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1
Molina, Tomàs, Alex Sancliment, and Jofre Janué. "How weather influenced the mood of people during the COVID-19 lockdown in Catalonia: a review of Twitter posts." Advances in Science and Research 18 (January 29, 2021): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/asr-18-1-2021.
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Abstract. This article is the result of a campaign done during the COVID-19 lockdown in Catalonia. The Television of Catalonia audience was involved in an action to inform about the weather from their own homes by posting Twitter videos. Some of the videos were shown on air in the weather segment of the television station's main news programs. We have correlated participation in the campaign with meteorological and public health data and found that weather is related to the mood of people when using social media platforms such as Twitter.
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Vidal-Raméntol, Salvador. "Neuromarketing and Sustainability." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 12 (December 21, 2020): 181–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.712.9360.
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Recent studies show that Catalonia has stagnated in municipal selective waste collection. According to the data of the waste agency of Catalonia (ARC), municipal selective waste collection was 38.19% in 2014, 38.98% in 2015 and 38.61% in 2016. In light of the data, the following question arises: is it possible to increase Catalonia’s municipal selective waste collection? According to ARC, there are counties, such as Osona or Pallars Sobirà, which have a rate of 59.92% and 54.93% selective waste collection, respectively. With this data in mind, we proposed that our Primary Education students carry out a study of how a Neuromarketing campaign could influence a selective collection of plastic bottle caps for a humanitarian cause. We proposed conducting the study in five teaching centers, conducting a Neuromarketing campaign in one of the five. The objective was to collect as many plastic caps as possible. This study was part of the annual Transversal Workshop on Sustainability that we organize at the University. The results obtained were spectacular, and this show a need for further research in this field. Facchin (2018) defines Neuromarketing as the science that studies the purchasing behavior, consumption, and decisions of the clients in relation to different products or services. Some studies done with volunteers using functional magnetic resonances (FMRI) or electroencephalography (EEG) allow us to know the effects of advertising in our unconscious brain (Monge and Fernández, 2011). These studies have provoked strong criticism for studying a part of the human body that is difficult to control, and thus dominate the feelings of people (Morin, 2011). The results obtained show how Neuromarketing can be a good instrument to carry out solidarity campaigns related to sustainability.
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Bonet-Solà, Daniel, Ester Vidaña-Vila, and Rosa Ma Alsina-Pagès. "Analysis and Acoustic Event Classification of Environmental Data Collected in a Citizen Science Project." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 20, no. 4 (February 19, 2023): 3683. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph20043683.
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Citizen science can serve as a tool to obtain information about changes in the soundscape. One of the challenges of citizen science projects is the processing of data gathered by the citizens, to obtain conclusions. As part of the project Sons al Balcó, authors aim to study the soundscape in Catalonia during the lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic and afterwards and design a tool to automatically detect sound events as a first step to assess the quality of the soundscape. This paper details and compares the acoustic samples of the two collecting campaigns of the Sons al Balcó project. While the 2020 campaign obtained 365 videos, the 2021 campaign obtained 237. Later, a convolutional neural network is trained to automatically detect and classify acoustic events even if they occur simultaneously. Event based macro F1-score tops 50% for both campaigns for the most prevalent noise sources. However, results suggest that not all the categories are equally detected: the percentage of prevalence of an event in the dataset and its foregound-to-background ratio play a decisive role.
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Atkinson, David. "Catalan on the Internet and the .ct and .cat campaigns." Journal of Language and Politics 5, no. 2 (September 15, 2006): 239–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.5.2.06atk.
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ICANN, the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers, divides the World Wide Web geographically, assigning country suffixes to states to be used in web addresses for sites on their territory. This paper reports on the campaign in Catalonia to have the right to use .ct as the territorial domain name for sites in Catalonia. The bid has been countered by the central government in Madrid and the argument is ongoing. In the interim, ICANN have assigned the .cat suffix. This recognises the linguistic, cultural and ethnic group as a web entity without going as far as to give them the same web standing as a sovereign state.
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López, Francesc, Martí Català, Clara Prats, Oriol Estrada, Irene Oliva, Núria Prat, Mar Isnard, et al. "A Cost–Benefit Analysis of COVID-19 Vaccination in Catalonia." Vaccines 10, no. 1 (December 31, 2021): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/vaccines10010059.
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(1) Background: In epidemiological terms, it has been possible to calculate the savings in health resources and the reduction in the health effects of COVID vaccines. Conducting an economic evaluation, some studies have estimated its cost-effectiveness; the vaccination shows highly favorable results, cost-saving in some cases. (2) Methods: Cost–benefit analysis of the vaccination campaign in the North Metropolitan Health Region (Catalonia). An epidemiological model based on observational data and before and after comparison is used. The information on the doses used and the assigned resources (conventional hospital beds, ICU, number of tests) was extracted from administrative data from the largest primary care provider in the region (Catalan Institute of Health). A distinction was made between the social perspective and the health system. (3) Results: the costs of vaccination are estimated at 137 million euros (€48.05/dose administered). This figure is significantly lower than the positive impacts of the vaccination campaign, which are estimated at 470 million euros (€164/dose administered). Of these, 18% corresponds to the reduction in ICU discharges, 16% to the reduction in conventional hospital discharges, 5% to the reduction in PCR tests and 1% to the reduction in RAT tests. The monetization of deaths and cases that avoid sequelae account for 53% and 5% of total savings, respectively. The benefit/cost ratio is estimated at 3.4 from a social perspective and 1.4 from a health system perspective. The social benefits of vaccination are estimated at €116.67 per vaccine dose (€19.93 from the perspective of the health system). (4) Conclusions: The mass vaccination campaign against COVID is cost-saving. From a social perspective, most of these savings come from the monetization of the reduction in mortality and cases with sequelae, although the intervention is equally widely cost-effective from the health system perspective thanks to the reduction in the use of resources. It is concluded that, from an economic perspective, the vaccination campaign has high social returns.
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Rubio-Valera, M., A. Fernández, S. Evans-Lacko, J. V. Luciano, G. Thornicroft, I. Aznar-Lou, and A. Serrano-Blanco. "Impact of the mass media OBERTAMENT campaign on the levels of stigma among the population of Catalonia, Spain." European Psychiatry 31 (January 2016): 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2015.10.005.
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AbstractReducing public stigma could improve patients’ access to care, recovery and social integration. The aim of the study was to evaluate a mass media intervention, which aimed to reduce the mental health, related stigma among the general population in Catalonia (Spain). We conducted a cross-sectional population-based survey of a representative sample of the Catalan non-institutionalized adult population (n = 1019). We assessed campaign awareness, attitudes to people with mental illness (CAMI) and intended behaviour (RIBS). To evaluate the association between campaign awareness and stigma, multivariable regression models were used. Over 20% of respondents recognized the campaign when prompted, and 11% when unprompted. Campaign aware individuals had better attitudes on the benevolence subscale of the CAMI than unaware individuals (P = 0.009). No significant differences in authoritarianism and support for community mental health care attitudes subscales were observed. The campaign aware group had better intended behaviour than the unaware group (P < 0.01). The OBERTAMENT anti-stigma campaign had a positive impact to improve the attitudes and intended behaviour towards people with mental illness of the Catalan population. The impact on stigma was limited to attitudes related to benevolence. A wider range of anti-stigma messages could produce a stronger impact on attitudes and intended behaviour.
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Oller, Josep Maria, Albert Satorra, and Adolf Tobeña. "Parochial Linguistic Education: Patterns of an Enduring Friction within a Divided Catalonia." Genealogy 5, no. 3 (August 30, 2021): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy5030077.
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Amid the tensions created by the secession push in Catalonia (Spain), an important conflicting issue has been the “immersion linguistic educational system”, in which the Catalan language has precedence throughout all of the primary and secondary school curricula. Here, we present an analysis of a survey (n = 1002) addressing features of linguistic and political opinion profiles with reference to the mother language and feelings of national identity. The results show that the mother language is a factor that differentiated the participants in terms of common linguistic uses and opinions about the “immersion educational system”. These results were confirmed when segmenting respondents via their feelings of national self-identification. The most distinctive political opinions consisted of either asserting or denying the damage to social harmony produced by the secession campaign. Overall, the findings show that a major fraction of the Catalonian citizenry is subjected to an education system that does not meet their linguistic preferences. We discuss these findings, connecting them to an ethnolinguistic divide based mainly on mother language (Catalan vs. Spanish) and family origin—a complex frontier that has become the main factor determining alignment during the ongoing political conflict.
