Journal articles on the topic 'Catholic school leadership'

AbstractThe research was aimed to study the effect of school administrators’ servant leadership on the excellence of Catholic Schools under Nakhon Rarchasima Diocese. A total of 326 respondents consisting 61 school administrators and 265 teachers were involved in this study. A quantitative survey design using questionnaire as an instrument was utilized in this study. Descriptive and inferential statistics were used to analyze the data. Descriptive statistic used in this study were frequency, percentage, mean score and standard deviation whereas inferential statistic used were Pearson correlation coefficient and Stepwise multiple regression analysis. The findings of the study revealed that both the independent and dependent variables were at high level. In short, school administrators were not only highly implemented servant leadership and its components but also the level of excellence was at high level. The excellence level of Catholic schools was significantly affected by three components of school administrators’ servant leadership at significant level of 0.05. The significant predictors of the school excellence level were community establishment, trust, love, and having vision components of servant leadership. The coefficient relative rate of multiple regression analysis was 0.651 and coefficient prediction was 41.60 percent. Finally, this paper also provided recommendation and suggestions for future research. Keywords: Servant leadership; school administrators; school excellence; Catholic schools

Evangelization is the primary purpose of Catholic education. However,due to the depreciation of moral values brought about by secularismand globalization, the identity and mission of Catholic schools arecompromised. Thus, this paper primarily intended to assess the levelof quality of Catholic education in a Diocesan School in accordance tothe five domains of the Philippine Catholic Schools Standards (PCSS). Aquantitative study was used through a standardized survey questionnaireto gather data from 337 respondents―administrators, teachers,non-teaching personnel, students, and parents of the school. Usingdescriptive and inferential data analyses, the results revealed that theDiocesan school adheres to the quality standards for Catholic educationbut needs to continuously improve to meet the highest possiblestandards. Of the five (5) domains, learning environment was rated highby respondents while leadership and governance ranked low. Moreover,the study showed that parents have significantly higher assessmentcompared to other respondents in terms of assessing the quality Catholiceducation of the institute. The findings further affirmed the importantrole that administrators play in the effective management of school toachieve quality Catholic education and to ensure operational vitality inresponding to its evangelical mission. Hence, the active involvement ofthe members of the school community to this effect.

The principals play a vital role in the success of the schools. The leadership style practices of the principals can have a wedge on the commitment of employees. Keeping committed teachers is a challenge faced by educational leaders. Hence, the paper describes the extent of leadership style practices and employees' organizational commitment profile in Antique Diocesan Catholic Schools (ADCS) during the school year 2019-2020. Likewise, it explores the significant difference in principals' leadership style practices as perceived by the employees when grouped according to demographics. Also, it determines the relationship that exists in the extent of leadership style practices and organizational commitment profile of employees.

This study aims to describe the image of principal's leadership patterns in the formation of character values in elementary schools. The research design used a case study research at the Elementary School 07 Sintang, the Islamic Elementary School Sintang, and Elementary School Suluh Harapan Sintang. The subjects of the research used the area sampling method because of consideration of the special characteristics of the schools with reference schools, state Islamic schools and private Catholic schools. Data collection is done through observation, in-depth interviews and document studies. The selection of research subjects using the purposive sampling method. The subjects of these researches were 33 people’s consisting of three principals and 30 teachers. Data validity is done through the triangulation process. The results showed that the dominant leadership patterns in the three schools tended to be dominant in the instructional leader pattern. For the process of forming the students’ character to be more optimized, the principal must do a combination of leadership patterns. Transformative leadership patterns and cultural leadership must be cultivated in strengthening character by innovating strategic programs according to the conditions and abilities of the school. The character strengthening programs that are integrated into students' subjects and extracurricular for students must accommodate the six stages of the pyramid of habituation of character values.

Background: COVID-19 has dramatically changed how school communities operate. Many schools have had to navigate enforced closures and modify their usual teaching and learning practices. Furthermore, they have had to rethink how they address student well-being issues. In Australian Catholic schools, there is little data on the concerns of Catholic school staff during enforced school closures. Aims: This article describes findings from a study of the experiences and concerns of school staff in two Catholic primary school communities to understand how staff in these settings experienced and re-imagined or reinforced student well-being practices and processes. Methods: Data were collected by means of a survey assessing staff experiences and concerns, with a particular focus on student well-being. Results: Results indicated that enforced school closures were perceived as negatively affecting student well-being programmes with staff members being particularly concerned about students who were socially, educationally, culturally and economically disadvantaged. However, negative impacts were mitigated by a school culture underpinned by a pastoral and health-promoting perspective. Strong leadership in the face of systemic lethargy prompted schools to utilise their engagement and partnership arrangements for additional support. Conclusion: During forced school closures, an inclusive school ethos, environment and culture ensured an effective response to the diverse needs of staff, students and other school community members.

This study explores teachers’ perceptions of their own power at the personal, interpersonal, and organizational levels of their schools. It investigates how the interaction between principal and teacher gender affects high school teachers’ evaluations of the principal’s leadership, as well as how it influences subsequent evaluations of their own power. The study employs a sample of almost 9,000 teachers in over 300 public, Catholic, and private secondary schools from the Administrator and Teachers Survey of the High School and Beyond study. A strong pattern of results shows that while female teachers feel empowered when working in schools headed by female principals, male teachers consider themselves less powerful in those circumstances. The interaction between teachers’ and principals’ gender contributes to understanding the persistent underrepresentation of women in the high school principalship.

