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Johns, Michael. "When the Dam Breaks." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 18, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 163–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_01801008.
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This article provides an overview of the key events in Catalonia during 2019. In order to put the events in context, the article begins with a brief overview of the recent history of Catalonia and its relationship with the rest of Spain. Particular attention is placed on the events of 2014 through 2017 and, in particular, the second unauthorized referendum and its aftermath. The article then focuses on the protests, counter- protests and clashes with the police that followed the sentencing of Catalonian officials in October 2019. The article concludes with an examination of the lack of role the European Union has had on this conflict and minority issues generally and what this all means for Spain and Catalonia moving forward.
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Volkova, G. I. "About One Memorable Date in the History of Spain." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-92-100.
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In 1714 the Catalans, being in the camp of the losers in the War of the Spanish Succession, finally lost any hope to gain independence. 300 years later, nationalists, who are in power now in Catalonia, want to take advantage of that memorable date by organizing a regional referendum in order to choose their own path of development. In the aggravating conflict of interests between Madrid and Barcelona both parties use not only political and propaganda measures, but also financial leverages of influence. The ethnonational issue in the multiethnic Spain is far from being solved, because for centuries the process of forming a unified Spanish state was characterized by political union of several genetically related (except Basque) ethnic communities, although with significant socio-cultural and linguistic differences among them. It is not coincidental that regional identity in Spain is still extremely strong, while the interethnic consolidation of the Spanish nation can be characterized as incomplete, which can be seen, particularly, in the intensification in recent decades of radical nationalist and separatist sentiments in Catalonia, the Basque Country and some other autonomies. Among reasons which escalated confrontation between supporters and opponents of Catalonian independence, we should mention the global financial crisis that hit the regions of Spain as well as the overall national economy. The separatists have many barriers on their way, starting from the constitutional provisions proclaiming Spain a united and indivisible state which impede to carry out regional plebiscites, and ending by an ambiguous attitude towards the hypothetical independence of Catalonia by both the residents of the region and in other parts of the country. It is important to keep in mind that in today's world the possibility of breaking large multiethnic state into ethnically constituting elements is more possible than 40-50 years ago. Disintegration of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union and the emergence on the world political map of Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and most recently of the Republic of Crimea - confirm this. The Catalonian nationalists in their arguments in favor of the sovereignty of Catalonia refer to the arbitrariness of the borders formed in the past between separate European countries and the regions. Modern state boundaries indeed are not the result of rational planning, democratic arrangements or consideration of the local population's opinion. In many ways, the current borders are the result of historical processes, often - of bloody wars and territorial annexations. In other words, they are the result of actions which are contrary to current international law and moral norms of behavior. Independent Catalonia is still a hypothesis, but under certain conditions and, more importantly, as a result of concerted efforts of regional nationalists it could become a reality.
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Idzik, Agnieszka. "Prace Antonia Gaudiego manifestem katalonizmu?" Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 37 (February 18, 2022): 163–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2010.028.
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Masterworks of Antoni Gaudí as the Manifestation of Catalanism?Catalonia is an autonomous community in Spain, possessing a unique culture. This is meticulously preserved, not only by intellectuals, but also by its citizens, who hold their individual language, common history and traditions in the highest esteem. It is the perfect example of a nation without a state, truly dedicated to the peaceful struggle for survival of its exceptional individuality. The article explains how the historical relationship between Catalonia and Spain has awakened the Catalonian sense of individuality and the will to fight for its rights, leading to the creation of a separate political idea – Catalanism. For the major part of the article the author presents the views on the Catalan issue as expressed by Antoni Gaudí – one of the most distinguished of Catalans.
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Muro, Diego. "The Stillbirth of the Catalan Republic." Current History 117, no. 797 (March 1, 2018): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2018.117.797.83.
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Fernández, Antoni Santisteban. "Teaching the history of Catalonia: past, present and 'futures'." History Education Research Journal 11, no. 2 (May 1, 2013): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18546/herj.11.2.04.
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The history which is taught in Catalan schools is not on the margin of the political, economic and social situation which is being shared by those living in Catalonia. There is an on-going debate about citizenship between the Catalans and the Spanish, which has had a major impact in the media, and has had repercussions for the future of Catalonia within the Spanish state. Teaching the history of Catalonia and Spain is an issue that has a strong resonance within this debate. The problem is not new and has deep historical roots. It has re-emerged, on the one hand, because of the attitude of the state government, which represents the most centralist Spanish nationalism. Moreover, the current economic situation has made the latent problem even more urgent. However, the debate has also served to mask other important problems.
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Glick, Thomas F. ""Catalonia, Factory of Spain," an Exhibition in Barcelona." Technology and Culture 27, no. 3 (July 1986): 597. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3105393.
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Rudowski, Tomasz, and Piotr Sieniawski. "Latin America: The Region without Catalonia." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 25, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.25.07.
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The aim of this article is to analyse the issue of “weak separatism” in Latin America as well as to give an answer to the question why there are no significant separatist movements in this region. The authors provide the definitions of separatism and secessionism as well as an explanation of these phenomena. Moreover, they present an overview of historical and contemporary separatist movements in Latin America. Based on Horowitz’s theory of ethnic separatism, the authors attempt to analyse the separatist movement “The South is My Country” in Brazil and compare it with separatism in Catalonia in Spain, where a referendum on independence from Spain was held in 2017, serving as an impetus for a similar referendum that took place in the South of Brazil. In spite of similar goals of these two separatist movements, the authors argue that there are significant differences in their nature, which are determined by the history and culture of the respective countries.
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Bernat, Ignasi, and David Whyte. "Postfascism in Spain: The Struggle for Catalonia." Critical Sociology 46, no. 4-5 (September 11, 2019): 761–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920519867132.