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Rigo, Tomeu, and Carme Farnell. "A Summary of Hail Events during the Summer of 2022 in Catalonia: A Comparison with the Period of 2013–2021." Remote Sensing 15, no. 4 (February 12, 2023): 1012. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rs15041012.
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Hail events are common in Catalonia during the warm season (May to September), but especially between June and August. These cases produce important damages to agriculture and infrastructure. The campaign of 2022 will be remembered by three different phases: the first and last phases, which were very stable and with few events, and the middle phase, which had a large number of episodes. Some of the cases had an important social impact because of the large areas affected or the economical damages. The present analysis used the vertically integrated liquid radar product for estimating the hail swaths. Hail swaths are classified according to different parameters, allowing for the characterization of the campaign and a comparison with the period of 2013–2021. The results show how the month of June had a deficit of cases with respect to the reference period (half of the cases), July presented similar values, and August had a positive anomaly, with five times more cases. In addition, the first ever case of giant hail in Catalonia occurred in August 2022, a month with more than five times the number of cases of severe and very large hail with respect to the average of the period of 2013–2021.
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Ginesta, Xavier, Jordi de-San-Eugenio-Vela, José-Antonio Corral-Marfil, and Jordi Montaña. "The Role of a City Council in a Place Branding Campaign: The Case of Vic in Catalonia." Sustainability 12, no. 11 (May 28, 2020): 4420. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12114420.
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The fundamental goal of this article is to show the implications that place branding has for regional public management through a case study of the brand “Vic, a city with a human dimension” [Vic, ciutat a la mesura humana, in Catalan language], a project commissioned by the city council of Vic and carried out by the city’s university (University of Vic-Central University of Catalonia). Vic is the capital of the Osona region, in the centre of Catalonia, with a population of 45,040 inhabitants. Methodologically, this research utilised 14 focus group discussions, two in-depth interviews and a survey addressed to citizens and answered by 855 people. In regards to results, the research shows that the practice of place branding transcends the traditional action areas of place marketing and place promotion, in order to be fully integrated in the region’s overall management policies, that is to say, its urban governance. The article also concludes that the processes of conceptualisation and implementation of new place brands must be framed within a bottom-up approach, integrating all the stakeholders (public–private cooperation) in the decision-making process.
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Alsina-Pagès, Rosa Ma, Ferran Orga, Roger Mallol, Marc Freixes, Xavier Baño, and Maria Foraster. "Sons al balcó: Soundscape Map of the Confinement in Catalonia." Engineering Proceedings 2, no. 1 (November 14, 2020): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ecsa-7-08180.
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In this project, we aim to study the effect that the lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic has caused on the perception of noise in Catalonia. In Sons al Balcó, the research activities cohabit with the dynamic collaboration with citizens and other stakeholders to create social and environmental impact, to widen awareness and design tools to improve citizenship development and empowerment. The initial scientific hypothesis is that the annoyance coming from outdoor noise, minimized by the lockdown effect, could be associated with better perception of the soundscape by people. Sons al Balcó allows validating this hypothesis in two different ways. On the one hand, by means of subjective questionnaires conducted to people living in pre-defined diverse acoustic areas (urban, suburban and rural environments), and on the other hand, by the use of objective measurements of the noise levels, and the study of the soundscape in these areas, using short pieces of video collected by citizens. For this purpose, we designed an on line test to be conducted by any citizen aiming to contribute to this wide study for all the territory of Catalonia, both from rural areas and from cities. A communication campaign was conducted to reach a significant participation. During the lockdown, more than 350 questionnaires and videos were collected, and a first map of the soundscape of the confinement in Catalonia was depicted.
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Shubin, Alexandr. "POUM: a long story and a bright moment." Latin-American Historical Almanac 30, no. 1 (June 28, 2021): 56–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-30-1-56-91.
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The article is devoted to the history of the Workers Party of Marxist Unity (POUM), which played a prominent role in the events of the Spanish Revolution and the Civil War of 1936-1939. The author traces the history of the anti-Stalinist Marxist-Leninist movement from the 1920s, which developed in the context of regroupings of left-wing radi-cal groups in Catalonia. Formed in 1935, the POUM took an active part in the revolutionary events in Catalonia in 1936-1937. One of the priorities of the POUM was to expose the Stalinist leadership of the Comintern and the USSR. The POUM also generated problems for the pro-Soviet Communists due to its rapprochement with the CNT. The decisive conflict occurred during the May clashes 1937 in Barcelona, which led to the transformation of the republican regime. The May winners launched a campaign of harassment of the POUM, which turned into repression, the victim of which was A. Nin and others. However, the Republican system maintained political pluralism, and an attempt to crack down on the POUM leaders through a Soviet-style process failed. However, POUM did not recover from the blow he re-ceived
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Cardeñosa, N., A. Domínguez, A. Martínez, J. Alvarez, H. Pañella, P. Godoy, S. Minguell, N. Camps, and J. A. Vázquez. "Meningococcal Disease in Catalonia 1 Year after Mass Vaccination Campaign with Meningococcal Group C Polysaccharide Vaccine." Infection 31, no. 6 (December 2003): 392–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s15010-003-3121-6.
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Alonso-Muñoz, Laura, Alejandra Tirado-García, and Andreu Casero-Ripollés. "Telegram in campaign: the use of mobile instant messaging services in electoral political communication." Communication & Society 35, no. 4 (October 3, 2022): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/003.35.4.71-88.
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The use of mobile instant messaging platforms has increased in recent years in political communication given the private nature of this form of communication, a trend which has increased during the COVID-19 pandemic. The aim of this research is to know the Telegram usage done by the main political parties within the election campaign. For this purpose, the Catalan election of the 14th of February 2021 are studied with a quantitative content analysis on a sample composed of 600 messages published by five political parties (PSC, Vox Barcelona, ERC, Junts per Catalunya, CUP and En Comú Podem). Results show that one of the most important functions of this platforms is the information and dissemination of its electoral programme. Regarding the main topics, the organization and functioning of the campaign and the political wrangling predominate. Our findings show that the position of the different parties regarding the independence of Catalonia, their political trajectory and their position within the government/opposition axis are conditioning factors of their communication strategy on this platform. Finally, the analysis of the public impact of the published messages reveals the disconnection between the parties and the citizens. In addition, a “more is more” effect which determines that the more messages are broadcast on this platform, the greater the number of views by users is, is detected. These data reveal new evidence on how Telegram is being used in the election campaign by political actors.
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García, César. "Using street protests and national commemorations for nation-building purposes: the campaign for the independence of Catalonia (2012–2014)." Journal of International Communication 22, no. 2 (July 2, 2016): 229–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2016.1224195.
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Lozano, Natàlia, Jordi Prades, and Marta Montagut. "Som la Pera: How to develop a social marketing and public relations campaign to prevent obesity among teenagers in Catalonia." Catalan Journal of Communication & Cultural Studies 7, no. 2 (October 1, 2015): 251–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cjcs.7.2.251_1.
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Salleras, L. "Dramatic decline of serogroup C meningococcal disease in Catalonia (Spain) after a mass vaccination campaign with meningococcal C conjugated vaccine." Vaccine 21, no. 7-8 (January 30, 2003): 729–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0264-410x(02)00590-x.
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Fraile, J., J. M. Niaerola, L. Olivella, M. Figueras, A. Ginebreda, M. Vilanova, and D. Barcela. "Monitoring of the Gasoline Oxygenate MTBE and BTEX Compounds in Groundwater in Catalonia (Northeast Spain)." Scientific World JOURNAL 2 (2002): 1235–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1100/tsw.2002.223.