Traditionally, student leadership has been seen as the prerogative of senior students. Very little research has been conducted on how schools nurture and develop leadership skills in students in the middle years of schooling. This article provides an overview of student leadership in six secondary schools with a particular focus on student leadership opportunities in the middle years. These schools were drawn from the Government, Catholic and Independent sectors in Western Australia. Specifically, the opinions and experiences of either principals or their delegates were sought in order to develop a sense of the importance placed on student leadership in the middle years and the types of leadership opportunities available to students. Initially, the literature is reviewed on student leadership per se and student leadership in the middle years. This review is followed by an outline of the purpose, research question and significance of the research. The research methodology is then explained, providing a summary of participants, the school contexts and methods of data collection and analysis. The subsequent section on results and discussion highlights three themes: the role of teacher leaders, student leadership structures in middle years and the holistic development of middle year students. The article concludes by providing a number of recommendations, in particular, the need to gain a ‘student voice’ in any understanding of student leadership at the middle school.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine how Catholic district offices support school leaders’ instructional leadership practices at times of major reform.Design/methodology/approachThe paper employs the theory of practice architectures as a lens through which to examine local site-based responses to system-wide reforms in two Australian Catholic secondary schools and their district offices. Data collection for these parallel case studies included semi-structured interviews, focus groups, teaching observations, classroom walkthroughs and coaching conversations.FindingsFindings suggest that in the New South Wales case, arrangements of language and specialist discourses associated with a school improvement agenda were reinforced by district office imperatives. These imperatives made possible new kinds of know-how, ways of working and relating to district office, teachers and students when it came to instructional leading. In the Queensland case, the district office facilitated instructional leadership practices that actively sought and valued practitioners’ input and professional judgment.Research limitations/implicationsThe research focussed on two case studies of district offices supporting school leaders’ instructional leadership practices at times of major reform. The findings are not generalizable.Practical implicationsPractically, the studies suggest that for excellent pedagogical practice to be embedded and sustained over time, district offices need to work with principals to foster communicative spaces that promote explicit dialogue between teachers and leaders’ interpretive categories.Social implicationsThe paper contends that responding to the diversity of secondary school sites requires district office practices that reject a one size fits all formulas. Instead, district offices must foster site-based education development.Originality/valueThe paper adopts a practice theory approach to its study of district support for instructional leader’ practices. A practice approach rejects a one size fits all approach to educational change. Instead, it focusses on understanding how particular practices come to be in specific sites, and what kinds of conditions make their emergence possible. As such, it leads the authors to consider whether and how different practices such as district practices of educational reforming or principals’ instructional leading might be transformed, or conducted otherwise, under other conditions of possibility.

The persistent inequalities in urban public education in the U. S. that have left far too many Black and Hispanic male students behind with respect to academic skill development, high school graduation, and college success have led Catholic groups to provide alternative secondary school models to advance the academic and career success of urban students. One of these initiatives is the NativityMiguel model school, the first of which opened in New York City in 1971. The present study examines the lived experience, with respect to benefits of this education on the subsequent academic and career successes, of male graduates of two of these schools, one for African American, or Black, students and one for Mexican American students in different parts of the country. Analyses of interviews with 37 graduates showed that they benefitted from the schools’ approach to academic skill development and the building of resilience, leadership, and a commitment to service in the context of a community that continued to support the development of resilience after middle school graduation. Differences in aspects of the two programs are examined along with the implications for making use of the schools’ initiatives on a larger scale.

The purpose of this study is to describe the implementation of entrepreneurial leadership during the Covid-19 pandemic at Karitas Catholic High School in Tomohon City, the supporting and inhibiting factors as well as the solutions for handling them. This research used a descriptive qualitative approach. The research subjects were five people consisting of a school principal and four vice principals. The data were collected from interviews, observation, and documentation studies. The data were analyzed by an interactive model. The findings indicate that entrepreneurial leadership was implemented through the principal role as an explorer, a miner, an accelerator, and an integrator. The supporting factors are teachers’ IT skills, government allowances, parents’ support and proactivity, online learning facilities, and entrepreneurial instincts of teachers and students. The inhibiting factors are the late payment of tuition fees, the uncertainty of parents' income, the late disbursement of the government's school operational assistance (BOS) funds and the foundation's compulsory funds, the complexity of the foundation's centralized system, and the lack of online learning facilities. The efforts to overcome the inhibiting factors are coordination with parents, overcoming arrears, recording the number of students without online learning facilities, and conducting offline learning for them. The results suggest continuing to implement entrepreneurial leadership more openly and creatively, increase the supporting factors, and minimize the inhibiting factors with various efforts.

This article contributes to the limited body of literature pertaining to attempts by educational systems to satisfy the professional learning needs of experienced principals, defined as those with more than 10 years of experience in at least two schools. Specifically, this article illustrates the Catholic Education Office of Western Australia’s endeavour to create an innovative, integrated, cross-sectoral program to enhance the leadership capabilities and health and wellbeing outcomes of experienced principals from Catholic, Government and Independent schools in that state. The program comprised four integrated pillars: a 360-degree review of participant leadership capabilities followed by executive coaching to effect improvement; an executive health assessment and coaching with an exercise physiologist to enhance participant health and wellbeing outcomes; a theoretical program based on a nationally accepted standard for principals, developed by the Australian Institute for Teaching and School Leadership; and a group project transacted in a non-educational setting. The article begins with a synopsis of existing literature related to the professional learning needs of experienced principals and the few reported evaluations of programs designed to cater for the unique needs of this cohort. Participant feedback collected at the commencement of the program, its midpoint and conclusion are presented. The article concludes with recommended changes that could be implemented to enhance the efficacy of future program iterations.

