (neutrophil<1,000/㎕, platelet<100,000/㎕, Hemoglobin<9.0/dL) were firstly included. Patients with previously diagnosed hematological diseases were excluded. Diagnosis of HLH was based on HLH2004 criteria. Infection was managed according to the protocol and HLH-suspected patients were initially treated with 10mg/BSA of dexamethasone, and etoposide was considered if clinical improvement was not observed within 7 days after dexamethasone or immediately when the disease progression was observed. Patients other than HLH were treated with disease-specified therapies. NK cytotoxicity was calculated at diagnosis, 4 and 8 weeks after diagnosis by antibody-dependent Raji-cell cytotoxicity (ADCC) assay and K562-cell direct lysis using flow cytometry. Concomitantly, IL-2, IL-2R, IL-6, Interferon-gamma, TNF-alpha, and CXCR10 were calculated CD107a expression and NK-induced interferon gamma were also calculated at the same time point from diagnosis. Results: HLH was diagnosed in 37 patients caused by viral infection (n=11), malignancies (n=7), autoimmune diseases (n=5), bacterial infection (n=2), malaria (n=1), anaplasmosis (n=1) and unknown origin (n=10). Febrile diseases other than HLH (n=18) were diagnosed with hematological diseases (n=8), infectious mononucleosis (n=2), rheumatologic disease associated macrophage activation syndromes (n=6), and unknown origin (n=2). The results of both K562 lysis and ADCC assay was well correlated (correlation coefficient = 0.684, 95%CI 0.512-0.804, P<0.001) but ROC curve analysis revealed diagnostic power for HLH was greater in ADCC assay with the level of lower than 23.7% (AUC=0.781, P<0.001) which was also related with poor initial steroid response. Median ADCC level was significantly lower in HLH (21.6% vs. 33.5%, P=0.039) and in HLH with poor dexamethasone response (17.0% vs. 33.4%, P<0.001). Among the calculated cytokines, only IL-2R was significantly elevated in patients with HLH (2856 vs 1098 U/mL, P=0.006), especially in patients with poor steroid response. Conclusion: We identified that decreased NK cytotoxicity and elevated IL-2R are relevant diagnostic markers for diagnosis of secondary HLH also in adult patients. We also identified ADCC lower than 23.7% was predictable for severe HLH presenting poor treatment outcome. Disclosures Kim: BMS: Research Funding; Ilyang: Research Funding; Novartis: Research Funding; Pfizer: Research Funding. Lee:Alexion Pharmaceuticals, Inc.: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding.

The present study investigated how spirituality, peer connections, and social integration relate to academic resiliency, academic self-efficacy, academic integration, and institutional commitment of college students who identify as female. A sample of 372 undergraduates (ages 18-26) at a Catholic University completed Mapworks survey containing institution-specific questions and spirituality items in Spring 2018. Pearson correlation was used to examine the bivariate relationships between the variables. Canonical correlation analysis (CCA) was conducted to determine if relationships exist among the predictor variables (spirituality, peer connections, social integration) and the criterion variables (academic resiliency, academic self-efficacy, academic integration, institutional commitment). Academic resiliency was the only contributor to the synthetic criterion variable. The contributions of academic self-efficacy, academic integration and institutional commitment to the synthetic criterion variable were very negligible. Social integration and peer connections were the primary contributors to the predictor synthetic variable, with a secondary contribution by spirituality. Social integration, peer connections, and spirituality were all positively related to academic resiliency. Simultaneously addressing the social and spiritual well-being of college students, particularly those who have self-selected to attend a women&rsquo;s college, are crucial to promoting their academic success.

Purpose The recent motion picture Selma infused fresh interest – and controversy – into the political and emotional peak of America’s modern Civil Rights Movement. Ava DuVernay, the film’s director, faced criticism for her exclusion of the Jewish presence from the movie’s portrayal of the March 21, 1965 Voting Rights March. The recent attention presents a teachable moment and new energy for thinking deeply about this pivotal event in America’s past. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach The authors provide valuable historical domain knowledge surrounding the 1965 Voting Rights March, present the requisite plans and curriculum resources for implementing wise-practice instructional strategies, and explore the rationale underpinning the inquiry-based activities. Findings The authors share innovative approaches, at the secondary and elementary levels, integrating historical domain knowledge with renewed interest in the 1965 Voting Rights March to create powerful teaching-and-learning experiences. The approaches are innovative because they contain dynamic curriculum materials and reflect wise-practice use of historical photographs within the College, Career, and Civic Life (C3) Framework for Social Studies State Standards. Practical implications The approaches shared here are centered around questioning, a key to student learning. The lessons feature the development of questions, both from teachers and students, as classes work collaboratively to interpret a potentially powerful historical photograph and use historical events to practice thinking deeply about important topics. Originality/value Social studies classrooms are ideal educational spaces to develop and practice the analytical skills and dispositions students need to meet the challenge of critiquing visual information that concerns complex public issues, such as the role of religion in society.

The persistent inequalities in urban public education in the U. S. that have left far too many Black and Hispanic male students behind with respect to academic skill development, high school graduation, and college success have led Catholic groups to provide alternative secondary school models to advance the academic and career success of urban students. One of these initiatives is the NativityMiguel model school, the first of which opened in New York City in 1971. The present study examines the lived experience, with respect to benefits of this education on the subsequent academic and career successes, of male graduates of two of these schools, one for African American, or Black, students and one for Mexican American students in different parts of the country. Analyses of interviews with 37 graduates showed that they benefitted from the schools’ approach to academic skill development and the building of resilience, leadership, and a commitment to service in the context of a community that continued to support the development of resilience after middle school graduation. Differences in aspects of the two programs are examined along with the implications for making use of the schools’ initiatives on a larger scale.