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Headspace (HS) gas chromatography with flame ionisation detection (HS-GC-FID) and purge and trap (P) gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (P) were used for the determination of methyl-tert-butyl ether (MTBE) and benzene, toluene, and xylenes (BTEX) in groundwater. In this work, we present the first data on the levels of MTBE and BTEX in different groundwater wells in the area of Catalonia (northeast Spain). This monitoring campaign corresponded to 28 groundwater wells that were located near petrol service stations, oil refinery storage tanks, and/or chemical industry at different locations of Catalonia during the period of 1998/1999. The levels of MTBE detected varied between 4—300 μg/l, but two sites had MTBE levels up to 3 and 13 mg/l. In many cases, the BTEX levels were below 1 μg/l, whereas 7 sites had levels varying from 19 μg/l up to 3 mg/l. Most of them were related to leakage from underground tanks in petrol service stations, while the remaining three corresponded respectively to chemical industrial pollution of undetermined origin and to a leak from high-ground petrol tanks in petrochemical refinery factories. The aquifers involved were constituted by detritus coarse materials, sands, and conglomerates. Piezometric levels were roughly comprised between 3 and 40 m, and permeability (K) and transmissivity (T) values were estimated from field measurements.The MTBE/BTEX ratio was also calculated and reached values up to 250. These values were expected, since if we consider that spilled oxygenated gasoline is the source of well contamination and based on solubility considerations alone, the MTBE source concentrations would be about 200 times higher than any BTEX compounds.
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Capdevila, Arantxa, and Lorena Gómez. "The territorial organization of Catalonia and Spain in the persuasive strategies of political parties and regional institutions during the campaign of the Estatut." Anàlisi, no. 41 (February 11, 2011): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.7238/a.v0i41.1189.
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Altube, Patricia, Joan Bech, Oriol Argemí, Tomeu Rigo, and Nicolau Pineda. "Intercomparison and Potential Synergies of Three Methods for Weather Radar Antenna Pointing Assessment." Journal of Atmospheric and Oceanic Technology 33, no. 2 (February 2016): 331–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1175/jtech-d-15-0075.1.
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AbstractThree methods for estimation of the weather radar antenna azimuth and elevation pointing offsets are compared. Two of the methods reviewed use the known location of the sun as a reference. The first of these methods is based on an offline scan of the sun disk. The second method detects and characterizes solar interferences in operative scans. The third method consists of correlating measured ground clutter echoes with echoes simulated using a high-resolution digital elevation model. The main objectives are to review the characteristics in each case, studying their performance in actual operative conditions, and to examine the reasons for the discrepancies between the reported pointing bias estimates, with the aim of laying the groundwork for an optimized individual or combined application and interpretation of the methods. Daily pointing biases estimated through the sun-scanning procedure in a dedicated one-month, short-term campaign are the base for the intercomparison. When applied to the three weather radars operated by the Meteorological Service of Catalonia, the short-term study reveals the advantages and limitations of the methods. A one-year, long-term analysis serves to confirm and clarify the discrepancies inferred from the short-term study and highlights how the antenna position at the time of the measurement may influence the pointing bias estimates. Based on the long-term results, a combination of the two sun-based methods for detection and simultaneous quantification of the pointing bias and the system leveling error is discussed.
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Frolova, Yulia N. "The Topic of Catalonia in the Election Campaigns of Spanish Parties in 2019." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical Studies 7, no. 4 (28) (December 28, 2020): 103–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2020.7(4).103-110.
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The role of the Catalan issue in the period of early general elections in 2019 in Spain is considered. The author examines how parties use the topic of Catalonia in the political struggle and if this topic is relevant for Spanish citizens. The problem of separatism is still one of the urgent issues for Spain, so in the election campaigns it has a special position.
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Alonso, Alba. "Thriving or Dividing? The Women's Movement and the Independence Referenda in Scotland and Catalonia." Politics & Gender 14, no. 3 (June 27, 2018): 460–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000235.
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AbstractTerritorial debates have recently shaken the political systems in Scotland and Catalonia, leading to referenda on independence. This article engages with questions concerning whether this extraordinary process has affected the women's movement and why. Specifically, feminist scholars have often expressed concern regarding how strong territorial identities and nationalist projects might prove detrimental to the movement's unity and success. Here, I look for indications of engagement and revival within the frames of the Scottish and Catalan referendum campaigns. A comparative approach revealed the mobilizing potential of these contexts when certain conditions were present. While the women's movement in Scotland has thrived in the last couple of years, territorial debates in Catalonia have not provided fertile ground for feminist campaigning and have shown divisive potential. The specific dynamics of the women's movement in each setting and the presence of political and discursive opportunity structures account for the different outcomes.
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Iveson, Mandie. "Gendered dimensions of Catalan nationalism and identity construction on Twitter." Discourse & Communication 11, no. 1 (January 22, 2017): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481316683293.
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Support for independence in Catalonia has been rapidly increasing since 2010. Civil organisations have been instrumental in the secessionist movement and have used social media to mobilise the Catalan public and raise national consciousness. Drawing on theories of national identity, gender and nation, and the discursive construction of national identity, this article examines constructions of national identity and the gendered dimensions of these constructions in a Twitter corpus collected in the week up to the public consultation on independence held in Catalonia in November 2014. Analysis of the contrasting representations of men and women found in the data suggests that, among both the elites and the public, the contemporary Catalan nationalist project continues to be built on traditional gender normative models of nationalism. The study concludes that this type of nationalism has now become so banal that it has been naturalised and suggests that a more inclusive approach may be needed in future campaigns or in the Catalan nationalist project as a whole.
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Chaudhuri, Somnath, Gerard Giménez-Adsuar, Marc Saez, and Maria A. Barceló. "PandemonCAT: Monitoring the COVID-19 Pandemic in Catalonia, Spain." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 8 (April 14, 2022): 4783. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19084783.
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Background: The principal objective of this paper is to introduce an online interactive application that helps in real-time monitoring of the COVID-19 pandemic in Catalonia, Spain (PandemonCAT). Methods: This application is designed as a collection of user-friendly dashboards using open-source R software supported by the Shiny package. Results: PandemonCAT reports accumulated weekly updates of COVID-19 dynamics in a geospatial interactive platform for individual basic health areas (ABSs) of Catalonia. It also shows on a georeferenced map the evolution of vaccination campaigns representing the share of population with either one or two shots of the vaccine, for populations of different age groups. In addition, the application reports information about environmental and socioeconomic variables and also provides an interactive interface to visualize monthly public mobility before, during, and after the lockdown phases. Finally, we report the smoothed standardized COVID-19 infected cases and mortality rates on maps of basic health areas ABSs and regions of Catalonia. These smoothed rates allow the user to explore geographic patterns in incidence and mortality rates. The visualization of the variables that could have some influence on the spatiotemporal dynamics of the pandemic is demonstrated. Conclusions: We believe the addition of these new dimensions, which is the key innovation of our project, will improve the current understanding of the spread and the impact of COVID-19 in the community. This application can be used as an open tool for consultation by the public of Catalonia and Spain in general. It could also have implications in facilitating the visualization of public health data, allowing timely interpretation due to the unpredictable nature of the pandemic.
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Kubiaczyk, Filip. "Better and Lesser Catalans?" Studia Iberystyczne 20 (November 25, 2021): 133–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/si.20.2021.20.06.
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The paper analyses the relationships between the teams and supporters of FC Barcelona and RCD Espanyol Barcelona, in which the dispute concerning Catalanness has been and remains the foremost issue. FC Barcelona is widely considered an ambassador of Catalonia, a symbol of Catalanness and the epitome of Catalanism as embodied through football. Espanyol, its local rival, has to face allegations of being a non-Catalan club, or an outgrowth of Real Madrid in Barcelona. While Barça is the club in which one “does politics” and with which one creates Catalonia (fer Catalunya), it is emphasized that Espanyol and its supporters are not involved in politics and the Catalan national effort. A perennial feud continues between the boards and fans of both clubs; historical, identity-related and ethnic arguments are invoked to demonstrate the Catalanness of one side (FC Barcelona) and its incompleteness or even utter absence in the other (RCD Espanyol). The analysis conducted in the paper shows that FC Barcelona’s exclusive Catalanness and right to represent Catalonia is a historical and social fact, but it has been challenged recently by Espanyol through the Catalanization the club undertook in mid-1990s and a series of public campaigns to undermine the hegemony of Barça in the city and the region. Espanyol is the active side in the contest to overcome FC Barcelona’s monopoly on representing Catalonia, while Barcelona itself focuses on retaining its previous status. The study demonstrates that both clubs are in fact polysemous, which means that Espanyol has supporters who feel first and foremost Catalans and espouse Catalan independence, while avowed opponents of the same idea can be found among the supporters of the Blaugrana, although the club is primarily Spanish and not only Catalan.