The Second Colloquium of Anglican and Roman Catholic Canon Lawyers took place at St George's House, Windsor Castle, from 31st May to 3rd June 2000. The Colloquium was hosted by the Centre for Law and Religion at Cardiff Law School under the leadership of Professor Norman Doe, whose recent appointment to a personal chair at Cardiff University was a cause of much celebration amongst the participants. The Colloquium was designed to build upon the pioneering work of a similar venture convened last year in Rome by the Pontifical University of St Thomas Aquinas which, together with Duquesne University, Pittsburgh, USA, cosponsored the event. A report of the first Colloquium appears at (1999) 5 Ecc LJ 281.

Abstract Peace is a social construct that demands a process of individual and collective awareness and commitment for the construction of a fairer and more inclusive world. The University and the school, as formal educational spaces, have a great potential as peacebuilders. This article discusses these two arguments from fragments of an experience held in two public schools from Distrito Federal. It was conducted by the Unesco Chair on Youth, Education, and Society (Catholic University of Brasília – UCB) from 2015 to the present. The first part discusses the current context of young people from the theoretical lens of global citizenship and the centrality of youth leadership and empowerment in the process of peace building. The second part emphasizes the role of the university and the public school in the construction of networks that act proactively in the citizenship education of young people, preparing them for facing situations of violence and intolerance. The final part of the article looks at the experiences of the last three years, examples of successful educational practices that have the potential to act in the prevention of school violence and in the construction of an inclusive and emancipatory global citizenship. The study shows that Unesco’s principles of education for peace and global citizenship are important alternatives for the promotion and building of peace.

The objective of this research is to analysis of job motivation which gives influences to the teachers’ performance of Catholic Secondary School of Municipio Dili, Timor-Leste to test and analyze the job satisfaction give the influence to the teachers’ performance. The hypothesis of this research tested using an analysis instrument, Smart-PLS 3.0. The result showed that the job motivation has a positive influence and significant to the teachers’ performance with T-statistic values is 5.993 and also, P-values are 0,000. Relationship between job satisfaction and the teacher's performance t-statistics values (0.153) and p-values (0.879), the test result showed that job satisfaction didn't give a positive influence and not significant to the teachers' performance. Relationship between leadership style and teachers' performance, T-statistics values (3.098), and P-values (0.002) showed that the leadership style of the school director gave a positive influence but not significant to the teachers' performance. This study can contribute to the government to develop the education policy which quality in Timor Leste, and plan the program of Education Ministry at the curriculum sector and the regulations. Therefore it can help the school director to understand better their function as the school director, as well as help the teachers to understand their job as educators.

One of the many fascinating problems raised in recent issues of the Australian Journal of Indigenous Education (AJIE) is that of Indigenous autonomy in education. Although opinions differed about the extent to which Indigenous people currently exercise educational autonomy in various situations, there was wide agreement that there ought to be Indigenous control or ‘ownership’ of all knowledge relating to Indigenous life and culture, past and present. Sister Anne Gardner, then Principal of Murrupurtyanuwu Catholic School in NT, explained (1996: 20) how she decided to ‘let go, to move away from the dominant role as Principal’, in order that Indigenous persons could take control. She had been helped to this conclusion by reading Paulo Freire, Martin Buber and Hedley Beare, and, within the NT itself, ‘people of that educational calibre, such as Beth Graham, Sr Teresa Ward, Fran Murray, Stephen Harris, all pleading with us to allow education to be owned by Aboriginal people’. Sr Gardner held that ‘Aboriginal people never act as “leader”, a view shared by her designated Indigenous successor, Teresita Puruntayemeri, then Principal-in-Training of Murrupurtyanuwu Catholic School, who wrote (1996: 24-25) that ‘for a Tiwi peron it is too difficult to stand alone in leadership’. One way to share the burdens of leadership is, she suggests, to ‘perform different dances in the Milmaka ring, sometimes in pairs or in a group’.

On 16 April 1938, the school teacher of the Mixtec village of San Andrés Dinicuiti reported that the Easter week procession had taken place, despite government regulations prohibiting public displays of worship. During the event, the faithful had marched through the streets shouting “Long live religion, death to bad government, death to the state governor, death to the president of the republic.” When they arrived at the local school, they yelled “Death to the masons, long live religion” before denigrating the teacher's parentage. During the 1920s and 1930s, devout Catholic peasants throughout Mexico repeatedly denounced the presumed link between government, school teachers, anticlericalism, and the masons. The popular condemnation obviously emanated in part from the ecclesiastical hierarchy's frequent anti-masonic pronouncements. The Apostolic Delegate's charge that masons were “the cause of our persecution and almost all our national misfortunes” was reiterated in countless bulletins, manifestos, and pastoral letters throughout the country. In 1934, the Bishop of Huajuapam de León, which controlled the parish of San Andrés Dinicuiti, reminded local priests that they were to refuse to accept masons and members of the government party as godparents for baptisms, confirmations, or marriages. A year later, Mexican Catholic Action argued that government policies of socialist education andagrarismowere the “impious work of anti-Christian masons.” However, despite this popular cross-class conviction, there is little historical work on the actual role of the masons in modern Mexico. By examining the archives of the Grand Lodge of Oaxaca, this article posits that Masonic lodges were key to the process of post-revolutionary state formation. As the state sought to assert control over a divided country, freemasonry's anticlericalism not only offered a model for cultural practice, masons also formed a vanguard of willing political emissaries. However, the institution's influence should not be overstressed. It was often curtailed by internecine disputes, political infighting, and an essentially conservative leadership.