De vernederlandsing van het middelbaar onderwijs in Vlaanderen was een moeizaam proces dat zich over een lange periode uitstrekte. De nu vijftig jaar oude taalwet van 1963 wordt als eindpunt van dit proces beschouwd. Het tempo van de vernederlandsing verschilde van school tot school naargelang van hun ligging en leiding.Het bisschoppelijke Sint-Hubertuscollege in Neerpelt is het eerste Vlaams college. Daar werd in 1910 volledig Nederlandstalig gestart zowel tijdens de klasuren als erbuiten in de ontspanningstijd en het godsdienstig verenigingsleven. Gunstige factoren waren in dit verband de ligging van de school, ver weg van de taalgrens of een verfranste stad, met vrijwel geen Waalse leerlingen én de gebrekkige Franse taalkennis van de leerlingen die zich in 1910 aanboden. Ook de onvolledige humanioracyclus en het ontbreken van een concurrerende rijksschool speelden daarbij mee. Deze gunstige omgevingsfactoren en het feit dat in naburige katholieke colleges zoals die van Peer en Maaseik het vernederlandsingsproces in een stroomversnelling zat, werden door de koppige directeur Jaak Peuskens aangegrepen om het Nederlands in zijn college in te voeren. Het bisdom dat hem hiervoor op de vingers tikte, liet uiteindelijk betijen na een goede uitslag in de jaarlijkse staatsprijskamp.Met de inrichting van een internaat en de volledige humanioracyclus en de faam als eerste Vlaams college vergrootte de school haar rekruteringsgebied. Dat gebeurde onder impuls van de ondernemende directeur Gerard Nulens die contacten onderhield in Vlaamsgezinde milieus van diverse strekking. Neerpelt dat via het spoor gemakkelijk bereikbaar was, werd zo een flamingantisch trefpunt. Onder meer de zonen van Frans Van Cauwelaert, August Borms en Emiel Wildiers zaten er op de schoolbanken. Ook nadat het bisdom onverwacht en zonder duidelijke motivering de hoogste twee klassen van de klassieke humaniora afschafte, bleef het college van Neerpelt aantrekkingskracht uitoefenen op zonen van leidinggevende Vlaamsgezinden.________The Sint-Hubertuscollege (St Hubert’s secondary School) in Neerpelt: the first Flemish secondary school?A micro-investigation of the Dutchification of secondary education.The Dutchification of secondary education in Flanders was a laborious process that took a very long time. The now fifty year old law on the use of language of 1963 is considered as the finishing point of this process. The speed of the Dutchification differed from school to school according to its location and administration.The Episcopal Sint-Hubertuscollege in Neerpelt was the first Flemish secondary school. In 1910 it became an entirely Dutch speaking school, where Dutch was used during classes as well as elsewhere during leisure time and at religious associations. This was favoured by factors such as the location of the school, far away from the language border or a Frenchified city, the fact that there were hardly any Walloon pupils as well as the deficient knowledge of French of the pupils who applied in 1910. In addition, the incomplete cycle of coursework in humanities and the lack of a competing state school played a role. The stubborn director Jaak Peuskens took advantage of these favourable environmental factors and the fact that in neighbouring Catholic secondary schools like the ones in Peer and Maaseik the Dutchification process was rapidly gaining speed in order to introduce Dutch in his secondary school. The diocese that rapped him over the knuckles for this, in the end condoned it after the school obtained a good result in the annual state competition.After the setting up of the boarding school, the introduction of the complete humanities cycle and the resulting fame of being the first Flemish secondary school, the school enlarged its catchment area for recruitment. This happened at the instigation of the enterprising director Gerard Nulens who had contacts in pro-Flemish circles of various tendencies. Thus Neerpelt, which was so easily accessible by rail, became a Pro-Flemish meeting point. Pupils who attended the school included among others the sons of Frans Van Cauwelaert, August Borms and Emiel Wildiers. Even after the diocese unexpectedly and without clear motivation cancelled the two highest classes of the classical humanities cycle, the secondary school of Neerpelt continued to attract the sons of pro-Flemish leaders.

Catholic schools and colleges are finding it increasingly difficult to maintain and sharpen their distinctiveness in a climate of secularism, indifference to religion and the shortage of practising Catholics. This article argues that one method of bolstering Catholic schools’ mission integrity is to highlight one important feature of its identity – theological anthropology – and shows how curriculum delivery outside Religious Education syllabuses might contribute to its teaching. I take examples from two popular set texts in A-level English Literature to highlight how they might be used creatively to stimulate discussion of a defining feature of personhood within the Christian tradition, imago Dei.