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Gergi-Horgos, Mátyás. "Framing COVID-19: Political Discourse of the SNP, ERC and Junts during the 2021 Scottish and Catalan Regional Elections." Scottish Affairs 31, no. 3 (August 2022): 281–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0418.
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Adding to the growing scholarship on discourse analysis, cognitive frame theory and minority nationalism, this study examines how three of the most successful regional powers in Europe, the SNP in Scotland and Junts and ERC in Catalonia framed the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic to mobilize voters during the 2021 Scottish and Catalan regional elections. The quantitative and qualitative assessment of their Facebook communication suggests that diagnostic, prognostic and motivation framing was applied which are key elements of successful voter mobilization. Communication directly related to COVID-19 was used strategically during the campaigns to criticize the central governments and ascribe blame for the health and economic crisis. Posts about the virus also offered a platform for parties to highlight the successes of regional crisis management and to depict nationalist party candidates for regional governance as truly experienced politicians. Lastly, the SNP, ERC and Junts all argued that the crisis highlighted the weaknesses of the state structures that Scotland and Catalonia belong to. By framing independence as the only viable path to end the COVID-19 crisis, parties offered citizens a clear plan that was entirely dependent on voters casting their ballot papers in favour of nationalist politics.
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Sauch Valmaña, Glòria, Aïna Fuster-Casanovas, Anna Ramírez-Morros, Berta Rodoreda Pallàs, Josep Vidal-Alaball, Anna Ruiz-Comellas, and Queralt Miró Catalina. "Motivation for Vaccination against COVID-19 in Persons Aged between 18 and 60 Years at a Population-Based Vaccination Site in Manresa (Spain)." Vaccines 10, no. 4 (April 12, 2022): 597. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/vaccines10040597.
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Our purpose was to identify the reasons why members of the population, aged 18–60 years, are vaccinated against COVID-19 at the mass vaccination point in Bages, Spain. This is 1 of 42 provisional spaces outside of health centres which have been set up in Catalonia in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, and where people from all over Catalonia could go to be vaccinated by appointment. Methodology: We performed a cross-sectional study of users attending mass vaccination points in Bages during the months of July, August, and September 2021. Results: A total of 1361 questionnaires were statistically analysed. The most common reasons for vaccination were fear of infecting family (49.52%) and fear of self-infection (39.45%), followed by socialising (31.00%) and travel (30.56%). However, by applying a logistic regression model to each reason for vaccination, it was possible to estimate the associations regarding age, sex, marital status, educational level, production sector, mass vaccination point, previous COVID-19 infection, and COVID-19 infection of a family member. Relevance: The data generated will inform decisions and formulations of appropriate campaigns that will promote vaccination in specific population groups.
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Whigham, Stuart, Hibai Lopez-Gonzalez, and Xavier Ramon. "“Més Que Un Joc?”: Sport and Contemporary Political Nationalism in Scotland and Catalonia." Journal of Sport and Social Issues 43, no. 3 (March 18, 2019): 219–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0193723519836398.
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This article focuses upon two contexts which have arguably received the most academic and media attention with regard to the interconnection between sport and secessionist nationalism, Scotland and Catalonia, given that both “submerged nations” have held public referenda on the topic of independence/secession from the states of the United Kingdom and Spain, respectively. The analysis endeavors to draw parallels between the two contexts to critically examine the extent to which similarities and differences are evident in terms of the growth of political nationalism. Finally, the central discussion outlines the extent to which sport contributed to broader political developments in the recent campaigns for the establishment of independent Scottish and Catalan states, focusing upon the actions of prominent sporting personalities and organizations.
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García, J., R. Mujeriego, A. Bourrouet, G. Peñuelas, and A. Freixes. "Wastewater treatment by pond systems: experiences in Catalonia, Spain." Water Science and Technology 42, no. 10-11 (November 1, 2000): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.2000.0603.
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An evaluation of the 24 existing pond systems for treatment of urban wastewater in Catalonia (north-eastern Spain) was conducted in 1997-1998. The evaluation covered 13 aerated ponds, 7 waste stabilization ponds (WSP), and 4 maturation ponds added to conventional biological wastewater treatment plants (WWTP). The technical characteristics of the pond systems were obtained through a survey completed during several visits to the plants. Performance data was supplied by the Catalonia Wastewater Agency and the monthly monitoring campaigns conducted during 12 months in five WWTP. The average ratio of water surface to population equivalent (p-e) is 1.3 m2/p-e for aerated ponds, 9.6 m2/p-e for WSP and 1.7 m2/p-e for maturation ponds added to conventional WWTP. Average electrical energy consumption is 0.5 kW.h/m3 for aerated ponds and 0.04 kW.h/m3 for WSP (when wastewater has to be pumped from the sewer). Most of the WSP show an inadequate level O & M, because the very limited operator attendance (0.6 h/dayon average) as compared to aerated ponds (3.2 h/day on average). Effluent quality of aerated ponds (31 mg SS/l and 22 mg BOD5/l, on average) is usually better that of WSP (100 mg SS/l and 67 mg BOD5/l, on average). Most of the WSP are overloaded, with only two of the pond systems receiving less than 50 kg BOD5/ha. Facultative WSP show a better performance than anaerobic WSP; anaerobic WSP have very high overloading conditions (with more than 250 kg BOD5/ha.d). Average effluent quality of all the pond systems studied comply with European Union standards.
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Garcia-Vallès, M., J. Molerà, and M. Vendrell-Saz. "Silikatischer Sandstein unter städtischen Umweltbedingungen: Verwitterung und Reinigung der Kirche Betlem (Barcelona, Catalonien) / A siliceous sandstone in an urban environment: the decay and cleaning of the church of Betlem (Barcelona, Catalonia)." Restoration of Buildings and Monuments 3, no. 5 (October 1, 1997): 469–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rbm-1997-5209.
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Abstract The aims of this paper are to study and characterize the siliceous sandstone used in the construction of an important Barroque church placed in the down town of Barcelona. The degree of resistance to the urban polluted environment is evaluated and the decay forms and weathering mechanisms studied by means of mineralogical analytical techniques. A complete restoration campain was carried out including the cleaning of the whole facade and sculptural elements. We studied the rock previous to, during and after the cleaning processes. The main results achieved are as follows: i) two rock types have been identified as building stones which may be differenciated by the mineralogy of the cement leading to a different behaviour and durability; ii) several decay forms have been identified, namely the darkening of the surfaces by dirt accumulation, the weathering of the feldspars forming the rock and the transformation of formed pyrite nodules; iii) the mechanisms leading to the decay forms identified are studied and a model for the decay (aesthetical and physical) of this kind of stone is proposed for urban environment. On the basis of these results a cleaning process with water and neutral detergent using non metallic brushes as proposed was applied. The results of this cleaning on each lithotype are evaluated by means of microscopical analyses of fragments of stone after cleaning. The different behaviour of both types of stone are analyzed and documented on a microscopical scale.
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Vives, N., P. Garcia de Olalla, V. González, I. Barrabeig, L. Clotet, M. Danés, N. Borrell, and J. Casabona. "Recent trends in sexually transmitted infections among adolescents, Catalonia, Spain, 2012–2017." International Journal of STD & AIDS 31, no. 11 (August 4, 2020): 1047–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956462420940911.