Abstract Having varied ethnics, cultures, religions, or faiths, Indonesia is considered a multicultural nation in today’s world. This equity can be dangerous; but also can be advantageous if myriad interests of citizens are able to be nurtured through education, including religious schools. The research was conducted to explore multicultural practices in the State-owned Islamic High School (MAN) 3 and the Catholic High School (SMA) Stella Duce 2 in Yogyakarta Indonesia. Data was gathered via qualitative method by means of comparative study, aiming at seeking similarities and differences on promoting multicultural education values. Findings show similarities of teachers’ attitudes and characteristics as facilitator, accommodator, or assimilator whereas the differences include their leadership role in intrareligious dialog at MAN 3 and dialog leaders at SMA Stella Duce 2. Other issues include diverse understandings of religion and its perceived violence. The research formulates two categories of teacher as being multicultural-intrareligious pluralist and multicultural-intrareligious humanist. It also discusses implications on social change as a result of cultural interchange at those schools. Keywords: Multiculturalism, Education, Madrasah, Boarding, Social Change Abstrak Memiliki variasi etnik, budaya, agama, atau kepercayaan, Indonesia kini dianggap sebagai negara multikultural. Kekayaan ini dapat menjadi bahaya; tetapi juga menjadi keuntungan bilamana perbedaan kepentingan dan kecenderungan ini dapat dipelihara melalui sekolah, termasuk yang bernafaskan agama. Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk menggali praktek multikultur di MAN 3 dan SMA Stella Duce 2 Yogyakarta Indonesia. Pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui metode kualitatif dengan cara perbandingan, bertujuan mencari kesamaan dan perbedaan dalam rangka promosi nilai-nilai pendidikan multikultural. Temuan menunjukkan kesamaan sikap dan karakteristik para guru berperan sebagai fasilitator, akomodator, atau asimilator sementara perbedaan mencakup peran mereka sebagai pemandu dialog seagama khususnya di MAN 3 dan pemandu dialog antaragama di SMA Stella Duce 2. Isu-isu lain termasuk beragam pemahaman tentang agama dan agama dipersepsikan sumber kekerasan. Penelitian ini menandai dua kategori guru sebagai pluralis multikultur-seagama dan humanis multikultur-antaragama. Penelitian ini juga mendiskusikan implikasi bagi perubahan sosial sebagai akibat dari pertukaran budaya yang terjadi di kedua sekolah tersebut. Kata Kunci: Multikulturalisme, Pendidikan, Madrasah, Asrama, Perubahan Sosial

Always regarded as somewhat of an ‘outsider’ (the child of an Englishspeaking (Catholic) mother and an Afrikaans (Protestant) father in an exclusively Afrikaans milieu) and growing up extremely poor, seeing the hardship of others and realising how much talent was going to waste, Kobus Maree took a particular interest in gifted disadvantaged persons. A marginalised loner, he almost inevitably developed creative abilities and took a keen interest in creativity, giftedness and the education of gifted, disadvantaged learners. As an adult, his research showed that many teachers in South Africa have to contend with the generally poor socioeconomic background of learners. A dire need for appropriate teacher and learner support materials, and school environments that are not conducive to achievement (including inadequate facilities, overcrowded classrooms, lack of teacher and learner support materials). South Africa is at a critical stage in its education. It is therefore important for educators to teach emotional intelligence in their classrooms. Our biggest challenge will be to maintain and enhance vitality in gifted education in a dynamic, ever-evolving environment. A combination of scholarly leadership and strategic management to support gifted learners is important. We should do all we can to promote societal transformation and diversity, focussing anew on underrepresented groups (women and ethnic groups) who show promise and support them. The widest array of partners possible including the big institutional players, the entire teaching fraternity (including government departments), nongovernmental organisations and miscellaneous interest groups together should develop strategic, rolling five-year plans and make gifted education a priority.

The Wesleyan Church in the second half of the nineteenth century exhibited a high degree of anti-Catholicism, a phenomenon which had intensified with the ‘Romanising’ influence of the Tractarian movement in the Church of England. To many Wesleyans Roman and Anglo-Catholicism seemed synonymous and the battleground of faith was to be elementary education. The conflict began earlier in the century. When in 1848 Roman Catholic schools made application to the government for grants similar to those offered to the Wesleyans there was an immediate split in Wesleyan ranks. At the Conference in Hull in 1848 Beaumont, Osborn and William Bunting attacked their leadership. They claimed that Methodists should not accept grants in common with Catholics. Jabez Bunting, the primary Wesleyan spokesman of his age, was however rather less critical of the Roman Catholic Church than he had been previously and clearly advocated the continuation of the grant:

The mission of Catholic schools is linked to the evangelizing thrust of the Church in proclaiming Christ to the world to transform society. However, most Catholic institutions nowadays are confronted with issues on the deterioration of values, migration of qualified teachers to public schools, and decline in enrolment, posing threats to the Catholic identity and mission, operational sustainability, and quality of teaching and learning. To address these problems, the Catholic Educational Association of the Philippines (CEAP) developed the Philippine Catholic Schools Standards (PCSS) to help these schools in the country revisit and re-examine their institutional practices according to the identity and mission of the Catholic Church. Hence, this paper assessed the quality of Catholic education of diocesan schools in the Province of Antique in the light of Catholic identity and mission, leadership and governance, learner development, learning environment, and operational vitality domains of PCSS. Also, it sought to find out whether a significant relationship exists between the age, sex, length of service, and designation of assessors and their quality assessment on Catholic education.