5 Background: There is limited data on the illness understanding and perception of cure among advanced cancer patients (ACP) receiving palliative care around the world. The aim of the study was to determine the frequency and factors associated with perception of curability in countries in North and South Americas , Europe, Asia and Africa. Methods: Secondary analysis of a study to determine the decisional control preferences in different countries. ACP receiving palliative care were surveyed to assess the patients’ Understanding of Illness using a Understanding Of Illness questionnaire. Descriptive statistics and Logistic regression analysis were performed. Results: A total 1390 ACPs were evaluated. The median age was 58, 55% were female, 59% were married, 47% were catholic, 36.2% were educated college or higher degree. 681/1390 (49%) reported that their cancer is curable, 60% felt perceived that the goals of therapy was “to get rid of their cancer,” 79% perceived that the goals of the therapy was to “make them feel better.” 62 % perceived they were relatively healthy. Logistic regression analysis (Table 1) shows that better Karnosfsky performance status (OR 1.009, P = 0.04), higher education (OR 0.52, P = 0.0001), ACP's belonging to Brazil, France and S. Africa were less likely and ACPs from Philippines, Jordan were more likely to have a perception of curability. Age, gender, marital status, religion and passive decision control preferences were not significantly associated with perception of curability. Conclusions: The perception of curability in ACP's is 49% and significantly differs by education, performance status, and country of origin. Integration of Palliative Care can be more complex in these patients. Further studies are needed to develop strategies to reduce this misperception so as to have early integration of palliative care. [Table: see text]

AbstractThis study examined academic stress in female Victorian Certificate of Education (VCE) students in terms of somatic symptoms and mood disturbance before, during, and after the midyear examination period and also examined the role of self-efficacy, number of social supports, social support satisfaction, and health behaviours in mediating the effects of stress on symptoms and mood disturbance. It was hypothesised that (a) student would report increased somatic symptoms and mood disturbance during the examination period and that (b) self-efficacy, social support (number and satisfaction), and health behaviours would account for a significant proportion of variance for somatic symptoms and mood disturbance before, during, and after the exam period. The participants were 51 VCE students from a large Catholic girls’secondary college in Melbourne. Four weeks before the exam period, the Generalized Self-Efficacy Scale, Reported Health Behaviours Checklist, Short Form Social Support Questionnaire, Symptoms Checklist, and Profile of Mood States were administered.The Symptoms Checklist and Profile of Mood States were administered again during the exam week and four weeks after the exam period. Statistical analyses showed that the VCE examination period was associated with significantly increased self-reports of somatic symptoms and mood disturbances that were strongly indicative of high levels of stress. Self-efficacy was found to have a weak role in mediating the stress response during the exam week. Social support did not account for any of the variation in academic stress. Health behaviours accounted for a small but significant proportion of the variance in stress after the exam period. It was concluded that there is a need to study other factors that may attenuate the academic stress response in adolescent secondary school students. The perceptual and cognitive appraisal of academic stressors is suggested as an area that may be worthy of examination.The implications of the findings are discussed in terms of the impact that academic stress may have on adolescents’ health during this critical period of development.

Sister Catherine Wallace (1917-91) was president of Mount Saint Vincent University (MSVU), Canada’s only degree-granting women’s post-secondary institution, from 1965 to 1974. Wallace’s appointment coincided with a transformative era not only in the North American post-secondary landscape, but also in the Roman Catholic Church and the women’s movement. Wallace was acutely aware that this combination of factors would require a transformation of MSVU itself for the institution to survive the next decade. Wallace ultimately strengthened MSVU’s identity and gave it a more outward-looking vision by embedding many of the goals of second-wave feminism, including the recommendations of the Report of the Royal Commission on the Status of Women in Canada (1970), in the University’s renewal. She also gave the university a more national profile through her work on the executive of the Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada (AUCC), including in 1973 as their first woman president.

The collective memory better than the individual memory holds the form (actions, words, formulas, scripts) than the matter (why it’s done). That is also true about aizgavieņs and масленица (Shrovetide), the archaic seasonal-rite feasts celebrated in Latgale. Nevertheless in the survey made by Rēzekne University College within the framework of ESF project “Linguo-Cultural and Socio-Economic Aspects of Territorial Identity in the Development of the Region of Latgale” (tilra.ru.lv) 1308 respondents (out of 1959, including 102 questionnaires in Russian) acknowledged Shrovetide as one of Latgalian identity features. In the list of 466 items (well-known people, places, traditions, realias, fi xed phrases, words etc) it holds 67th place. The aim of the work is to describe in comparative aspect the Latgalian and the Old- Believers’ traditions of the time before fasting, stressing syncretism of pagan, Christian (denominationally different) and ideological elements, using linguo-cultural approach. For the work published and unpublished materials of Latgalian folklore as well as the materials of Daugavpils University expedition about Old Believers and for comparing some materials of ethnographic studies in Pskov district (Мехнецов 2002; Прауст 2009) have been used. For all the Indo-European peoples, as they are agricultural people, the rhythm of life and work depends on the solar cycle; for an archaic human being it is the only system of reference frame. Acts of nature determine the quality of life all the year – the harvest should supply food till the next season. Preparing for the new agricultural season (the end of winter) is archaic New Year in modern understanding (Пропп 1995: 33), for archaic people to whom calendar doesn’t exist. Both at Shrovetide and at New Year’s Eve people read fortune about future spouse and the popular beliefs are very similar. Both Latgalians and Old Believers have popular beliefs connected with land tending at New Year eve fortunetelling, for example: at New Year’s Eve they went to crossroads to sow fl ax and later waited that at dream the future husband would come to tend land for flax. Other position: Масленица is the amount of summer solstice and other spring rituals (Клейн 2004: 