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Monitoring sexually transmitted infections (STIs) in adolescents is essential to inform STI prevention strategies at primary and secondary levels in this key population. We aim to describe recent trends in STIs among adolescents and to analyse their socio-demographic and behavioural characteristics in Catalonia, Spain between 2012 and 2017. Data on Chlamydia trachomatis (CT) infection, gonorrhoea and syphilis cases aged from 13 to 19 years reported to the Catalan Mandatory Notifiable System from 2012 to 2017 were analysed. Diagnosis rates were calculated and a descriptive analysis was performed. Between 2012 and 2017, CT infection, gonorrhoea and syphilis cases reported among adolescents aged 13–19 years accounted for more than one-eleventh of all reported cases in Catalonia. The rate of the three nationally-notifiable STIs increased dramatically among adolescents. CT infection rates rose from 13 to 144.1 per 100,000 adolescents between 2012 and 2017, an increase of 1007%; gonorrhoea cases increased by 246% (from 13.4 to 45.4/100,000) and syphilis cases increased by 247% (from 1.7 to 5.9/100,000). Gonorrhoea and syphilis cases affected mainly males while CT infection cases were mostly in females (84%). Adolescents are being increasingly affected by CT infection, gonorrhoea and syphilis. A broader array of intervention strategies aimed at adolescents should be reinforced through strong prevention campaigns, improved sexual health information, as well as encouragement of regular offers of STI screening by healthcare providers.
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Astor, Avi. "Social Position and Place-Protective Action in a New Immigration Context: Understanding Anti-Mosque Campaigns in Catalonia." International Migration Review 50, no. 1 (March 2016): 95–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imre.12115.
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Niesen, Peter. "Two Cheers for Lost Sovereignty Referendums: Campaigns for Independence and the Pouvoir Constituant Mixte." German Law Journal 23, no. 1 (February 2022): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2022.7.
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AbstractIn this article, I bring together three recent ideas from political theory and constitutional law. The first is the notion developed by Jürgen Habermas and Markus Patberg of a pouvoir constituant mixte. Complex polities such as supra-state federations should be understood as constitutional entities that combine two or more authorizing subjects. The default “mixed” conception is that of dual sovereignty, split between the federations’ member collectives and member individuals. The second idea is that of Stephen Tierney, that sub-state national societies should be seen as involved in struggles over constituent power. The third is the idea and practice of sovereignty referendums, which I illustrate by looking at the 2017 Catalonia independence referendum. I contend that, at a minimum, sovereignty referendums, especially lost ones, should be understood as strategies to bring about, shift or complement constituent powers, in achieving compound or mixed sovereignty. Finally, I venture into some ideas about the criteria of legitimacy for such endeavors, in distinguishing the activation of constituent powers from their articulation and exercise.
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Espino López, Antonio. "Las campañas de 1711-1712 en el frente norte catalán durante la guerra de Sucesión: el bloqueo de Gerona y RosasThe Campaigns of 1711-1712 on the Northern Front of Catalonia during the War of Spanish Succession: the blockade of Gerona and Rosas." Vínculos de Historia. Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, no. 5 (May 23, 2016): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh.v0i5.211.
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RESUMEN En el contexto del frente catalán en el transcurso de la guerra de Sucesión de España, es muy significativa la evolución de los acontecimientos bélicos vividos los años 1711-1712. La guerra en Cataluña siempre se articuló en tres frentes, el frente del sur, o del Ebro, siendo la plaza principal Tortosa; el frente del oeste, o del río Segre, siendo la plaza principal Lérida, y, por último, el frente del norte, donde destacaba la plaza de Gerona. En las guerras de finales del siglo XVII, la toma de Gerona siempre fue un objetivo importante por darse por hecho que debía preceder a la de Barcelona. En el caso de la guerra de Sucesión el mismo patrón debería cumplirse, de modo que, conocedores de dicha circunstancia, los estrategas del archiduque Carlos de Austria, emperador de Alemania desde 1711 (Carlos VI), diseñaron una estrategia defensiva, pero con características ofensivas, consistente en desarrollar el bloqueo de las dos plazas principales de todo un frente de guerra, Gerona y Rosas, que amenazaban directamente Barcelona, realizado a menudo con fuerzas inferiores, pero que mantuvo dentro del conflicto a Cataluña hasta 1713-1714. Se han contrastado las fuentes borbónicas, depositadas en el Archivo Histórico Nacional (sección Estado), con algunas austracistas, de la Generalitat de Cataluña, y, sobre todo, con la gran obra de Francesc de Castellví, Narraciones Históricas. PALABRAS CLAVE: guerra de Sucesión, Cataluña, siglo XVIII, Gerona, Rosas, bloqueo ABSTRACT In the context of the Catalan front during the War of the Spanish Succession, the developments of the years 1711-1712 are of great importance. The war in Catalonia was fought on three fronts, in the South, on the Ebro river, with the main fortification at Tortosa; on the Western front, on the Segre river, with the main fortification at Lérida, and finally on the Northern front, which had its main fortification at Gerona. In the wars of the late seventeenth century, taking Gerona was always an important goal, one which was presumed to precede the taking of Barcelona. In the case of the War of the Spanish Succession the same pattern was followed. Strategists of Archduke Charles of Austria, Emperor of Germany from 1711 (Charles VI), designed a defensive strategy, but with offensive features which consisted of blockading the two main fortifications of an entire war front, Gerona and Rosas, directly threatening Barcelona. This was often carried out with what were inferior forces but remained in place within the conflict in Catalonia until 1713-1714. Bourbon sources, deposited in the National Historical Archive (State Section) in Madrid, along with some Austrian ones, the archives of the Generalitat of Catalonia, and especially the great work of Francesc de Castellví, Narraciones Históricas, have all been consulted. KEY WORDS: War of the Spanish Succession, Catalonia, eighteenth century, Gerona, Rosas, blockade
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DAUSSÀ, EVA J. "MINORITY LANGUAGE FAMILIES IN DIASPORA: LANGUAGE TRANSMISSION AMONG CATALANS AND GALICIANS IN NEW YORK CITY." Catalan Review 35, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 23–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/catr.35.2.
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Understanding why parents transmit which of the languages they speak, and how they do so, is especially interesting in the case of mixed and migrant families, since typically these parents make especially well thought out linguistic choices. In this article is presented one such case, from the USA, a rich multilingual society yet where, due to the hegemony of English, intergenerational transmission of other languages is oftentimes weak. Through a questionnaire and interviews, this article examines linguistic practices and ideologies in multilingual families residing in New York City, in which one parent was born in Catalonia or in Galicia. Potential languages for transmission are two locally available and globally projected languages, English and Spanish; and Catalan or Galician. Not only are these minoritized languages in their countries of origin, but they also have virtually no presence in the American landscape. The two groups differ in the sociolinguistic situation of their homeland: while governmental campaigns succeeded in restoring Catalan in the public sphere and as a symbol for national identity, parallel campaigns have not been comparably successful for Galician. In our sample, transmission of Catalan is higher than of Galician; and in many cases Catalan is transmitted at the cost of Spanish, but this is never the case for Galician, while English remains constant. A motivational analysis reveals that the determining factor is the distribution of integrative and personal values among the languages and their symbolic role in the construction of identity.
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Cano-Orón, Lorena, Dafne Calvo, Guillermo López García, and Tomás Baviera. "Disinformation in Facebook Ads in the 2019 Spanish General Election Campaigns." Media and Communication 9, no. 1 (March 3, 2021): 217–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v9i1.3335.
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As fake news elicits an emotional response from users, whose attention is then monetised, political advertising has a significant influence on its production and dissemination. Facebook ads, therefore, have an essential role in contemporary political communication, not only because of their extensive use in international political campaigns, but also because they address intriguing questions about the regulation of disinformation on social networking sites. This research employs a corpus of 14,684 Facebook ads published by the major national political parties during their campaigns leading up to the two Spanish general elections held in 2019. A manual content analysis was performed on all the visually identical ads so as to identify those containing disinformation and those denouncing it. The topics addressed in these ads were then examined. The results show that the political parties’ Facebook ad strategies were akin to those of conventional advertising. Disinformation messages were infrequent and mainly posted by Ciudadanos and VOX. Nonetheless, it is striking that the main topic addressed in the ads was the unity of Spain—precisely the issue of Catalonia’s independence. In light of this, it can be deduced that ‘traditional’ parties are taking longer to renounce classical forms of campaigning than their ‘new’ counterparts, thus demonstrating that the actors implementing disinformation strategies are not only restricted to the extreme right of the ideological spectrum.