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The thousands of Spanish National Police and Guardia Civil sent to Barcelona in order to prevent the referendum legislated by the Catalan Parliament on 6 and 7 September 2017 raised major questions about the fragility of Spanish democracy. The subsequent display of police violence on 1 October and the imprisonment and criminalisation of political opponents for the archaic offences of ‘rebellion’ and ‘sedition’ looked even less ‘democratic’. Indeed, those events in Catalonia constitute a remarkable moment in recent European history. This article uses the literature on ‘postfascism’ (developed in this journal and elsewhere) to analyse this remarkable moment and develop its social connections to the parallel re-emergence of fascist violence on the streets and the appearance of fascist symbolism in mainstream politics in Spain. The literature on postfascism identifies contemporary fascism as a specifically cultural phenomenon, but generally fails to identify how the conditions that sustain the far right originate inside the state. In order to capture this historical turn more concretely as a process in which state institutions and processes of statecraft are intimately involved, we argue that the Spanish state is postfascist. The article offers a brief critique of the way the concept of postfascism has been deployed, and, through an empirical reading of the historical development of Spanish state institutions, it proposes a modified frame that can be used to understand the situation in Catalonia.
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Baklouti, Siwar, Lara Maritan, Lluis Casas Duocastella, Ramon Járrega, Marta Prevosti, Claudio Mazzoli, and Néjia Laridhi Ouazaa. "Archaeometric study of African Keay 25.2 amphorae in Catalonia (Spain): a history of importation and imitation." European Journal of Mineralogy 30, no. 4 (October 31, 2018): 759–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1127/ejm/2018/0030-2754.
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Hodlevska, Valentyna. "Galician Nationalism: History and Modernity." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 34 (2020): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2020-34-61-68.
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The purpose of the article is to cover the history and determine the relevance of Galician nationalism. The origin and development of the nationalist movement in the region is analyzed. In our study general scientific and special historical and political science methods were applied. The general scientific methods (deductive and inductive, analysis and synthesis) were used as specific cognitive tools necessary to implement the principles of historicism, systematicism and objectivity. The general and special historical methods (historical-typological, statistical, comparative-historical, problem-chronological) allowed us to make a comprehensive analysis of the problem of Galician nationalism. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the fact that the author, for the first time in the national historical science, analyzes the features of Galician nationalism, the history of its development and the current state. Galician nationalism took shape in the 19th century. Among the predecessors of Galician nationalism, three movements can be distinguished: provincialism, federalism, and regionalism. Provincialism (later called Galicianism) was a movement that emerged in 1840 with the aim of protecting the integrity of the territory of Galicia. Regionalism became an intermediate phase in the evolution of the Galician movement between provincialism and nationalism. Galician federalism began to develop in 1865. The federalists argued that Galicia should be formed as a canton within Spain and that it be governed by its own cantonal constitution. Conclusions. As one of the four historic autonomous regions of Spain (along with Catalonia, the Basque Country and Andalusia), Galicia is significantly different in its understanding of its own nationalism. While Catalonia and the Basque Country strive for even greater independence, including threats of secession from the state, the nationalist movement in Galicia is becoming less tangible.
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Puntí Brun, Mònica. "Proximity Online Media in Catalonia (Spain). The Case Study of Nació Digital Group." Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations 17, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21018/rjcpr.2015.1.104.
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This paper aims to make a conceptualization of proximity digital media. It will define what is local and proximity communication as well as the history and evolution of online journalism and digital media features which are briefly reviewed. Business models that exist nowadays and the state of art in Catalonia (Spain) will also be briefly analysed. From this theoretical framework it will be explained the case of Nació Digital and its territorial media. Initially the history of this media group will be developed, as well as its journalistic and business models. The paper seeks to underscore the importance of the journalistic model based on the tradition of the profession, the proximity information and the technology developed for this online media. The Nació Digital is an example of a successful media outlet judging from its audience figures (the second online media in Catalonia) and its sustainable model business.<em><em><br /></em></em>
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Palomo Reina, Cristian. "Una comparativa dels conceptes ‘Espanya’ i ‘Catalunya’ a inicis del segle XVIII." SCRIPTA. Revista Internacional de Literatura i Cultura Medieval i Moderna 14 (December 26, 2019): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/scripta.0.15859.
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Resum: En aquest article realitzarem una anàlisi quantitativa, semàntica i comparativa dels conceptes ‘Espanya’ i ‘Catalunya’ en les seves formes terminològiques singulars i plurals pròpies dels idiomes català, castellà i llatí, contingudes en els dietaris institucionals del Consell de Cent de Barcelona i de la Diputació del General de Catalunya. La cronologia analitzada serà l’albada del segle XVIII, període convuls en què es produí la mort del monarca hispànic Carles II d’Àustria (1700), l’entronització dels Borbó (1701) i la consegüent guerra de successió per la Monarquia d’Espanya (1702-1715) que es batallà al Principat de Catalunya entre 1704 i 1714. Els resultats de l’estudi ofereixen noves perspectives sobre alguns aspectes del debat historiogràfic desfermat per la celebració del Tricentenari del 1714, i que gira al voltant de com era la identitat col·lectiva dels catalans a inicis del segle XVIII.Paraules clau: Història conceptual, Espanya, Catalunya, Barcelona, Guerra de Successió espanyola.Abstract: In this article we will carry out a quantitative, semantic and comparative analysis of the concepts ‘Spain’ and ‘Catalonia’ in its singular and plural forms of the Catalan, Spanish and Latin languages, contained in the institutional diaries of the Consell de Cent of Barcelona and the Deputation of the General of Catalonia. The chronology analysed will be the start of the 18th century, a period in which the death of the Spanish monarch Charles II of Austria (1700), the enthronement of the Bourbons (1701) and the consequent war of succession for the Monarchy of Spain (1702-1715) that was fought in the Principality of Catalonia between 1704 and 1714. The results of the study offer new perspectives on some aspects of the historiographical debate unleashed by the celebration of the Tricentenary of 1714, which revolves around the collective identity of Catalans at the beginning of the 18th century.Keywords: Conceptual history, Spain, Catalonia, Barcelona, War of Spanish Succession.
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Roset-Llobet, Jaume, Dolors Rosinés-Cubells, and Josep M. Saló-Orfila. "Identification of Risk Factors for Musicians in Catalonia (Spain)." Medical Problems of Performing Artists 15, no. 4 (December 1, 2000): 167–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21091/mppa.2000.4032.