Tijdens het interbellum ging de autonome Katholieke Vlaamse Studentenbeweging ge-organiseerd in het AKVS (Algemeen Katholieke Vlaams Studentenverbond) ten onder. Het had sinds de jaren 1870 generaties lang katholieke studenten, seminaristen en collegeleerlingen gegroepeerd in plaatselijke bonden, die per gouw waren gegroepeerd en vanuit de Vlaamse studentenkringen in Leuven werden geleid. In 1982 verscheen mijn tweedelig boek over bloei en ondergang van deze beweging, dat in de kringen van Oud-AKVS-ers kritiek oogstte omdat de schuldigen voor de ‘moord’ op het AKVS niet scherp genoeg waren aangewezen. Dit artikel probeert over die kwestie tot een afgewogen eindoordeel te komen. De conclusie is dat de bisschoppen de hoofdverantwoordelijken waren voor de ondergang, door hun veroordeling van het Vlaams-nationalisme en de incorporering van de collegejeugd in KSA. Als verklaring voor hun optreden wordt gewezen op vijf ‘grondhoudingen’: een vaderlandsliefde die loyaal Belgisch was, een bekommernis om de institutionele infrastructuur, een pragmatische machtspolitiek, een specifieke ecclesiologie met een eigen rol van de hiërarchie, en een (pedagogische) ongevoeligheid voor de manier waarop jongeren haar richtlijnen ervoeren. Maar toch kan niet alles op hun ingrijpen worden teruggevoerd. In de beginjaren twintig was het de keuze van de Leuvense AKVS-leiding voor het anti-Belgische Vlaams-nationalisme dat niet enkel tot een open conflict met de bisschoppen leidde, maar ook tot dissidentie in eigen rangen. In de beginjaren 1930 was het de ideologische vlucht vooruit van een nieuwe generatie AKVS-leiders, die binnen enkele jaren leidde tot een verdere versnippering van de al gedecimeerde organisatie tussen een usurperend Verdinaso, een inhalig VNV en de Volksdietse strekking waarin het rest-AKDS/DJV uiteindelijk terecht kwam. Die ontwikkelingen waren noch in de jaren twintig noch in de jaren dertig initieel het gevolg van bisschoppelijk optreden.________A Struggle for the Studying Youth (1925-1935). Why the AKVS Fell ApartDuring the interwar years, the autonomous Catholic Flemish student movement organized into the AKVS (General Catholic Flemish Student Association) ceased to be. Since the 1870s, it had gathered Catholic students, seminarians, and secondary school students into local sections that were grouped by region and led from the Flemish student circles in Leuven. In 1982 my two-volume book on the growth and downfall of this movement appeared, which garnered criticism from groups of former AKVS members because it did not assign blame for the ‘murder’ of the AKVS in a sufficiently clear-cut manner. This article attempts to bring a measured answer to this question. The conclusion is that the bishops were most responsible for this failure, on account of their condemnation of Flemish nationalism and the incorporation of secondary students into the KSA (Catholic Student Action). In order to explain their actions, this article highlights five ‘fundamental attitudes’ of the bishops: a loyal Belgian patriotism, a concern for institutional infrastructure, a pragmatic power politics, a specific ecclesiology with a particular role for the hierarchy, and a (pedagogical) insensitivity to the way in which young people experienced their directives. Yet not everything can be chalked up to their interventions. In the early 1920s, the choice of the AKVS’s leadership for an anti-Belgian Flemish nationalism led not only to an open conflict with the bishops but also to dissension within its own ranks. In the early 1930s, the ideological leap forward of a new generation of AKVS leaders led within a few years toward a further fragmentation of an already decimated organization, between a usurping Verdinaso, a ravenous VNV, and a Volksdietse (pan-Netherlandish) tendency into which the rump-AKDS/DJV settled in the end. These developments were not initially the consequence of the bishops’ actions, neither in the twenties nor in the thirties.

Abstract The article utilizes critical social theory and critical religious theory to examine the emergent and historically aberrant alignment between Catholic schools and neoliberal market-based reforms in the United States. The author traces the historical split between Catholic and public schooling, attending to the role of the litigious in shaping American parochial contexts. In the face of declining enrollments and vocations as well as skyrocketing tuition and a contracting share of the educational ‘market,’ Catholic leadership has sought public support through market instruments (tax credits and vouchers) in order to preserve dying religious schools. Lost in this paradigm shift is the irony of the move from proud separatism to a governmental reliance that would have seemed abhorrent thirty years ago. Missing, too, in the rhetoric of ‘saving Catholic schools’ is concern for the harm done to education on a whole when religious schools are presented as competitors with, rather than alternatives to, a free public education. Examined through the lens of the largest provider of Catholic schoolteachers in the United States, the article ultimately concludes that the public good is being sacrificed at the altar of religious pride.

Abstract From Eusebio Kino to Daniel Berrigan, and from colonial New England to contemporary Seattle, Jesuits have built and disrupted institutions in ways that have fundamentally shaped the Catholic Church and American society. As Catherine O’Donnell demonstrates, Jesuits in French, Spanish, and British colonies were both evangelists and agents of empire. John Carroll envisioned an American church integrated with Protestant neighbors during the early years of the republic; nineteenth-century Jesuits, many of them immigrants, rejected Carroll’s ethos and created a distinct Catholic infrastructure of schools, colleges, and allegiances. The twentieth century involved Jesuits first in American war efforts and papal critiques of modernity, and then (in accord with the leadership of John Courtney Murray and Pedro Arrupe) in a rethinking of their relationship to modernity, to other faiths, and to earthly injustice. O’Donnell’s narrative concludes with a brief discussion of Jesuits’ declining numbers, as well as their response to their slaveholding past and involvement in clerical sexual abuse.