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Баранов, Андрей. "Electoral behavior of citizens in regional elections in Spain (2020–2022): new trends." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 5 (2022): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0019916-6.
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The relevance of the topic is manifested in the need to find out the changes in the factors and parameters of electoral behavior in the regional communities of Spain in the context of a pandemic. The study is conducted on the materials of the Basque Country, Galicia, Madrid, Catalonia, Castile and Leon. The theoretical basis of the article is a socio-cultural approach to electoral behavior. The results of questionnaires and voting, election programs and statements of political parties’ representatives, statistical data are analyzed. Serious changes in party orientations and the identity of the electorate are shown in the context of the coronavirus pandemic and the economic crisis. There is an increase in the influence of online technologies in the course of election campaigns. Short-term factors of changes in the support of parties in elections are revealed. The scientific significance of the work lies in the identification of spatial factors of uneven support for parties in the compared autonomous communities. The consequences of the defeat of “Unidas Podemos” in the elections in Madrid are determined. The author comes to conclusions about the transformation of party systems and the growth of the influence of right-wing populism in the studied autonomous communities.
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Alamús, R., F. Pérez, L. Pipia, and J. Corbera. "URBAN SUSTAINABLE ECOSYSTEMS ASSESSMENT THROUGH AIRBORNE EARTH OBSERVATION: LESSONS LEARNED." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLII-1 (September 26, 2018): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xlii-1-5-2018.
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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> Europe’s big cities and metropolitan areas constitute an ecosystem where climate trends are having, and will continue to have, a big impact on the population in the short, medium, and long term. Therefore, the task of generating a mapping approach over urban ecosystems to provide indicators assessing their sustainability and facilitating the design and implementation of policies and derived actions has become a priority for the Institut Cartogràfic i Geològic de Catalunya (ICGC) as a mapping agency.</p><p>The ICGC has been using its own assets and competences in airborne Earth Observation for data capture and processing as well as inclusion of additional data such as cadastral databases and digital surface models to generate a set of urban sustainability indicators. ICGC has designed flight campaigns at a very high spatial and spectral resolution in visible, near infrared and long wave infrared regions, processed geospatial data and finally transformed geoinformation into demanded ICGC products over urban ecosystems such as urban green, solar potential, light pollution, energy leaks or urban heat island effect. This approach has been applied in coordination with urban planning stakeholders in different cities and is planned to be extended to the majority of urban ecosystems in Catalonia.</p><p>This paper presents a critical summary of the main advantages, disadvantages, constrains and lessons learned in the search for feasible, available and desirable responses from the earth-observation airborne-sensor point of view to the main urban ecosystem challenges.</p>
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Casesnoves, Raquel, Josep-Àngel Mas, and Anna Tudela. "Primary and secondary factors in language maintenance in a medium-sized community language: Catalan in Spain." International Journal of Bilingualism 23, no. 2 (January 10, 2018): 525–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367006917745697.
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Aims and objectives: The main aim of this study is to find out which social and ideological factors determine the maintenance of Catalan language in public contexts, and particularly the relative weight each factor contributes to the choice. The question is which of the socio-demographic and ideological factors determines to a greater extent the use of Catalan. Methodology: Participants completed a survey, which consisted of a sociolinguistic questionnaire and an attitudinal test based on the matched-guise technique. Sociolinguistic inferences concerning the relationship between different factors and language use were made using statistical methods. Data: Six hundred university students from the cities of Valencia, Palma and Barcelona answered the same survey. University students are a very interesting research group, since they are going to become part of the most influential social groups. Findings: Results from the analysis support the importance of social networks in understanding language maintenance, apart from making some differences between the territories clearer: this relative importance of social networks is very high in Valencia and Palma, but not in Barcelona. Originality: This study shows the first comparison between the influence of different kinds of factors in the use of the Catalan language, as well as the comparison between the behaviour of the three major Catalan-speaking cities. Furthermore, the focus on the factors related to university students’ language use is not a much-visited field. Significance and implications: The use of Catalan seems to be naturalized in Barcelona, whereas in Palma and Valencia the use of this language is more ideologized – and minor. The coincidence in the same territory, Catalonia, of the major language use in all situations and the more incisive and inclusive language policy should point out the direction that campaigns to promote Catalan in the other two regions should take.
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Espino López, Antonio. "Las campañas de 1711-1712 en el frente norte catalán durante la guerra de Sucesión: el bloqueo de Gerona y Rosas. The Campaigns of 1711-1712 on the Northern Front of Catalonia during the War of Spanish Succession: the blockade of Gerona and Rosas." Vínculos de Historia. Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha 05 (May 2016): 237–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh.v0i5.014.
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González Fernández, Ana, and Ana Rosa Pertejo Blanco. "Evolución del sector turístico en la provincia de León (1985-2012)." Pecvnia : Revista de la Facultad de Ciencias Económicas y Empresariales, Universidad de León, no. 2013/14 (December 15, 2014): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/pec.v0i2013/14.3719.
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<p>El sector turístico español un año más se consolida como el principal motor de la economía española. En 2012 alcanzó el umbral del 11% de participación en el PIB nacional, porcentaje que ha crecido paulatinamente hasta llegar al 11,7% en 2015. La tendencia mostrada es positiva y se espera que se mantenga durante la próxima década.</p><p>Dentro de dicho contexto, los destinos de interior como Cantabria, Asturias, Galicia, Navarra, Castilla y León y Madrid se erigen como los grandes beneficiados en el último periodo anual. Concretamente la región de Castilla y León ocupaba el tercer puesto como destino de los españoles en el 2012 y, aunque ha pasado a una cuarta posición en el ranking al año siguiente, desde entonces la mantiene, situándose después de Andalucía, Cataluña y la Comunidad Valenciana.</p><p>Dentro de la comunidad, la provincia de León es una de las principales receptoras de turistas y pernoctaciones, ya que ocupa el tercer y segundo puesto respectivamente. Constituye, por lo tanto, uno de los destinos más atractivos de Castilla y León, especialmente para los viajeros españoles. Respecto a la oferta, León apuesta por la calidad, ya que son las modalidades hoteleras de categoría media y alta las que mejor evolucionan a lo largo del periodo. También es necesario realizar una mención especial al turismo rural dado el posicionamiento destacado que ocupa incluso a nivel nacional. No obstante, el nivel de ocupación no es alto, posiblemente como consecuencia del elevado volumen de oferta de alojamientos, el segundo de la comunidad. El destino más visitado dentro de la provincia es indudablemente la capital.<br />En términos generales se puede afirmar que la provincia leonesa tiene un gran atractivo tal y como demuestra su evolución, aunque todavía debe trabajar su potencialidad con el fin de alcanzar el lugar que le corresponde. Los ejes principales a desarrollar son los siguientes: generar información sobre el turista actual y analizar las tendencias futuras con el fin de crear productos turísticos diferenciados enfocados hacia distintos segmentos de mercado, y, realizar fuertes campañas de comunicación que fortalezcan su imagen mejorando así la notoriedad de la marca León, destacando su singularidad como destino turístico.</p><p>The Spanish tourism sector was one more year the main driver of the Spanish economy. In 2012, it reached a threshold of 11 percent of national GDP, a percentage that has gradually grown to 11,7 percent in 2015. Data shows a positive trend and it is expected to be maintained over the next decade.</p><p>In this context, inland destinations like Cantabria, Asturias, Galicia, Navarre, Castile-León and Madrid became the big beneficiaries in the last annual period. In particular, the region of Castile-León placed the third position as destination for Spanish in 2012. Although the next year it moved to a fourth position in the ranking, since then, it has maintained its position behind Andalucia, Catalonia and Valencian Community.</p><p>Within the community, the province of León is one of the main recipients of tourists and overnight stays, given that it places the third and second position respectively. It constitutes, therefore, one of the most attractive destinations in Castile-León, specially for Spanish travellers. Regarding the supply-side, León goes for quality, given that middle and upper hotel categories are those that best evolve over the period. A special mention also needs to go to rural tourism that has a prominent position even nationally. However, the occupancy rate is not high, possibly due to high volume of accommodation supply, the second in the community. The most visited destination in the province is undoubtedly the capital.<br />In general terms, it can be said that León has a great appeal such as evidenced by its evolution, although it should still work its potential in order to get its proper place. First, it should make an effort to generate information about the current tourist and analyze future trends in order to create new tourism products, focused on different market segments. Second, it should strengthen its uniqueness as a destination, working the brand, in order to differentiate itself. And third, it should make strong campaigns to strengthen its image improving the visibility of the León brand as a tourist destination.</p>
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González Fernández, Ana, and Ana Rosa Pertejo Blanco. "Evolución del sector turístico en la provincia de León (1985-2012)." Pecvnia : Revista de la Facultad de Ciencias Económicas y Empresariales, Universidad de León, Monog (December 15, 2014): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/pec.v0imonog.3719.