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The present study analyzes the results from 1,639 questionnaires returned by Catalonian musicians from music schools, conservatories, orchestras, associations of professional musicians, and sundry other musical groups. The objective was to identify the principal risk factors associated with the appearance of health problems caused by the musicians’ occupations. The most noteworthy results were that 77.9% of the respondents have or have had some occupation-related health problem during their playing careers, and 37.3% of these have had technique impairment. The musculoskeletal system was the most frequently involved area (87.7% of the affected respondents). Risk factors identified include age, grade, dedication, professional status, changes in routine, and the instrument played (especially percussion, brass, and strings). In contrast to other studies, no relationship was discovered between gender or dominant hand and higher risk. The areas of the body most affected were the upper extremities and the neck. There is some indication in the data that the problems in males may be related to pathologies produced by overuse-strain; while those experienced by females are linked more with tension-posture. The conclusion reached is that, in spite of there being common factors, each community of musicians, each with its specific social, employment, and educational characteristics, presents a distinct pathological model, which makes the epidemiological data obtained in any study difficult to extrapolate to other communities.
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Casas, Lluís, Marta Prevosti, Boutheina Fouzai, and Aureli Álvarez. "Archaeomagnetic study and dating at five sites from Catalonia (NE Spain)." Journal of Archaeological Science 41 (January 2014): 856–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2013.10.020.
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De Ayala, J. Е. "La cuestión catalana: origen, desarrollo, y perspectivas." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-2-42-64.
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Catalonia is one of the richest regions in Spain and, thanks to its Statute of Autonomy, it enjoys a self-government comparable to that existing in federal States. It has been part of Spain for as long as Spain exists, but in the course of history there have been several episodes of disagreement and attempts at receiving independence. Since the beginning of this century, a sovereignty process has been launched by supporters of secession, ignorant of the Constitution and Spanish legality, that culminated, in October 2017, with a unilateral declaration of independence, which involved temporary intervention by the Spanish Government and the trial and condemnation of the main leaders, in addition to not being recognized by any country or international organization in the world. Catalan society is plural, formed in part by emigrants from other parts of Spain, and is very divided on this issue. Supporters of independence have never managed to obtain 50% of the votes in any of the numerous elections carried out, although there is a majority favorable to increasing the level of autonomy. The solution to this conflict can only come with the achievement of a political agreement that establishes a new relationship between Catalonia and the rest of Spain, which satisfies a majority, without the need to break up. But this solution will be difficult because of both the radicalism of some separatist leaders and the lack of agreement between the Spanish parties on how to approach the issue.
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De Ayala, J. Е. "La cuestión catalana: origen, desarrollo, y perspectivas." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-2-42-64.
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Catalonia is one of the richest regions in Spain and, thanks to its Statute of Autonomy, it enjoys a self-government comparable to that existing in federal States. It has been part of Spain for as long as Spain exists, but in the course of history there have been several episodes of disagreement and attempts at receiving independence. Since the beginning of this century, a sovereignty process has been launched by supporters of secession, ignorant of the Constitution and Spanish legality, that culminated, in October 2017, with a unilateral declaration of independence, which involved temporary intervention by the Spanish Government and the trial and condemnation of the main leaders, in addition to not being recognized by any country or international organization in the world. Catalan society is plural, formed in part by emigrants from other parts of Spain, and is very divided on this issue. Supporters of independence have never managed to obtain 50% of the votes in any of the numerous elections carried out, although there is a majority favorable to increasing the level of autonomy. The solution to this conflict can only come with the achievement of a political agreement that establishes a new relationship between Catalonia and the rest of Spain, which satisfies a majority, without the need to break up. But this solution will be difficult because of both the radicalism of some separatist leaders and the lack of agreement between the Spanish parties on how to approach the issue.
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Kovalchuk, M. "Basque separatism vs Catalan independence movement: socio-cultural aspects." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 1 (March 28, 2019): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-1-33-38.
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The current situation in Spain is characterized by the confrontation of two movements known as «independence movement» and «separatism». Both the Basque region and Catalonia have their own language, culture and a long history of the development of isolation tendencies. However, the objectives and the ways to achieve them have been different for a long time. In order to preserve the sociocultural unity of Spain it is necessary to eliminate the factors that that prevent people from finding the solution to the conflict, and the most important thing is to initiate dialogue, reach a compromise and be ready to stand by the words. It is difficult to imagine that any part will be separated from Spain from the economic point of view and, above all, socio-cultural, because the majority of Spanish population considers Spain as a strong and united State.
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Karpo, Vasyl, and Nataliia Nechaieva-Yuriichuk. "Information Component of Disintegration Processes in Spain and Great Britain: the Comparative Aspects." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 7 (December 23, 2019): 142–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2019.7.142-154.
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From ancient times till nowadays information plays a key role in the political processes. The beginning of XXI century demonstrated the transformation of global security from military to information, social etc. aspects. The widening of pandemic demonstrated the weaknesses of contemporary authoritarian states and the power of human-oriented states. During the World War I the theoretical and practical interest toward political manipulation and political propaganda grew definitely. After 1918 the situation developed very fast and political propaganda became the part of political influence. XX century entered into the political history as the millennium of propaganda. The collapse of the USSR and socialist system brought power to new political actors. The global architecture of the world has changed. Former Soviet republic got independence and tried to separate from Russia. And Ukraine was between them. The Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine was the start point for a number of processes in world politics. But the most important was the fact that the role and the place of information as the challenge to world security was reevaluated. The further annexation of Crimea, the attempt to legitimize it by the comparing with the referendums in Scotland and Catalonia demonstrated the willingness of Russian Federation to keep its domination in the world. The main difference between the referendums in Scotland and in Catalonia was the way of Russian interference. In 2014 (Scotland) tried to delegitimised the results of Scottish referendum because they were unacceptable for it. But in 2017 we witness the huge interference of Russian powers in Spain internal affairs, first of all in spreading the independence moods in Catalonia. The main conclusion is that the world has to learn some lessons from Scottish and Catalonia cases and to be ready to new challenges in world politics in a format of information threats.
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Fantuzzi, L., M. A. Cau Ontiveros, and X. Aquilué. "Archaeometric Characterization of Amphorae from the Late Antique City ofEmporiae(Catalonia, Spain)." Archaeometry 58 (May 26, 2015): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/arcm.12176.