312). For Slavic people the fertility of land is closely connected with prosperity and mercifulness of its inhabitants. Ritual food and wine is put for the shades, they are asked to come to fire, and they are asked for forgiveness, the graves are visited. For Catholics this time is not the time of commemorating the dead, so Latgalians encourage the growth of the most important for their culture plant – flax – with ritual actions. Most popular beliefs put down in Latgale are related to riding down a hill in a sledge as far as possible or with a horse travel far from home – so the flax grow as long as those ridings. In Latgale not only traditional sledges, but also ladonkys and skretels are used for riding. Ladonkys is a sleigh cut from ice with a hole for a rope and a groove for sitting, where a blanket is put. Seretels is a stake put in low wet place (to freeze in winter) in autumn to which at Shrovetide a pole is attached so the sleigh could be tied to it and spins round. The parade of disguised develop the topic of fertility in a social context. For Shrovetide a superfluity is typical both in entertainment and in food, but the timeline is strictly kept up. Latgalians prepare mainly meet dishes. They eat nine or twelve times and each time they eat meet. Slavic people celebrate Shrovetide for a week, they taste fat dishes, but they don’t eat meet at that time. The symbol of the Shrovetide menu is a pancake, which is the most ancient flour dish and the dish of Cult of the dead, it symbolizes prosperity and satiety. The Shrovetide menu of Latgalians is also unimaginable without it. Catholic fasting starts exactly at midnight of Ash Wednesday when merry-making and easy- time stops. Old-Believers fasting starts on Monday. Archaic ceremony is getting forms of mass events, since even in the conditions of Soviet ideology beginning since 50s of the 20th century, масленица has been celebrated as a farewell to winter with well-known for children Grandfather Frost (Дед Мороз) and The Snow Maiden(Снегурочка), with singing songs, playing games, horse races and horse- riding. Since 90s of 20th century all national groups living in Latgale have been integrated in the celebration of Shrovetide. In 1995 the public disguise event Daugavpils International Masque Festival has been launched where not only local national groups, but also guests from abroad demonstrate their national traditions. The celebration of Shrovetide has got the forms of mass cultural events emphasising its connection to certain place or specific aim of the initiators, for example: the songfest “Aizgavēnī cīmā braucam” (“In Shrovetide we vent on a visit”) of quires and folk companies in Vabole, the meeting of amateur theatres “Aizgavēņa grīztovōs“ (“In the gin-pole of Shrovetide”) in Līvāni (2011), the meeting of performance companies of Rēzekne Schools “Griešanās Aizgavēnī“ (“Rotation in Shrovetide”), “Aizgavieni” (“Shrovetide”) in Baltinava Secondary School; at the same time the restriction of social tradition as well as professional accomplishment can be traced.

Dr. Ed Jose is (and will always be) my best friend --- my mentor, guidance counselor and the “kuya” that I never had. I would like to share with you his two constant reminders to me which will make us know, understand and appreciate him more Very few people can handle power. He was a prime example of “not seeking any position but rather the position seeking him.” He was Chairman of the Department of Otorhinolaryngology, University of the Philippines – Philippine General Hospital (UPPGH) and at the same time President of the Philippine Society of OtorhinolaryngologyHead and Neck Surgery. He also became Chairman of the Philippine Board of Otorhinolaryngology-Head and Neck Surgery. At one point, he was also Assistant Director for Health Operations of UP-PGH. Committed to his positions, Dr. Jose remained humble and unassuming. He may appear “suplado” but he was always willing to help in whatever way possible. He was quite flexible believing that “rules can be bent” if it was the right thing to do at the time. One of his favorite songs was “Both Sides Now” and indeed, he was always fair when very important decisions were made. Simplify…Simplify…Simplify… This explains why his dedication was unwavering. Dr. Ed focused on three important aspects of his life: family, clinical practice and ORL training. Married to a pathologist (Dr. Rebecca Tongco-Jose) who passed away three years ago, his primary concern up to the end were his sons Noel and Ian. His world revolved around his family. The University of the Philippines (UP) was his way of life where he obtained his secondary, college and medical education. He took his residency at UP-PGH and served as chief resident on his senior year. Upon his return from Fellowship in Head and Neck Surgery at the Royal Nose, Throat and Ear Hospital in England, he started teaching and training residents at UP-PGH … and never stopped even after retirement. Fortunately for all the residents and even young consultants in UP-PGH, his clinic was just across Taft Avenue — so he was forever ON CALL especially during difficult and complicated surgeries. Papa Ed’s presence in the OR was a “confidence booster” for all of us. A true head and neck surgeon who did sharp dissection with bravado, the “thyroid and parotid expert,” the “surgeon’s surgeon” — Daddy Joe was very decisive and pragmatic in the management of cases. He had numerous patients and surgeries, always ready with an alternate case, and was also known as the “extension king” of UP-PGH. He was a silent worker but a very witty colleague. He was abreast of all the developments in the field of ORL. In fact, it was during his term as PSO-HNS President that the First PSO-HNS Clinical Practice Guidelines were developed and disseminated. Proof of his dedication to ORL training was his serving as director of the PBO-HNS until his demise. He made it a point to attend all the meetings, workshops, accreditation visits and other related activities (actually missing out on some social obligations). He was also ON CALL when other directors were not available. Dr. Jose was very religious, a practicing Roman Catholic and a devotee of Our Lady of Manaoag. He never failed to pray before seeing a patient and commencing surgery. He may seem grumpy but having known him for 35 years, he can be very playful with a very good sense of humor. Recognized as the FPJ of ORL, he would occasionally boast of his female admirers. He declared to our family that our grandson was his “adopted apo” and he had a “pasalubong only for Teo” every time he went on an accreditation visit. He was a voracious reader and a lover of history. Dr. Ed Jose was a simple man. His only luxury was collecting cars and watches. The last time I saw DJ (that is how our family calls him) prior to his hospitalization was significant because my mentor came to my clinic in Quezon City to consult me regarding his ear problem. True to form, I ended up consulting him for my nasal complaint. It will not only be I who will miss Dr. Ed Jose and his signature laughter…the entire ORL community will miss their Papa Ed/Daddy Joe. He will forever remain as an inspiration and role model for any Otorhinolaryngologist - Head and Neck Surgeon.