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<p>El sector turístico español un año más se consolida como el principal motor de la economía española. En 2012 alcanzó el umbral del 11% de participación en el PIB nacional, porcentaje que ha crecido paulatinamente hasta llegar al 11,7% en 2015. La tendencia mostrada es positiva y se espera que se mantenga durante la próxima década.</p><p>Dentro de dicho contexto, los destinos de interior como Cantabria, Asturias, Galicia, Navarra, Castilla y León y Madrid se erigen como los grandes beneficiados en el último periodo anual. Concretamente la región de Castilla y León ocupaba el tercer puesto como destino de los españoles en el 2012 y, aunque ha pasado a una cuarta posición en el ranking al año siguiente, desde entonces la mantiene, situándose después de Andalucía, Cataluña y la Comunidad Valenciana.</p><p>Dentro de la comunidad, la provincia de León es una de las principales receptoras de turistas y pernoctaciones, ya que ocupa el tercer y segundo puesto respectivamente. Constituye, por lo tanto, uno de los destinos más atractivos de Castilla y León, especialmente para los viajeros españoles. Respecto a la oferta, León apuesta por la calidad, ya que son las modalidades hoteleras de categoría media y alta las que mejor evolucionan a lo largo del periodo. También es necesario realizar una mención especial al turismo rural dado el posicionamiento destacado que ocupa incluso a nivel nacional. No obstante, el nivel de ocupación no es alto, posiblemente como consecuencia del elevado volumen de oferta de alojamientos, el segundo de la comunidad. El destino más visitado dentro de la provincia es indudablemente la capital.<br />En términos generales se puede afirmar que la provincia leonesa tiene un gran atractivo tal y como demuestra su evolución, aunque todavía debe trabajar su potencialidad con el fin de alcanzar el lugar que le corresponde. Los ejes principales a desarrollar son los siguientes: generar información sobre el turista actual y analizar las tendencias futuras con el fin de crear productos turísticos diferenciados enfocados hacia distintos segmentos de mercado, y, realizar fuertes campañas de comunicación que fortalezcan su imagen mejorando así la notoriedad de la marca León, destacando su singularidad como destino turístico.</p><p>The Spanish tourism sector was one more year the main driver of the Spanish economy. In 2012, it reached a threshold of 11 percent of national GDP, a percentage that has gradually grown to 11,7 percent in 2015. Data shows a positive trend and it is expected to be maintained over the next decade.</p><p>In this context, inland destinations like Cantabria, Asturias, Galicia, Navarre, Castile-León and Madrid became the big beneficiaries in the last annual period. In particular, the region of Castile-León placed the third position as destination for Spanish in 2012. Although the next year it moved to a fourth position in the ranking, since then, it has maintained its position behind Andalucia, Catalonia and Valencian Community.</p><p>Within the community, the province of León is one of the main recipients of tourists and overnight stays, given that it places the third and second position respectively. It constitutes, therefore, one of the most attractive destinations in Castile-León, specially for Spanish travellers. Regarding the supply-side, León goes for quality, given that middle and upper hotel categories are those that best evolve over the period. A special mention also needs to go to rural tourism that has a prominent position even nationally. However, the occupancy rate is not high, possibly due to high volume of accommodation supply, the second in the community. The most visited destination in the province is undoubtedly the capital.<br />In general terms, it can be said that León has a great appeal such as evidenced by its evolution, although it should still work its potential in order to get its proper place. First, it should make an effort to generate information about the current tourist and analyze future trends in order to create new tourism products, focused on different market segments. Second, it should strengthen its uniqueness as a destination, working the brand, in order to differentiate itself. And third, it should make strong campaigns to strengthen its image improving the visibility of the León brand as a tourist destination.</p>
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Xicoy-Comas, Enric, Cristina Perales-García, and Rafael Xambó. "The Editorial Opinion of the Mainstream Media During the Catalan Elections of 2017: A Madrid–Barcelona Comparative Study." American Behavioral Scientist, December 22, 2020, 000276422097846. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764220978467.
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This article is a follow-up to an article published in the American Behavioral Scientist in 2017, titled “Shaping public opinion for confrontation: Catalan independence claims as represented in Spanish, Catalan, Valencian, and Basque Editorials.” At that time, our study was based on opinions expressed in mainstream newspaper editorials during two significant events in Catalonia’s recent history: the demonstration against the Spanish Constitutional Court ruling on the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia of July 10, 2010, and the mass pro-independence demonstration held on September 11, 2012. The research sought to compare the press reports published in Catalonia, Valencia, and the Basque Country with those from the rest of Spain (primarily Madrid). This study applies the same methodology to analyze editorial pieces published during the campaign prior to the Catalan parliamentary elections on December 21, 2017. This date was historically significant for Catalonia because for the first time since the restoration of democracy following the Franco regime, the Spanish state had intervened in Catalonia’s self-rule by using Article 155 of the Spanish constitution to call snap elections. At the time, the lead candidates for the pro-independence parties were Oriol Junqueras (Republican Left of Catalonia) and Carles Puigdemont (Together for Catalonia), the former in prison and the latter abroad (or in “exile,” according to secessionists). In light of the opposing opinions and perspectives, we believe it is worth analyzing and comparing mainstream editorials from Catalonia (Barcelona) and Spain (Madrid) once again, to ascertain the dominant narratives used in both to explain the Catalan and Spanish position and frame of reference. We have extended the scope to include mainstream online as well as printed media with a view to achieving a better understanding and providing a wider overview of the public agenda and debate at that time.
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Bustos Díaz, Javier, Francisco Javier Ruiz del Olmo, and Miguel Nazario Moreno Velasco. "Presence and specificity of the political communication of the Catalan independence leaders on Twitter in the 2017 regional elections." First Monday, December 23, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5210/fm.v26i1.11065.
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The regional elections in Catalonia held on 21 December 2017 received wide media coverage, far beyond Spanish media, due to separatist tension in that territory and was one of the main topics in most of the world’s media. Within this process social networks, especially Twitter, obtained crucial relevance given the interest aroused by the political leaders’ publications, since in those elections the debate transcended the usual ideological divisions of right and left and became a struggle between constitutionalists and separatists. This paper analyses the presence and influence of the main candidates of the Catalan political parties on Twitter. To achieve this, a mainly quantitative, mixed methodology based on big data was carried out where all the tweets issued by the candidates during the electoral campaign were analysed.
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Garcia, Cesar. "The Power of Myths and Storytelling in Nation Building: The Campaign for the Independence of Catalonia from Spain (2012-2015)." Canadian Journal of Communication 43, no. 2 (May 26, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.22230/cjc.2018v43n2a3226.