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SANTANA, MARIO. "NATIONAL LITERATURES AND INTERLITERARY COMMUNITIES IN SPAIN AND CATALONIA." Catalan Review 14, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2000): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/catr.14.1-2.8.
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Camí-Vela, María. "Directoras de cine en Cataluña: Un recorrido histórico." Zeitschrift für Katalanistik 27 (July 1, 2014): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/zfk.2014.27-45.
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Summary: In Catalonia, like in other nations, the incorporation of women directors into the film industry was slow and the number small, with the aggravating situation in Catalan society of forty years of a dictatorship that kept women relegated to the domestic sphere. It is not until the late 80s and during the 90s that a new generation of women directors occupy with their cameras the streets of Barcelona, initiating a creative journey of self-discovering, and creating a cinematic gendered urban space that rejects patriarchal power relations and hegemonic concepts of national and sexual identities, while they give voice to new identities; new subjectsminorities-communities that, like them, started being visible in post-Franco Catalonia. Some directors contextualize their narratives with the construction of a cinematic gaze based on a negotiation with the Other marginal subject. Other filmmakers explore the formation-representation of the city image and its significance in the context of state terrorism and the relation between Catalonia and Spain. The directors and their films contribute to the critical analysis, of city and space, of modernity and gender, of history and memory, and the imposed transformation of the city of Barcelona by globalization. [Keywords: Women directors; Catalonia; Barcelona; cinematic gaze; city image; space]
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Kirchanov, Maksym V. "Wikipedia as Space for a Memorial Confrontation between Catalan and Spanish Historical Memory." Общество: политика, экономика, право, no. 6 (June 21, 2023): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/pep.2023.6.1.
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The purpose of this study is to analyze the perception of Catalan nationalism in the Catalan and Spanish ver-sions of Wikipedia as modern space for the development and actualization of collective historical memory and national identities. The author analyzes how agents of historical politics in Catalonia and Castile, using the vir-tual space of Wikipedia, construct various images of the history of Catalan nationalism and its political deriva-tives. The novelty of the research consists in the analysis of the virtual space of Wikipedia as a sphere of actual-ization of different versions of collective historical memory for Catalonia and Spain. The author analyzes: the perception of Catalan nationalism experience in the Catalan and Spanish sections of Wikipedia; various points of view on the history of Catalan nationalism presented in the virtual space; the perception of the history of Cat-alan nationalism as space of memory wars and memorial confrontations. The study also shows that the virtual-ization of collective memory has become a factor stimulating various and mutually exclusive ways of perceiv-ing the historical past, as presented in articles in the Catalan and Spanish sections of Wikipedia focused on the history of Catalan nationalism. It is assumed that the virtual space of the Catalan and Spanish versions of Wik-ipedia are just as susceptible to politicization as the academic environment of the regional historiographies of Spain. The results of the study suggest that the trends of memory virtualization will contribute to the Catalan-Spanish memorial confrontation.
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Anderson, Paul. "Decentralisation at a Crossroads: Spain, Catalonia and the Territorial Crisis." Ethnopolitics 19, no. 4 (July 24, 2020): 342–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2020.1795470.
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Lemke Duque, Carl Antonius, and Jon Igelmo Zaldívar. "«Ad cura personalis et civitatis utilitatem». Examining Jesuit Postconciliar Renewal and Educational Innovation in Spain." El Futuro del Pasado 12 (July 23, 2021): 449–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/fdp202112449479.
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This paper analyzes Jesuit pedagogy in Spain after the Second Vatican Council, encompassing recent trends and shifts by first delving into the main elements involved in the postconciliar crisis and renewal of the Society of Jesus in Spain, including the various critiques that this change received (part II). Second, this paper sheds light on the current Jesuit Ledesma-Kolvenbach University Paradigm, including its practical application and evaluation at the University of Deusto in Bilbao (part III). Third, this paper takes a brief look at the current reconsideration of active Jesuit pedagogy in Spain (and in Catalonia in particular), bearing in mind the contextualized convergences of educational philosophy (part IV). The concluding remarks address basic results from the analysis of these three elements.
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Kinnaird, Tim, Jordi Bolòs, Alex Turner, and Sam Turner. "Optically-stimulated luminescence profiling and dating of historic agricultural terraces in Catalonia (Spain)." Journal of Archaeological Science 78 (February 2017): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2016.11.003.
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Pujol i Hamelink, Marcel. "Medieval shipbuilding in Catalonia, Spain (13th-15th centuries): one principle, different processes." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 45, no. 2 (August 29, 2016): 283–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1095-9270.12181.
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Grad Fuchsel, Hector, and Luisa Martín Rojo. "“Civic” and “ethnic” nationalist discourses in Spanish parliamentary debates." Journal of Language and Politics 2, no. 1 (December 31, 2002): 31–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.2.1.04gra.
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Parliamentary debates on the definition of the nation-state and national identities are a very revealing discursive domain of tracing the cues of the social construction of this category. Integrating social-psychological and discourse analyses, this article studies how Spanish nationalism interacts with the most influential regional (Catalonian and Basque) nationalisms in the Spanish Parliament in Madrid, and in the regional Parliaments of Catalonia and the Basque Country. The study is based on a two-dimensional framework, which characterises nationalist cultures in terms of their Institutional Status (“established” vs. “rising” nationalism), and in terms of the Basic Assumptions (“civic” vs. “ethnic” aspects in the social representation of the nation — Smith, 19986, 1991). According to the conceptual framework, each of these nationalisms represents a different combination of “established” (Spanish) or “rising” (Basque and Catalonian) Institutional Status as well as of “civic” (in Catalonia) or “ethnic” (Spanish and the Basque) Basic Assumptions (Grad, 1999). The study shows that, in these parliamentary contexts, the Institutional Status and the Basic Assumptions not only configure different nationalist positions, but also configure distinct “discursive formations” — reflected in interactional dynamics (of inclusion vs. exclusion, compatibility vs. incompatibility, and consensus vs. conflict relations) — between the different national projects and identities. These discourses belong to an “enunciative system” including systematic subject (the dominant national identity), system of references (or referential) terms to denote national categories or supra-regional — Spain, Spanish State, Basque Country, Catalonia — that serve to distinguish between national in-group and out-group, and clearly differ in extent and connotations in established and rising national codes), as well as associated fields (more ascriptive membership criteria, rigid group boundaries, requirement of internal homogeneity, restrictive referent and extension of the “us” in the ethnic than in civic codes), and materiality (strategies of discursive polarisation, especially salient in the Basque Country parliamentary discourse, which both indicate less compatibility between identities and aim to delegitimise dissent with regard to national referents and goals). Finally, in parliaments where ethnic codes are confronted (Spanish and Basque) politeness is impaired, there is a higher degree of controversy, and the strategies of delegitimisation constitute strong face-threatening acts which endanger the “tacit contract” of the parliamentary interactions. In this regard, ethnic centralist and independentist political positions make harder the compatibility between national identities than civic regional-nationalist and federal proposals. Recent confrontations between Spanish and Basque national positions seem to confirm the patterns found in this analysis.