This paper is based upon research covering the period 1931-61 and is aimed at examining relationships between Roman Catholic social teaching and conse quent social action within the Province of Ontario. The seven studies constituting the research focused on six distinct areas in and around the cities of Windsor, London, Hamilton, Toronto, Ottawa, and Sudbury. Excluding seminaries or theologates, four of these cities contained one Catholic post-secondary institu tion, typically identified as an ' Arts and Science' college or university, and the city of Ottawa contained two such institutions.

This paper will critically analyze the degree to which the Ontario government, led by then Premier Mike Harris, embarked on a neoliberal agenda that led to a crisis in Ontario’s educational system. The period from 1995-2000 was one of the most contentious in Ontario’s educational history, and two pieces of legislation, The College of Teachers Act (Bill 31) and the Education Quality Improvement Act (Bill 160), pitted teacher unions, in particular, the Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation (OSSTF) and the Ontario English Catholic Teachers’ Association (OECTA), against the Harris government. Bill 160 led to a ten-day protest by teachers across Ontario, which signaled a dramatic shift in teacher and state relations that marked a crisis period in Ontario’s educational sector.

Aims: Evaluate the phytosociological structure of natural regeneration, the ecological group and the species dispersion syndrome in an urban fragment of the Atlantic Forest, Pernambuco, Brazil. Study Design: Systematic sampling. Place and Duration of Study: Immaculate Catholic College Conceição do Recife (FICR), in the municipality of Recife, PE, in August 2019. Methodology: In the survey, 10 plots of 5 m x 5 m were sampled, and all living individuals with height ≥ 1 m and circumference at 1.30 m from the soil were sampled < 15 cm. The structure of natural regeneration was analyzed based on phytosociological parameters and distribution of individuals in height classes. Species diversity was estimated using the Shannon diversity and Pielou equability indices. Results: We sampled 236 individuals, belonging to 26 species. The estimated density and dominance were 9,940 ind.ha-1 and 5.27 m2.ha-1, respectively. The families with the highest species richness were Fabaceae, Myrtaceae and Bignoniaceae. The species that stood out when considering density, frequency, dominance, importance value and natural regeneration were Protium heptaphyllum, Eschweilera ovata, Casearia javitensis, Brosimum guianense, Handroanthus sp.1, Xylopia frutescens, Thyrsodium spruceanum and Myrciaria ferruginea, being considered well adapted, showing efficiency in the development and establishment of new individuals. The Elaeis guineensis it was also among those that stood out the most, and it was necessary to monitor and control, because it is an invasive alien species. The indices of Shannon diversity and Pielou equability were 2.56 nats.ind.-1 and 0.76, respectively. In the area, the initial secondary species with zoochoric dispersal syndrome predominated. The distribution of the number of individuals for height classes occurred in the following order: C3 > C1 > C2. Conclusion: The area is in the intermediate stage of ecological succession, with moderate species richness. It is necessary to monitor the area, aiming at the control of the species Elaeis guineensis and native species with low natural regeneration.

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While the term “visual literacy” has grown in popularity in the last 50 years, its meaning remains nebulous. It is described variously as: a vehicle for aesthetic appreciation, a means of defence against visual manipulation, a sorting mechanism for an increasingly data-saturated age, and a prerequisite to civic inclusion (Fransecky 23; Messaris 181; McTigue and Flowers 580). Scholars have written extensively about the first three subjects but there has been less research on how visual literacy frames civic life and how it might help the public as a tool to address disadvantage and assist in removing social and cultural barriers. This article examines a forerunner to visual literacy in the push to create an international symbol language born out of popular education movements, a project that fell short of its goals but still left a considerable impression on graphic media. This article, then, presents an analysis of visual literacy campaigns in the early postwar era. These campaigns did not attempt to invent a symbolic language but posited that images themselves served as a universal language in which students could receive training. Of particular interest is how the concept of visual literacy has been mobilised as a pedagogical tool in design, digital humanities and in broader civic education initiatives promoted by Third Space institutions. Behind the creation of new visual literacy curricula is the idea that images can help anchor a world community, supplementing textual communication. Figure 1: Visual Literacy Yearbook. Montebello Unified School District, USA, 1973. Shedding Light: Origins of the Visual Literacy Frame The term “visual literacy” came to the fore in the early 1970s on the heels of mass literacy campaigns. The educators, creatives and media theorists who first advocated for visual learning linked this aim to literacy, an unassailable goal, to promote a more radical curricular overhaul. They challenged a system that had hitherto only acknowledged a very limited pathway towards academic success; pushing “language and mathematics”, courses “referred to as solids (something substantial) as contrasted with liquids or gases (courses with little or no substance)” (Eisner 92). This was deemed “a parochial view of both human ability and the possibilities of education” that did not acknowledge multiple forms of intelligence (Gardner). This change not only integrated elements of mass culture that had been rejected in education, notably film and graphic arts, but also encouraged the critique of images as a form of good citizenship, assuming that visually literate arbiters could call out media misrepresentations and manipulative political advertising (Messaris, “Visual Test”). This movement was, in many ways, reactive to new forms of mass media that began to replace newspapers as key forms of civic participation. Unlike simple literacy (being able to decipher letters as a mnemonic system), visual literacy involves imputing meanings to images where meanings are less fixed, yet still with embedded cultural signifiers. Visual literacy promised to extend enlightenment metaphors