The article explores the process of preparation and signing of the Agreement between the representatives of the government of Polish Republic (PR) and the Polish Episcopate during the first four months of 1950. The main focus is on the policy of communist power regarding the Catholic Church. The essence of this policy was to continue to exert pressure on the church in order to force it to sign an agreement on favorable conditions for the power. Repressive measures of the ruling regime are highlighted. The principal position of the Polish primate S. Vyshynsky concerning the negotiation process is established. The main provisions of the Agreement between the representatives of the government of PR and the Polish Episcopate are analyzed. The article gives an assessment of the results of the agreement by the party-state leadership of Poland, which has made from the Catholic Church its official recognition and some significant concessions. However, the authorities continued to declare their tolerance towards religion and pledged not to restrict church activities and teach religion in schools. The results of the signing the agreement for the Catholic Church in Poland, which received a temporary respite in confrontation with the authorities, are described. The agreement became a kind of shield for the church from the further aggression of party-state structures.

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Rond 1910 werd in de BWP de Vlaamse kwestie een vrije kwestie. De ‘versmelting’ van twee volken in een ‘âme belge’, via tweetaligheid, werd afgewezen. Onder impuls van Huysmans beriep het Vlaamse socialisme zich op de idee van culturele autonomie: het recht op onderwijs in de moedertaal van de lagere school tot de universiteit en dus de vernederlandsing van de Gentse Rijksuniversiteit. Daarmee behoorde het Vlaamse socialisme tot de voorhoede van de Vlaamse beweging. Het Waalse socialisme daarentegen verdedigde nog de superioriteit van het Frans en de mythe van een tweetalig Vlaanderen, en kantte zich tegen die Vlaamse hoofdeis.Tijdens de tweede fase (1919-1935) was de Vlaamse beweging verzwakt en het Vlaamse socialisme verdeeld. Huysmans slaagde er slechts met moeite in om een ongunstig partijstandpunt ter zake te verhinderen en de Vlaamse kwestie als een vrije kwestie te behouden. Het ‘Compromis des socialistes belges’ van november 1929 was gebaseerd op regionale eentaligheid en een minimale tweetaligheid in het leger en de centrale besturen. Het legde mee de fundamenten van de evolutie naar het beginsel van de territorialiteit inzake bestuur en onderwijs (1930 en 1932).Tijdens de derde fase (1935-1940) hield die pacificatie geen stand. Conflicten versterkten elkaar. De partijleiding kwam in handen van de Brusselaar Spaak en de Vlaming De Man, die met zijn Plan van de Arbeid in 1933 de BWP even uit de impasse had gehaald. Het ging om een nieuwe generatie die het socialisme een andere inhoud wilde geven: streven naar een volkspartij in plaats van klassenstrijd, een ‘socialisme national’, een autoritaire democratie als antwoord op een aanhoudende politieke crisis. Vooral aan Waalse kant werd daartegen gereageerd. Tevens werd de evolutie in het buitenlandse beleid, de zelfstandigheid los van Frankrijk, bekritiseerd. De Spaanse burgeroorlog en de eventuele erkenning van generaal Franco dreef de tegenstellingen op de spits. Voor het eerst had de partij met Spaak een socia-listische eerste minister (mei 1938-januari 1939). Hoewel alle socialisten tegen Franco waren, verschilden de Waalse socialisten van mening met de meeste Vlaamse socialisten over de vraag of de regering daarover moest vallen. Er was ook de tegenstelling over een al dan niet toenadering tot de christelijke arbeidersbeweging vanwege een dan noodzakelijke schoolvrede en een subsidiëring van de katholieke ‘strijdscholen’. Daarop entte zich de taalkwestie. In de Kamer viel de fractiecohesie terug tot 53%.De Vlaamse socialisten waren niet alleen veel sterker vertegenwoordigd in de fractie (40% in 1936), hun zelfbewustzijn nam ook sterk toe. Ze ergerden zich steeds meer aan het bijna exclusieve gebruik van het Frans in de fractie, in het partijbestuur en vooral tijdens congressen. Wie geen of weinig Frans kende, wilde niet langer als minderwaardig worden behandeld. Zeker als dat samenviel met een andere visie. Het eerste aparte Vlaams Socialistisch Congres ging door in maart 1937. Het wilde de culturele autonomie zo veel mogelijk doortrekken, maar keerde zich tegen elke vorm van federalisme, waardoor de Vlaamse socialisten in een klerikaal Vlaanderen een machteloze minderheid zouden worden. Bij de Waalse socialisten groeide de frustratie. Ze organiseerden aparte Waalse Congressen in 1938 en 1939. Ze benadrukten drie vormen van Vlaams imperialisme. De ongunstige demografische evolutie maakte een Vlaamse meerderheid in het parlement en politieke minorisering mogelijk. De financieel-economische transfers van Wallonië naar Vlaanderen verarmden Wallonië. Het verlies aan jobs voor ééntalige Walen in Wallonië en in Brussel was discriminerend. Dat laatste zorgde voor een francofone toenadering en een gezamenlijke framing. Het flamingantisme had zich al meester gemaakt van Vlaanderen, bedreigde via tweetaligheid nu de Brusselse agglomeratie, waarna Wallonië aan de beurt zou komen. Op 2 februari 1939 stonden Vlaamse en Waalse socialisten tegenover elkaar. De unitaire partij dreigde, naar katholiek voorbeeld, in twee taalgroepen uiteen te vallen. Zover kwam het niet. De wallinganten, die een politiek federalisme nastreefden, hadden terrein gewonnen, maar de meeste Waalse socialisten bleven voorstander van een nationale solidariteit. Mits een nieuw ‘Compromis’ dat met de Waalse grieven rekening hield. De mythe van het Vlaamse socialisme als Vlaams vijandig of onverschillig is moeilijk vol te houden. Wel ontstond na de Tweede Wereldoorlog een andere situatie. Tijdens de jaren 1960 behoorde de Vlaamse kwestie tot de ‘trein der gemiste kansen’ . Na de Eerste Wereldoorlog en de invoering van het enkelvoudig stemrecht voor mannen werd de socialistische partij bijna even groot als de katholieke. De verkiezingen verscherpten de regionale en ideologische asymmetrie. De katholieke partij behield de absolute meerderheid in Vlaanderen, de socialistische verwierf een gelijkaardige positie in Wallonië. Nationaal werden coalitieregeringen noodzakelijk. In de Kamer veroverden zowel de socialisten als de christendemocratische vleugel een machtsbasis, maar tot de regering doordringen bleek veel moeilijker. Die bleven gedomineerd door de conservatieve katholieke vleugel en de liberale partij, met steun van de koning en van de haute finance. Eenmaal het socialistische minimumprogramma uit angst voor een sociale revolutie aanvaard (1918-1921), werden de socialisten nog slechts getolereerd tijdens crisissituaties of als het niet anders kon (1925-1927, 1935-1940). Het verklaart een toenemende frustratie bij Waalse socialisten. Tevens bemoeilijkte hun antiklerikalisme de samenwerking van Vlaamse socialisten met christendemocraten en Vlaamsgezinden, zoals in Antwerpen, en dat gold ook voor de vorming van regeringen. In de BWP waren de verhoudingen veranderd. De macht lag nu gespreid over vier actoren: de federaties, het partijbestuur, de parlementsfractie en eventueel de ministers. De eenheid was bij