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FRANCALANCI, LEONARDO. "ENTRE EL MITE I LA REALITAT. ELEMENTS MEDIEVALISTES DEL CATALANISME PARTICULARISTA DE V. ALMIRALL ( LO CATALANISME , 1886)." Catalan Review 38, no. 1 (June 2024): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/catr.38.5.
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This article analyzes Lo catalanisme (1886) by V. Almirall through the lens of Medievalism and Cultural Nationalism. In his work Almirall consistently describes the Crown of Aragon as a confederació and the polities that formed it as estats . This particular characterization of a composite monarchy as a simple confederation of states has clearly more to do with the aspirations of nineteenth-century Catalanism than with the reality of medieval Iberia, and therefore represents a good example of the ideological use of the past. By emphasizing the Crown of Aragon’s decentralized structure and by downplaying the role of the monarchy, in fact, Almirall intended to promote two key ideas about Catalonia’s past, present and future. First: when given the opportunity, Catalans have always organized themselves according to the principle of federalism. Second: the values of liberty and democracy have always been at the core of their collective identity as Catalans. The message is clear: the creation of an autonomous Catalonia within a federally organized Spain is not only a political project that reflects Catalonia’s desire for auto-determination but also a tribute to its history and identity.
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Pruttskov, Grigory, and Svetlana Moudrik. "State Media System and National Identity of the Population of the Regions (on the Example of Catalonia)." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 11, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 264–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2022.11(2).264-277.
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The study examined the specifics of the formation and functioning of the media system of Catalonia. One of the most important factors of this topic is the problem of national identity. The characteristic of the regional media system is the coverage of facts that relate to the national identity of Catalonia and the techniques used in media coverage (including government support for the use of the Catalan language in the media). The national identity of Catalonia is partly the result of the transformation of the media system throughout the historical period. From the Franco regime to the present day, there has been an increasing trend in the formation of national identity in the media sphere. The relevance of the study is determined by the situation in Catalonia and the position of the majority of its separatist inhabitants, which contributes to the development of the region's media system. The issue addresses the history of the development of separatist sentiments in the media sphere of the region and factors that influenced its formation, as well as its current state. We examined the role of the media in maintaining and developing separatist sentiments in the region and, in particular, in the key events of recent years related to national self-identification. The way to address the problem is to establish interaction between the region and Spain and provide mutual support of such sentiments on the part of the population. It is these factors associated with the struggle for national identity that influence the role and nature of the Catalan media system both in the historical context and now. We found that the development trend of the media sphere of Catalonia throughout its existence did not change and had a separatist orientation, and its main role now is to maintain such sentiments in the region. The study revealed that history of the region’s struggle for its dependence influenced the formation and nature of media system.
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Angourakis, Andreas, Verònica Martínez Ferreras, Alexis Torrano, and Josep M. Gurt Esparraguera. "Presenting multivariate statistical protocols in R using Roman wine amphorae productions in Catalonia, Spain." Journal of Archaeological Science 93 (May 2018): 150–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2018.03.007.
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Colomer, Josep M. "The venturous bid for the independence of Catalonia." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 5 (September 2017): 950–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1293628.
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Following an ambiguous constitutional compromise for democratization, the territorial decentralization of the Spanish state developed by means of political party competition, exchanges, and bargaining. Hence, the so-calledstate of autonomieswas characterized as “non-institutional federalism” [Colomer, Josep M. 1998. “The Spanish ‘State of Autonomies': Non-institutional Federalism.”West European Politics21 (4): 40–52]. In the most recent period, competition and instability have intensified. New developments include, on one side, attempts at recentralizating the state and, on the other side, demands and mobilizations forCatexit, that is, the independence of Catalonia from Spain, which resulted in sustained inter-territorial conflict. This article addresses these recent changes with a focus on the relations between the Spanish and the Catalan governments. The political changes were analyzed as a result of opportunities and incentives offered by a loose institutional framework and the subsequent competitive strategies of extreme party leaders.
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Fina, M., J. Casellas, J. Tarrés, J. Bartolomé, J. Plaixats, X. Such, N. Jiménez, A. Sánchez, and J. Piedrafita. "Characterisation and conservation programme of the Alberes cattle breed in Catalonia (Spain)." Animal Genetic Resources Information 43 (April 2008): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1014233900002686.
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SummaryThe Alberes cattle breed is a Catalonian autochthonous bovine population located in the Alberes Massif (north east of Spain), in the eastern extreme of the Pyrenees Mountains, and is well adapted to this zone in which it mainly makes use of forest resources. Cows are small sized and rustic, living under a semi-feral management system with minimal human contact. Traditionally, two coat colour varieties, Black and Fawn, have been described. Nevertheless, in both coat colour types the wild-type allele (E+) of the extension locus predominates. The Alberes breed clusters within the Cantabrian trunk, although some other breeds may also have influenced the population during its history. All of the females are used for replacement and the surplus males are destined for fattening despite their low meat potential. Age at first calving ranges between 3 and 4 years. The 2007 census estimated the number of adult animals at 138 females and 9 males. The Alberes breed is considered as an Endangered Breed according to the FAO classification and intends to start an in situ minimum kinship conservation programme and also a cryoconservation scheme with embryos and semen.