of sight (as in the German Aufklärung) and illumination (as in the French Lumières) to help citizens understand an increasingly complex marketplace of images. The move towards visual literacy was not so much a shift towards images (and away from books and oration) but an affirmation of the need to critically investigate the visual sphere. It introduced doubt to previously upheld hierarchies of perception. Sight, to Kant the “noblest of the senses” (158), was no longer the sense “least affected” by the surrounding world but an input centre that was equally manipulable. In Kant’s view of societal development, the “cosmopolitan” held the key to pacifying bellicose states and ensuring global prosperity and tranquillity. The process of developing a cosmopolitan ideology rests, according to Kant, on the gradual elimination of war and “the education of young people in intellectual and moral culture” (188-89). Transforming disparate societies into “a universal cosmopolitan existence” that would “at last be realised as the matrix within which all the original capacities of the human race may develop” and would take well-funded educational institutions and, potentially, a new framework for imparting knowledge (Kant 51). To some, the world of the visual presented a baseline for shared experience. Figure 2: Exhibition by the Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum in Vienna, photograph c. 1927. An International Picture Language The quest to find a mutually intelligible language that could “bridge worlds” and solder together all of humankind goes back to the late nineteenth century and the Esperanto movement of Ludwig Zamenhof (Schor 59). The expression of this ideal in the world of the visual picked up steam in the interwar years with designers and editors like Fritz Kahn, Gerd Arntz, and Otto and Marie Neurath. Their work transposing complex ideas into graphic form has been rediscovered as an antecedent to modern infographics, but the symbols they deployed were not to merely explain, but also help education and build international fellowship unbounded by spoken language. The Neuraths in particular are celebrated for their international picture language or Isotypes. These pictograms (sometimes viewed as proto-emojis) can be used to represent data without text. Taken together they are an “intemporal, hieroglyphic language” that Neutrath hoped would unite working-class people the world over (Lee 159). The Neuraths’ work was done in the explicit service of visual education with a popular socialist agenda and incubated in the social sphere of Red Vienna at the Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum (Social and Economic Museum) where Otto served as Director. The Wirtschaftsmuseum was an experiment in popular education, with multiple branches and late opening hours to accommodate the “the working man [who] has time to see a museum only at night” (Neurath 72-73). The Isotype contained universalist aspirations for the “making of a world language, or a helping picture language—[that] will give support to international developments generally” and “educate by the eye” (Neurath 13). Figure 3: Gerd Arntz Isotype Images. (Source: University of Reading.) The Isotype was widely adopted in the postwar era in pre-packaged sets of symbols used in graphic design and wayfinding systems for buildings and transportation networks, but with the socialism of the Neuraths’ peeled away, leaving only the system of logos that we are familiar with from airport washrooms, charts, and public transport maps. Much of the uptake in this symbol language could be traced to increased mobility and tourism, particularly in countries that did not make use of a Roman alphabet. The 1964 Olympics in Tokyo helped pave the way when organisers, fearful of jumbling too many scripts together, opted instead for black and white icons to represent the program of sports that summer. The new focus on the visual was both technologically mediated—cheaper printing and broadcast technologies made the diffusion of image increasingly possible—but also ideologically supported by a growing emphasis on projects that transcended linguistic, ethnic, and national borders. The Olympic symbols gradually morphed into Letraset icons, and, later, symbols in the Unicode Standard, which are the basis for today’s emojis. Wordless signs helped facilitate interconnectedness, but only in the most literal sense; their application was limited primarily to sports mega-events, highway maps, and “brand building”, and they never fulfilled their role as an educational language “to give the different nations a common outlook” (Neurath 18). Universally understood icons, particularly in the form of emojis, point to a rise in visual communication but they have fallen short as a cosmopolitan project, supporting neither the globalisation of Kantian ethics nor the transnational socialism of the Neuraths. Figure 4: Symbols in use. Women's bathroom. 1964 Tokyo Olympics. (Source: The official report of the Organizing Committee.) Counter Education By mid-century, the optimism of a universal symbol language seemed dated, and focus shifted from distillation to discernment. New educational programs presented ways to study images, increasingly reproducible with new technologies, as a language in and of themselves. These methods had their roots in the fin-de-siècle educational reforms of John Dewey, Helen Parkhurst, and Maria Montessori. As early as the 1920s, progressive educators were using highly visual magazines, like National Geographic, as the basis for lesson planning, with the hopes that they would “expose students to edifying and culturally enriching reading” and “develop a more catholic taste or sensibility, representing an important cosmopolitan value” (Hawkins 45). The rise in imagery from previously inaccessible regions helped pupils to see themselves in relation to the larger world (although this connection always came with the presumed superiority of the reader). “Pictorial education in public schools” taught readers—through images—to accept a broader world but, too often, they saw photographs as a “straightforward transcription of the real world” (Hawkins 57). The images of cultures and events presented in Life and National Geographic for the purposes of education and enrichment were now the subject of greater analysis in the classroom, not just as “windows into new worlds” but as cultural products in and of themselves. The emerging visual curriculum aimed to do more than just teach with previously excluded modes (photography, film and comics); it would investigate how images presented and mediated the world. This gained wider appeal with new analytical