momenten ver zoek. In 1919 was het Vlaamse socialisme veel sterker geworden. In Vlaanderen behaalde het 24 zetels (18 meer dan in 1914) en werd het met 25,5% de tweede grootste partij. Bovendien was de dominantie van Gent verschoven naar Antwerpen, dat met zes zetels de vierde grootste federatie van de BWP werd. Het aantrekken van Camille Huysmans als boegbeeld versterkte haar Vlaamsgezind profiel. In een eerste fase moest Huysmans nog de Vlaamse kwestie als een vrije kwestie verdedigen. Zelfs tegen de Gentse en de Kortrijkse federatie in, die de vooroorlogse Vlaamsgezinde hoofdeis – de vernederland-sing van de Gentse universiteit – hadden losgelaten. Naar 1930 toe, de viering van honderd jaar België, was de Vlaamse beweging opnieuw sterker geworden en werd gevreesd voor de electorale doorbraak van een Vlaams-nationalistische partij. Een globale oplossing voor het Vlaamse probleem begon zich op te dringen. Dat gold ook voor de BWP. Interne tegenstellingen moesten overbrugd worden zodat, gezien de financiële crisis, de sociaaleconomische thema’s alle aandacht konden krijgen. Daarbij stonden de eenheid van België en van de partij voorop. In maart 1929 leidde dit tot het ‘Compromis des Belges’ en een paar maanden later tot het minder bekende en radicalere partijstandpunt, het ‘Compromis des socialistes belges’. Voortbouwend op de vooroorlogse visie van het bestaan van twee volken binnen België, werd dit doorgetrokken tot het recht op culturele autonomie van elk volk, gebaseerd op het principe van regionale eentaligheid, ten koste van de taalminderheden. Voor de Vlaamse socialisten kwam dit neer op een volledige vernederlandsing van Vlaanderen, te beginnen met het onderwijs en de Gentse universiteit. Niet zonder enige tegenzin ging een meerderheid van Waalse socialisten daarmee akkoord. In ruil eisten zij dat in België werd afgezien van elke vorm van verplichte tweetaligheid, gezien als een vorm van Vlaams kolonialisme. Eentalige Walen hadden in Wallonië en in nationale instellingen (leger, centrale besturen) recht op aanwerving en carrière zonder kennis van het Nederlands, zoals ook de kennis ervan als tweede landstaal in Wallonië niet mocht worden opgelegd. De betekenis van dit interne compromis kreeg in de historiografie onvoldoende aandacht. Dat geldt ook voor de vaststelling dat beide nationale arbeidersbewegingen, de BWP vanuit de oppositie, in 1930-1932 mee de invoering van het territorialiteitsbeginsel hebben geforceerd. Een tussentijdse fase C uit het model van Miroslav Hroch.___________ ‘Frenemies’? 2Communitarian tensions in the Socialist Party 1919-1940. Division, Compromise. Crisis. Part Two: 1935-1940 Around 1910, the Flemish question became a free question in the BWP. The ‘merging’ of two peoples in a Belgian soul (âme belge) through bilingualism was rejected. According to Huysmans, Flemish socialism appealed to the idea of cultural autonomy: the right to education in one’s native language from primary school to university, and therefore, the transformation of the state University of Ghent into a Dutch-speaking institution. Hence, Flemish socialism became part of the vanguard of the Flemish Movement. Walloon socialism, on the contrary, continued to support the superiority of French in Belgium and the myth of a bilingual Flanders. It turned against this key Flemish demand.The next stages were dominated by the introduction of simple universal male suffrage in 1919. The Catholic Party maintained an absolute majority in Flanders, the Socialist Party acquired a similar position in Wallonia. During the second phase (1919-1935) initially the Flemish Movement was weakened and Flemish socialism divided. Huysmans hardly managed to keep the Flemish question a free question. The ‘Compromise of the Belgian Socialists’ (Compromis des socialistes belges) of November 1929 was based on regional monolingualism and a minimal bilingualism in the army and the central administration. The territorial principle in administration and education (1930 and 1932) was accepted. Dutch became the official language in Flanders.During the third phase (1935-1940) pacification did not hold. Conflicts strengthened one another. The party leadership fell into the hands of the Brussels politician Spaak and the Fleming De Man. The latter had just offered the BWP an answer to the socio-economic depression with his ‘Labour Plan’ (Plan van de Arbeid). This new generation wanted a different socialism: rather a people’s party than stressing class conflict, a ‘national socialism’, an authoritarian democracy as a response to a persistent political crisis. In particular Walloons reacted against these developments. At the same time, they critisized the foreign policy of diplomatic independence from France (‘los van Frankrijk’). The Spanish Civil War and the possible recognition of General Franco stressed the divisions. With Spaak, the party had a Socialist Prime Minister for the first time (May 1938-January 1939). While all socialists were opposed to Franco, Walloon socialists had a conflicting view with most Flemish socialists on whether the govern-ment should be brought down on this subject. There was also a conflict over the question of rapprochement with the Christian labour movement concerning a truce over the school question and subsidies for the Catholic ‘propaganda’ schools. The language question worsened the situation. In the Chamber, party cohesion dropped down to 53%.Not only were the Flemish socialists much more strongly represented in the socialist parliamentary group (40% in 1936), their assertiveness also increased. They became more and more annoyed with the quasi-exclusive use of French in their parliamentary group, in the party administration, and mostly during party congresses. Those who knew little or no French no longer wanted to be treated as inferior. Especially, when they had different opinions. The first separate Flemish Socialist Congress was held in March 1937. The Congress wanted to pursue cultural autonomy as far as possible, but opposed any form of federalism, as Flemish socialists would become a powerless minority in a clerical Flanders.Frustration grew among Walloon socialists. They organised separate Walloon Congresses in 1938 and 1939. They emphasized three forms of Flemish imperialism. Unfavourable demographic developments made a Flemish majority in Parliament and political minoritisation likely. Financial-economic transfers impoverished Wallonia to the benefit of Flanders. The loss of jobs for monolingual Walloons in Wallonia and Brussels was discriminatory. This contributed to common framing among Francophones: “Flemish radicalism” was accepted in Flanders, presently threatening the Brussels agglomeration via bilingualism, and Wallonia would be next.On 2 February 1939 Flemish and Walloon socialists opposed one another. The unitary party was in danger of splitting into two language groups, following the Catholic example. It did not come to that. The Walloon radicals, who pursued political federalism, had won some ground, but most Walloon socialists remained supporters of national solidarity, provided the adoption of a new ‘Compromise’ that took account of Walloon grievances.The myth of Flemish socialism as hostile or indifferent to Flemish issues is hard to maintain. After the Second World War, however, the situation became different.