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Gasparini, Valentino, and José Carlos López Gómez. "Muros, turres, portas faciendas coeravit. Remarks on the chronology of the foundation of Barcino." SPAL. Revista de Prehistoria y Arqueología de la Universidad de Sevilla 1, no. 31 (2022): 320–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/spal.2022.i31.12.
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Recent research has significantly improved our knowledge about the foundation of the Roman city of Barcino (Barcelona, Spain). However, while these studies have collected some encouraging evidence for a late-Republican chronology, the Augustan chronology traditionally granted to this foundation (around B.C. 10) has not been questioned at all. This article aims to analyse old and new literary, epigraphic, topographic, architectural, and archaeological data, to recover the Caesarean chronology (around B.C. 45-44), which was previously defended from the middle of the 19th century through to the end of the 1970s, and to draw from this study some more general historical conclusions on the process of the romanization of Catalonia.
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Maestre-Andrés, Sara, Laura Calvet-Mir, and Evangelia Apostolopoulou. "Unravelling stakeholder participation under conditions of neoliberal biodiversity governance in Catalonia, Spain." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 36, no. 7 (January 17, 2018): 1299–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654417753624.
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The restructuring of biodiversity governance in Europe during the last two decades has been, inter alia, based on the argument that effective conservation hinges on consensual decision-making involving all relevant stakeholders. This has given rise to various network-based forms of governance and participatory arrangements in protected areas reinforcing the involvement of business and non-state actors, particularly through the creation of profitable public–private partnerships. Even though this shift has been framed as promoting stakeholder and public participation, in practice it has often hampered democratic decision-making and community empowerment. In this paper, we investigate the restructuring of biodiversity governance through the establishment of participatory arrangements in the governance of the natural park of Sant Llorenç del Munt i l’Obac, a place whose history has been linked with the emergence of one of the first environmental movements in Catalonia (Spain). We pay particular attention to the role of participatory arrangements in transforming power relationships and in promoting a neoliberal mode of biodiversity governance. We find that governance restructuring under the rhetoric of promoting stakeholder participation has in practice led to the exclusion of key social actors from the management of the natural park and favoured the inclusion of actors with mainly economic motivations further embedding a neoliberal agenda in the governance of the park and ultimately disempowering local community.
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Planas, P., R. Català, C. Madrid, S. Eduard, and S. Lira. "Metabolic Risk Factors in a Schizophrenic Community Sample (vallès Oriental, Catalonia, Spain)." European Psychiatry 24, S1 (January 2009): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0924-9338(09)71418-x.
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Introduction:Life expectancy for individuals with schizophrenia is 20% lower than in general population. Medical illnesses, psychiatric comorbidities, less access to care, poverty and limited perception of illness are some of the most important factors associated with increased risk of morbidity. Cardiovascular death (CVD) is a major contributor to increased mortality in schizophrenia 2,3. Prevalence of obesity in patients with schizophrenia (40%-60%) is twice the rate of the general population (20%-30%). Obesity, high abdominal perimeter, serum lipid levels, and smoking are significant, Independent Risk Factors for CVD.Metabolic syndrome is a cluster of metabolic disturbances, which is associated with an increased risk of CVD.Objective:To estimate the prevalence of CVRF in schizophrenic outpatients treated at Granollers' CSM.Methods:Cross-sectional descriptive study about 100 schizophrenic outpatients treated at CSM Granollers. Data on sociodemographics, physical examinations, blood test parameters, CVRF history and treatments are recorded. Each CVRF is established according to international criteria and/or pharmacological treatment.Secondary objectives:•Prevalence of Metabolic Syndrome;•Antipsychotic drugs treatment.Variables - Sociodemographic data and Schizophrenia diagnosis:•Physical examination;•Lab parameters;•Other CV risk factors (smoking, alcohol intake…).Results and conlusions:Estimated prevalences for most of the CVRF in schizophrenic outpatients are, in general, higher than those expected of the same age group in the general population. Data presented can support therapeutic decision-making and suggests a need of new prevention and monitoring strategies. New guidelines for monitoring and intervention will be needed for monitoring and intervention.
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DOWLING, ANDREW. "Prohibition, Tolerance, Co-option: Cultural Appropriation and Francoism in Catalonia, 1939–75." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (July 23, 2018): 370–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000267.
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Dictatorships, autocracies and authoritarian political systems must adapt if they wish to survive. The long-lasting dictatorship of Franco's Spain (1939–75) underwent a series of internal adaptations during its almost forty years of existence. The initial project of the Franco regime, which included the destruction of its social and political enemies, lasted until the end of the Second World War. The second phase, marked by a failed autarkic experiment, ended in 1959. The economic change that followed entailed a moderate opening in political terms, whilst maintaining a dictatorial apparatus. This article examines a further feature in the evolution of the Franco regime which initially sought to impose a monolithic national identity (Spanish) by means of the repression of its national minorities (Basque, Catalan, Galician and so on). Due to the absence of a violent political movement as existed in the Basque Country in the form of ETA, Catalonia is a particularly fruitful source to examine the shifts that took place in the Franco regime's policy towards Spain's historic nationalities. This article focuses on the intermediate spaces that appeared between overt opposition on the one hand and active collaboration on the other. This article assesses the evolving policy towards Catalan culture and identity during the dictatorship. I find three main phases in the regime's strategy: repression, followed by comparative tolerance with a final phase of the co-option of Catalan culture, for the purposes of regime legitimation.
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Fusté-Forné, Francesc. "Mapping heritage digitally for tourism: an example of Vall de Boí, Catalonia, Spain." Journal of Heritage Tourism 15, no. 5 (December 5, 2019): 580–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1743873x.2019.1700264.
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Batista, E., and J. Hernandez. "The drainage of lake ‘L'Estany’ in Spain." Water Supply 18, no. 1 (June 6, 2017): 151–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/ws.2017.105.