writing on film, like Raymond Spottiswoode's Grammar of the Film (1950) which sought to formulate the grammatical rules of visual communication (Messaris 181), influenced by semiotics and structural linguistics; the emphasis on grammar can also be seen in far earlier writings on design systems such as Owen Jones’s 1856 The Grammar of Ornament, which also advocated for new, universalising methods in design education (Sloboda 228). The inventorying impulse is on display in books like Donis A. Dondis’s A Primer of Visual Literacy (1973), a text that meditates on visual perception but also functions as an introduction to line and form in the applied arts, picking up where the Bauhaus left off. Dondis enumerates the “syntactical guidelines” of the applied arts with illustrations that are in keeping with 1920s books by Kandinsky and Klee and analyse pictorial elements. However, at the end of the book she shifts focus with two chapters that examine “messaging” and visual literacy explicitly. Dondis predicts that “an intellectual, trained ability to make and understand visual messages is becoming a vital necessity to involvement with communication. It is quite likely that visual literacy will be one of the fundamental measures of education in the last third of our century” (33) and she presses for more programs that incorporate the exploration and analysis of images in tertiary education. Figure 5: Ideal spatial environment for the Blueprint charts, 1970. (Image: Inventory Press.) Visual literacy in education arrived in earnest with a wave of publications in the mid-1970s. They offered ways for students to understand media processes and for teachers to use visual culture as an entry point into complex social and scientific subject matter, tapping into the “visual consciousness of the ‘television generation’” (Fransecky 5). Visual culture was often seen as inherently democratising, a break from stuffiness, the “artificialities of civilisation”, and the “archaic structures” that set sensorial perception apart from scholarship (Dworkin 131-132). Many radical university projects and community education initiatives of the 1960s made use of new media in novel ways: from Maurice Stein and Larry Miller’s fold-out posters accompanying Blueprint for Counter Education (1970) to Emory Douglas’s graphics for The Black Panther newspaper. Blueprint’s text- and image-dense wall charts were made via assemblage and they were imagined less as charts and more as a “matrix of resources” that could be used—and added to—by youth to undertake their own counter education (Cronin 53). These experiments in visual learning helped to break down old hierarchies in education, but their aim was influenced more by countercultural notions of disruption than the universal ideals of cosmopolitanism. From Image as Text to City as Text For a brief period in the 1970s, thinkers like Marshall McLuhan (McLuhan et al., Massage) and artists like Bruno Munari (Tanchis and Munari) collaborated fruitfully with graphic designers to create books that mixed text and image in novel ways. Using new compositional methods, they broke apart traditional printing lock-ups to superimpose photographs, twist text, and bend narrative frames. The most famous work from this era is, undoubtedly, The Medium Is the Massage (1967), McLuhan’s team-up with graphic designer Quentin Fiore, but it was followed by dozens of other books intended to communicate theory and scientific ideas with popularising graphics. Following in the footsteps of McLuhan, many of these texts sought not just to explain an issue but to self-consciously reference their own method of information delivery. These works set the precedent for visual aids (and, to a lesser extent, audio) that launched a diverse, non-hierarchical discourse that was nonetheless bound to tactile artefacts. In 1977, McLuhan helped develop a media textbook for secondary school students called City as Classroom: Understanding Language and Media. It is notable for its direct address style and its focus on investigating spaces outside of the classroom (provocatively, a section on the third page begins with “Should all schools be closed?”). The book follows with a fine-grained analysis of advertising forms in which students are asked to first bring advertisements into class for analysis and later to go out into the city to explore “a man-made environment, a huge warehouse of information, a vast resource to be mined free of charge” (McLuhan et al., City 149). As a document City as Classroom is critical of existing teaching methods, in line with the radical “in the streets” pedagogy of its day. McLuhan’s theories proved particularly salient for the counter education movement, in part because they tapped into a healthy scepticism of advertisers and other image-makers. They also dovetailed with growing discontent with the ad-strew visual environment of cities in the 1970s. Budgets for advertising had mushroomed in the1960s and outdoor advertising “cluttered” cities with billboards and neon, generating “fierce intensities and new hybrid energies” that threatened to throw off the visual equilibrium (McLuhan 74). Visual literacy curricula brought in experiential learning focussed on the legibility of the cities, mapping, and the visualisation of urban issues with social justice implications. The Detroit Geographical Expedition and Institute (DGEI), a “collective endeavour of community research and education” that arose in the aftermath of the 1967 uprisings, is the most storied of the groups that suffused the collection of spatial data with community engagement and organising (Warren et al. 61). The following decades would see a tamed approach to visual literacy that, while still pressing for critical reading, did not upend traditional methods of educational delivery. Figure 6: Beginning a College Program-Assisting Teachers to Develop Visual Literacy Approaches in Public School Classrooms. 