Aims: This study assessed the degree of school climate and extent of teacher leadership of Catholic schools in Antique, Philippines. It also investigated the difference in the school climate when assessors were grouped according to the designation. Likewise, it correlated the teachers' age, sex, employment status, educational attainment, and professional status with the teacher leadership. Finally, it determined the relationship between school climate and teacher leadership. Methodology: The study utilized the descriptive-comparative and correlational design. The respondents were 486 administrators, teachers, and students of these Catholic schools during 2020-2021. It employed the adopted school climate questionnaire and standardized teacher leadership scale in gathering the data. In data analysis, Mean, Standard Deviation, Frequency Count, Percentage Distribution, Rank, Kruskal Wallis, and Spearman Rank Correlation were used. Results: Generally, the school climate (M=2.87, SD=0.56) is very satisfactory with relationship (M=3.02, SD=0.66) as the highest and physical resources aspect (M=2.73, SD=0.69), the lowest. The teacher leadership (M=3.03, SD=0.56) is practiced to a great extent with community (M=3.16, SD=0.62) as the highest and policy (M=2.96, SD=0.65) and professional learning (M=2.95, SD=0.64), the lowest. It also showed that there was no difference in school climate assessment [H(1)=0.688, P=.407]. Regarding the correlation, there was no relationship between age [ρ(153)=-0.020, P=.808], sex [ρ(153)=0.076, P=.350], employment status [ρ(153)=0.036, P=.657], educational attainment [ρ(153)=0.140, P=.082], professional status [ρ(153)=-0.028, P=.730] and teacher leadership. Meanwhile, there was relationship between the school climate and teacher leadership [ρ(484)=0.605, P=.000]. The top school climate challenges are teaching strategies, academic loading, and physical environment. In terms of teacher leadership, the top issues are teacher evaluation, professional development support, communicative relationship, and teacher involvement and recognition. Conclusion: Establishment of a healthy and supportive Catholic school environment is vitally essential both in maintaining the school climate and in mobilizing the teachers in their exercise of leadership.