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Abstract In the 18th century, the practice of drying up the wetlands, marshy or stagnant water areas expanded throughout Europe in order to avoid the malaria fevers that the population periodically suffered and to recover land for farming. This communication describes the current knowledge about the history of the process of drying in various hydrological basins as well as the works in the endorheic lake close to the village of L'Estany, located in the district of the Moianès (Catalonia), in the northeast of Spain. The drying began in the 16th century with drainage channels driven by the Monastery of Santa Maria de L'Estany, and culminated in the 18th century with the construction, using the dry stone technique, of a 425 m long, 2.14 m high and 1.20 m wide drainage mine that diverted water to the basin of the Llobregat River. Now the mine and the canals are conserved for use in times of rain as well as a touristic objective that complements the cultural and religious concerns of the Monastery of Santa Maria with its magnificent Romanesque cloister.
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Cuerva, Eva, Judith Urbano, and Còssima Cornadó. "Recovering Industrial Heritage: Restoration of the Wine Cellar Cooperative in Falset (Catalonia, Spain)." Buildings 9, no. 12 (December 11, 2019): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/buildings9120243.
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Awareness regarding conservation of industrial heritage is recent. Several policies have been adopted to start protecting these buildings because of their historic, artistic and scientific values. Wine cellars are an important example of industrial heritage in Catalonia due to the tradition of this product in the territory and the influence of Art Nouveau and Catalan ‘Noucentisme’ in their construction and style. The wine cellar in Falset, built by Cèsar Martinell in 1919, has recently been restored and still maintains its original function. This article analyses its history, its architectonic and construction characteristics, as well as the restoration process carried out in 2009, which consisted of recovering its original appearance and allowed to emphasize the architectural value of the building. This restoration is a prototypical example whose experience can be applied in other cases of restoration of wine cellars both for the characteristics of the building and for its good restoration practices. This restoration enabled the wine cellar to continue carrying out its original industrial function, providing suitable conditions to add a new cultural use as well.
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Planas, Jordi. "Cooperation, technical education and politics in early agricultural policy in Catalonia (1914–24)." Rural History 31, no. 2 (October 2020): 211–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793319000360.
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Abstract After the crisis of the late nineteenth century, the role of the state in European agriculture expanded to many new areas: education and technical innovation; commercial policies and market regulations; farm support policies, and sometimes interventions in property rights. The development of these policies was a difficult and costly process, without the intervention of intermediary organisations like agricultural cooperatives and farmers’ associations. This article analyses the early agricultural policy in Catalonia (Spain) and the role of cooperatives in its implementation. It argues that this regional case was quite exceptional in the early twentieth-century Spanish context, where state intervention in agriculture was extremely limited. In 1914, an autonomous government was set up in Catalonia, and a modern agricultural policy was introduced in which technical education and cooperatives played a crucial role, as well as politics. The agricultural policy promoted and developed by the Catalan government was part of a state-building project based on a regionalist ideology.
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García Álvarez, Alicia, Lluís Serra-Majem, Conxa Castell, Lourdes Ribas-Barba, and Michelle A. Méndez. "Trends in the association between smoking history and general/central obesity in Catalonia, Spain (1992-2003)." Nutrición Hospitalaria 34, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.20960/nh.984.
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Torrebadella-Flix, Xavier. "The History of Rugby in Spain: Part 2. From 1924 to the Second Republic." E-balonmano com Journal Sports Science 20, no. 1 (April 1, 2024): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.17398/1885-7019.20.81.
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Following the establishment of rugby in Catalonia at the beginning of the 1920s, it was also introduced in the “Central region”. This coincided with the dictatorship period of Miguel Primo de Rivera, a time when the first federation matches between Barcelona and Madrid were taking place. There were underlying personal interests at the heart of the question but also conditioning political factors. The objective is to continue to provide information about the development of Spanish rugby, but taking into account the social and political setting of that time in history. This is made possible through an exploration of the historical sports and news press but also a review of other studies that are pertinent to the contextualisation. It is concluded that during the dictatorship Spanish rugby found itself in a difficult centralised and repressive political context, which produced a hostile environment for any manifestation of Catalan sporting nationalism. While the hegemony of Catalan rugby was never in question, by the 1930s the sport had also become firmly rooted in university settings in the Spanish capital.
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Kühne, Ina. "Die Rolle der Schulsprachenpolitik bei der Normalisierung der llengua pròpia in Katalonien und der Region Valencia seit Beginn der Transición." Linguistik Online 118, no. 6 (December 26, 2022): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.13092/lo.118.9085.
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Catalonia and the Valencian Country are characterized by a very special sociolinguistic situation, which consists in the coexistence of the Castilian language as the official language of the Spanish state and the regional languages as co-official languages in the respective Autonomous communities. This constellation holds the potential for political tension, since in the past ‒ but still today ‒ it lead/leads to linguistic conflicts, whose origins lie in the political history of Spain, during which the regional languages time and time again were subject to repressions and prohibitions, that came to a head during the dictatorship of Francisco Franco. Since the beginning of the Spanish transition to democracy it was possible to work towards a resolution of the linguistic conflicts by means of legal norms and a corresponding language legislation. Especially the language teaching policy is an important area of language policy, since it has a long-lasting influence on the language skills of the citizens. The present article gives a detailed description of the measures taken in Catalonia and the Valencian Country concerning the language teaching policies since the beginning of the Spanish transition to democracy. Furthermore, it analyzes, in what way the language skills of the citizens of the Autonomous communities of Catalonia and Valencia have been improved through the applied language teaching policies and finally offers a comparison between the two Regions in this respect. The analysis is based on statistical surveys realized by the Institut d’Estadística de Catalunya (IDESCAT) and the Generalitat Valenciana.
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Valenzuela, Silvia, Françoise Poitevin, Raphaël Cornette, Alexandre Bournery, Jordi Nadal, and Jean-Denis Vigne. "Evolving ecosystems: ecological data from an Iron Age small mammal accumulation at Alorda Park (Catalonia, Spain)." Journal of Archaeological Science 36, no. 6 (June 2009): 1248–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2009.01.013.