1977. ERIC. Searching for Civic Education The visual literacy initiatives formed in the early 1970s both affirmed existing civil society institutions while also asserting the need to better inform the public. Most of the campaigns were sponsored by universities, major libraries, and international groups such as UNESCO, which published its “Declaration on Media Education” in 1982. They noted that “participation” was “essential to the working of a pluralistic and representative democracy” and the “public—users, citizens, individuals, groups ... were too systematically overlooked”. Here, the public is conceived as both “targets of the information and communication process” and users who “should have the last word”. To that end their “continuing education” should be ensured (Study 18). Programs consisted primarily of cognitive “see-scan-analyse” techniques (Little et al.) for younger students but some also sought to bring visual analysis to adult learners via continuing education (often through museums eager to engage more diverse audiences) and more radical popular education programs sponsored by community groups. By the mid-80s, scores of modules had been built around the comprehension of visual media and had become standard educational fare across North America, Australasia, and to a lesser extent, Europe. There was an increasing awareness of the role of data and image presentation in decision-making, as evidenced by the surprising commercial success of Edward Tufte’s 1982 book, The Visual Display of Quantitative Information. Visual literacy—or at least image analysis—was now enmeshed in teaching practice and needed little active advocacy. Scholarly interest in the subject went into a brief period of hibernation in the 1980s and early 1990s, only to be reborn with the arrival of new media distribution technologies (CD-ROMs and then the internet) in classrooms and the widespread availability of digital imaging technology starting in the late 1990s; companies like Adobe distributed free and reduced-fee licences to schools and launched extensive teacher training programs. Visual literacy was reanimated but primarily within a circumscribed academic field of education and data visualisation. Figure 7: Visual Literacy; What Research Says to the Teacher, 1975. National Education Association. USA. Part of the shifting frame of visual literacy has to do with institutional imperatives, particularly in places where austerity measures forced strange alliances between disciplines. What had been a project in alternative education morphed into an uncontested part of the curriculum and a dependable budget line. This shift was already forecasted in 1972 by Harun Farocki who, writing in Filmkritik, noted that funding for new film schools would be difficult to obtain but money might be found for “training in media education … a discipline that could persuade ministers of education, that would at the same time turn the budget restrictions into an advantage, and that would match the functions of art schools” (98). Nearly 50 years later educators are still using media education (rebranded as visual or media literacy) to make the case for fine arts and humanities education. While earlier iterations of visual literacy education were often too reliant on the idea of cracking the “code” of images, they did promote ways of learning that were a deep departure from the rote methods of previous generations. Next-gen curricula frame visual literacy as largely supplemental—a resource, but not a program. By the end of the 20th century, visual literacy had changed from a scholarly interest to a standard resource in the “teacher’s toolkit”, entering into school programs and influencing museum education, corporate training, and the development of public-oriented media (Literacy). An appreciation of image culture was seen as key to creating empathetic global citizens, but its scope was increasingly limited. With rising austerity in the education sector (a shift that preceded the 2008 recession by decades in some countries), art educators, museum enrichment staff, and design researchers need to make a case for why their disciplines were relevant in pedagogical models that are increasingly aimed at “skills-based” and “job ready” teaching. Arts educators worked hard to insert their fields into learning goals for secondary students as visual literacy, with the hope that “literacy” would carry the weight of an educational imperative and not a supplementary field of study. Conclusion For nearly a century, educational initiatives have sought to inculcate a cosmopolitan perspective with a variety of teaching materials and pedagogical reference points. Symbolic languages, like the Isotype, looked to unite disparate people with shared visual forms; while educational initiatives aimed to train the eyes of students to make them more discerning citizens. The term ‘visual literacy’ emerged in the 1960s and has since been deployed in programs with a wide variety of goals. Countercultural initiatives saw it as a prerequisite for popular education from the ground up, but, in the years since, it has been formalised and brought into more staid curricula, often as a sort of shorthand for learning from media and pictures. The grand cosmopolitan vision of a complete ‘visual language’ has been scaled back considerably, but still exists in trace amounts. Processes of globalisation require images to universalise experiences, commodities, and more for people without shared languages. Emoji alphabets and globalese (brands and consumer messaging that are “visual-linguistic” amalgams “increasingly detached from any specific ethnolinguistic group or locality”) are a testament to a mediatised banal cosmopolitanism (Jaworski 231). In this sense, becoming “fluent” in global design vernacular means familiarity with firms and products, an understanding that is aesthetic, not critical. It is very much the beneficiaries of globalisation—both state and commercial actors—who have been able to harness increasingly image-based technologies for their benefit. To take a humorous but nonetheless consequential example, Spanish culinary boosters were able to successfully lobby for a paella emoji (Miller) rather than having a food symbol from a less wealthy country such as a Senegalese jollof or a Morrocan tagine. This trend has gone even further as new forms of visual communication are increasingly streamlined and managed by for-profit media platforms. The ubiquity of these forms of communication and their global reach has made visual literacy more important than ever but it has also fundamentally shifted the endeavour from a graphic sorting practice to a critical piece of social infrastructure that has tremendous political ramifications. Visual literacy campaigns hold out the promise of educating students in an image-based system with the potential to transcend linguistic and cultural boundaries. This cosmopolitan political project has not yet been realised, as the visual literacy frame has drifted into specialised silos of art, design, and digital humanities education. It can help bridge the “incomplete connections” of an increasingly globalised world (Calhoun 112), but it does not have a program in and of itself. Rather, an evolving visual literacy curriculum might be seen as a litmus test for how we imagine the role of images in the world. 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