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Toledo, Alejandra, Leyre Pámpanas, David García, Davide Pettener, and Antonio González-Martin. "CHANGES IN THE GENETIC STRUCTURE OF A VALLEY IN THE PYRENEES (CATALONIA, SPAIN)." Journal of Biosocial Science 49, no. 1 (February 17, 2016): 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932016000031.
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SummaryIn some situations the use of isonymy is the best strategy for studying the genetic structure of a population and its biological history. In this study different population parameters were calculated for one of the most isolated valleys in the Pyrenees – the region of the Alta Ribagorça in Catalonia, Spain. Surnames from marriage records covering the continuous period from 1638 to 1988 were used. From 1950 onwards this region underwent important social, economic and biological changes related to the introduction of hydroelectric and mining industries, and the change from livestock farming to a society based on services. Two periods were analysed (1638–1950 and 1951–1988) allowing population changes that occurred in the region to be determined. The study focused on calculating the number of surnames by gender, diversity index (H), population sub-structure (RP−RPr)/RPr and inbreeding coefficient (Ft) and detection of possible genetic barriers. The results demonstrate the importance that geography initially had in shaping the genetic structure of the population and how this was gradually replaced by other parameters such as roads or the social and economic importance of towns. An interesting phenomenon is that inbreeding has traditionally been associated with rural life, isolation and endogamy. However, for the Alta Ribagorça it was observed that in the second period, 1951–1988, inbreeding mainly depended on the composition of migrant groups and the reaction of the native population to the arrival of migrants from outside the region.
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Brunn, Gerhard. "Katalonien im Spanien des 19. Jahrhunderts." Zeitschrift für Katalanistik 3 (July 1, 1990): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/zfk.1990.7-20.
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Spain was an anachronism in nineteenth-century Europe, politically unstable, underdeveloped in agriculture and industry, and dependent on contemporary economic centers. The city and the region of Barcelona are above all the leading region in the direction of modernity, which also arrived despite many retarding factors. But unlike the developed states of Europe, economic and social progress has so far been limited to a few regions. This leads to deep tensions between the leading region, Catalonia, and the political center, Madrid. From about 1880, Catalanism articulated these differences in development politically and nationally. So that, from a modern point of view, Catalans could use standard elements of national identity - such as their own history, language and literature.
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Hubert, Ignatius, Windy Dermawan, and Akim Akim. "Catalan Identity and Paradiplomacy Strategy in Catalonia’s Independence Movement." Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional 22, no. 2 (January 1, 2021): 317. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/global.v22i2.485.
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This article seeks to analyse how Catalan identity, within the context of its conflict with the Spanish government, contributes to its foreign relations with the global public through paradiplomacy. This article uses qualitative research method with literature study. It finds that Catalonia, as one of Spain’s autonomous regions, have a distinct history, language, and culture from other Spanish regions. To protect their identity, there have been an emergence of movement for greater Catalan autonomy, even independence. This conflict reached climax on 1 October 2017 when the Catalan government initiated an independence referendum amongst Catalan people, with the majority voted for independence from Spain. Since then, the Catalan independence movement has faced many changes until now, with one of the moves done by Catalonia to seek support from global public through their paradiplomacy. As such, it is worth noting how paradiplomacy done by the Catalan government was an effort to protect the existence of their identity, which increases the complication and dynamics of Catalan and Spanish governments’ internal conflict. Findings from this study may show important implications for the resolution of similar internal conflicts, especially those involving identity and paradiplomacy.
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Gómez Mestres, Sílvia, Jose Luis Molina, Sarah Hoeksma, and Miranda Lubbers. "Bulgarian Migrants in Spain: Social Networks, Patterns of Transnationality, Community Dynamics and Cultural Change in Catalonia (Northeastern Spain)." Southeastern Europe 36, no. 2 (2012): 208–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633312x642112.
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We analyze the Bulgarian migrant social networks in two localities (Roses and Barcelona) of Northeastern Spain (Catalonia), in order to determine the sociodemographic profile of Bulgarian migrants in these localities and assess the different patterns of adaptation (which means selective cultural changes to fit better with dominant practices) and community dynamics developed in each place. The methodology used is the structured interview supported by an open-source program (EgoNet) for collecting personal network data, along with participant observation and in-depth interviews. In addition, Bulgarian migrant associations and entities in Spain have been identified as a part of the global pattern of adaptation of this group. We show that local context matters for the type of adaptation of migrants. Therefore, in small contexts it is possible to form part of a denser and more homogeneous ethnic network, having at the same time a similar proportion of Catalan-Spaniard contacts as in larger towns. Small contexts favor segmented (or dual) adaptation to the host society. This adaptation manifests important and substantial differences between the public sphere (visible to the host society) and the private sphere (family life and close friends).
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Mukti, Takdir Ali, Tulus Warsito, Idham Badruzaman, and Ulung Pribadi. "Paradiplomacy Management and Local Political Movement in Aceh, Indonesia, and Catalonia, Spain." European Journal of East Asian Studies 18, no. 1 (July 4, 2019): 66–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-01801003.
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AbstractThis article focuses on paradiplomatic management in Aceh, Indonesia, and Catalonia, Spain, as a comparative study. The two different regions have at least two similar characteristics: both are recognised by central government as widely autonomous provinces compared to other provinces, and both obtained the wider autonomy in the same period, 2006; they also have same problems with revolutionary groups that attempt to withdraw from central government. This qualitative research aims to examine paradiplomatic management in both local governments. The main objective is to identify similarities and differences in paradiplomatic patterns and to scrutinise paradiplomatic activism pertaining to the instrument of political movements in both regions. The findings confirm that patterns of paradiplomacy management are typically similar, and influenced by the dynamic of local political movements, and that paradiplomatic activism is an instrument in political movements. It is argued that paradiplomatic management by secessionist regions performs the same pattern both in federal and unitary systems, and is reflected in the changes of regional laws on paradiplomatic affairs.
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Rodríguez-García, Dan, Miguel Solana-Solana, Anna Ortiz-Guitart, and Joanna L. Freedman. "Linguistic Cultural Capital among Descendants of Mixed Couples in Catalonia, Spain: Realities and Inequalities." Journal of Intercultural Studies 39, no. 4 (June 28, 2018): 429–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256868.2018.1487388.
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