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Background There is no nation without its origin story. The recent success of the Catalan campaign for independence (2012–2015) can be explained by a strong capacity to build and convey a story capable of informing, persuading, and eliciting emotional responses from Catalans and other Spaniards.Analysis The recent Catalan nationalism narrative has been forged by updating the foundational myths of Catalan nationalism through four main plots—quest, escape, revenge, and transformation—that with a pragmatic character have been able to integrate current affairs into the old myths. Conclusion and implications This article explores the elements of the new Catalan nationalism narrative by analyzing the interaction of foundational myths, the use of master plots, current affairs, and the means of dissemination.RÉSUMÉContexte Sans histoire d’origine, il n’y a pas de nation. Le succès récent de la campagne catalane pour l’indépendance (2012-2015) s’explique par une forte capacité à imaginer et diffuser une histoire propice à informer, persuader et toucher les Catalans et autres Espagnols.Analyse Le récit récent sur le nationalisme catalan résulte de la mise à jour de mythes fondateurs par l’entremise de quatre intrigues clés—quête, fuite, vengeance et transformation—qui de manière pragmatique ont réussi à resituer les vieux mythes dans l’actualité.Conclusion et implications Cet article explore les éléments du nouveau récit sous-tendant le nationalisme catalan en analysant les correspondances entre les mythes fondateurs, le recours à des intrigues clés, l’actualité et les modes de diffusion.
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Farnell. "The Lightning Jump, the 2018 ”Picking up Hailstones” Campaign and a Climatological Analysis for Catalonia for the 2006-2018 Period." Tethys, Journal of Weather and Climate of the Western Mediterrania, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3369/tethys.2020.17.02.
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Xicoy-Comas, Enric, Cristina Perales-García, and Rafael Xambó-Olmos. "Evolución de la opinión de los diarios sobre el conflicto catalán de 2010 a 2017." Congreso Internacional de la Asociación Española de Investigación de la Comunicación, September 25, 2020, 229–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3145/ae-ic-epi.2020.e12.
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If the origin of what is currently known as the “Procés” of independence of Catalonia had to be specified, we would probably coincide in locating it in July 2010, when the ruling of the Constitutional Court against the Statute was made public. On 10 July 2010, a massive demonstration took place in Barcelona against that ruling, which meant some important cuts to the initial text that the Catalan people had endorsed. From that moment on, the disaffection of a good fraction of the Catalans was on the increase and was manifested in massive concentrations on the following 11 September, the Diada de Catalunya (National Day of Catalonia). Especially from the Diada of 2012 and until 2019, these demonstrations attracted many participants. Between these periods, Catalonia has experienced very significant political moments of the “Procés,” especially the consultation of 9 November 2014 and the referendum of 1 October 2017, which led to the imprisonment and exile of Catalan politicians as is well known. We analyze the opinion of different newspapers of general distribution published in Catalunya and Madrid during this period and study the editorials to establish the editorial line of these media. The periods that form part of the study are those related to the demonstration of 10 July 2010, the Diada of 2012, and the campaign for the elections to the Parliament of Catalonia of 12 December 2017. Resumen Si hubiera que precisar el origen de lo que actualmente se conoce como “el Procés” de independencia de Catalunya probablemente coincidiríamos en localizarlo en julio de 2010, cuando se hizo pública la sentencia del Tribunal Constitucional en contra del Estatut. El 10 de julio de 2010 tuvo lugar en Barcelona una manifestación multitudinaria en contra de esa sentencia que significaba unos recortes importantes sobre el texto inicial que el pueblo catalán había refrendado. A partir de ese momento, la desafección de buena parte de los catalanes fue en aumento y se hizo manifiesta en las concentraciones masivas durante los siguientes 11 de septiembre, la Diada de Catalunya. Especialmente a partir de la Diada de 2012 y hasta la de 2019 las manifestaciones contaron con numerosos asistentes. Entre estos períodos Catalunya ha vivido momentos políticos del “Procés” muy significativos, especialmente la consulta del 9 de noviembre de 2014 y el referéndum del 1 de octubre de 2017 que comportó las consecuencias de prisión y exilio de los políticos catalanes que todos conocemos. Durante este tiempo hemos analizado la opinión de distintos diarios de difusión general editados en Catalunya y Madrid. Hemos estudiado los editoriales para establecer la línea editorial de estos medios. Los periodos que forman parte del estudio son los relativos a la manifestación del 10 de julio de 2010; la Diada de 2012 y la campaña electoral de las elecciones al Parlament de Catalunya de 21 de diciembre de 2017.
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Bonet-Esteve, Anna, Raquel Muñoz-Miralles, Carla Gonzalez-Claramunt, Ana M. Rufas, Xavier Pelegrin Cruz, and Josep Vidal-Alaball. "Influenza vaccination during the coronavirus pandemic: intention to vaccinate among the at-risk population in the Central Catalonia Health Region (VAGCOVID)." BMC Family Practice 22, no. 1 (May 1, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s12875-021-01434-8.
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Abstract Background Influenza is a major public health issue, with the primary preventive measure being an annual influenza vaccination. Nevertheless, vaccination coverage among the at-risk population is low. Our understanding of the behaviour of the influenza virus during the SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus pandemic is limited, meaning influenza vaccination is still recommended for individuals at risk for severe complications due to influenza infection. The aim of the study is to determine the intention to vaccinate against seasonal influenza among the at-risk population in the 2020-21 campaign during the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic and to analyse the factors which influence such intention. Methods Cross-sectional telephone survey of adults (aged over 18) with risk factors in central Catalonia where the need for the Seasonal Influenza Vaccine (SIV) was recommended. Results A total of 434 participants responded to the survey, 43.3% of whom intended to be vaccinated against influenza for the 2020-2021 influenza season, 40.8% had no intention to be vaccinated and 15.9% were uncertain or did not express their opinion. The intention to get vaccinated against influenza is associated with having dependents, the individual’s perception of the risk of being infected with influenza and the perceived risk of transmission to dependents. It is also associated with age, whether the individual had received influenza vaccine the previous season or any other season before. The best predictors of the intention to vaccinate are the individual’s perception of the risk of catching influenza and whether the individual had been vaccinated in the previous season. Conclusions Intention to vaccinate can be a good predictor of individual behaviour in relation to vaccination. During the current SARS-CoV-2 pandemic many individuals are hesitant to influenza vaccination. In order to improve influenza vaccination coverage in people included in risk groups, it is necessary to promote educational actions, especially among those who express doubts.
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Sanjaume-Calvet, Marc, and Elvira Riera-Gil. "Languages, secessionism and party competition in Catalonia: A case of de-ethnicising outbidding?" Party Politics, October 15, 2020, 135406882096038. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068820960382.
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This article explores party strategies in electoral competition in Catalonia in order to test the existence of ethnic outbidding ( Chandra, 2005 ; Zuber and Szöcsik, 2015 ). We contribute with original findings on this case by addressing the evolution of political parties’ discourses through a qualitative analysis of their manifestos for the last five regional elections campaigns (2006–2017), covering a period of strong territorial conflict between Catalonia and Spain. Our analysis aims to measure the impact of secessionism growth on parties’ ethnic competition in Catalonia and compares the strategies of secessionist, federalist and centralist parties. In order to measure ethnicity, we focus on language, the most salient identity marker in Catalan politics, and link the evolution of parties’ territorial positions to that of their treatment of national identities and the Catalan and Castilian languages – both official languages in Catalonia – in their manifestos. Our findings include diverse strategies that do not entirely fit in with ethnic competition theories. First, we find that territorial outbidding does not always imply ethnic outbidding: political parties generally do not use the main identity marker in Catalonia (language) for outbidding purposes. Second, we find some evidence of ethnic outbidding in majority nationalist parties, but not in minority nationalist parties.
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Escudero, Carolina. "Audacious Searching of Spanish Mothers." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 9, no. 3 (March 28, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.93.12031.
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Throughout the dictatorship in Spain, many strategies were used to manipulate and silence mothers’ voices. During this period (1940-1975) and also in later times of democracy, a total of 300,000 babies were stolen (Anadir, 2011).
Currently, family organizations are looking for their children, stolen between 1940 and 1999. Their calls for memory, justice and reparation found a space for action in social media as the campaigns “We Are Looking for You” (2017, 2018), where they could their search after surviving obstetric violence and stigmatization. Transcending these deeds from a space of action, the precepts proposed by Frankl –on accepting pain, taking responsibility for what they feel in order to give meaning to the tragedy– are observed. Through this ethnographic study, carried out during the recording of two social media campaigns, we will endeavor to confirm the following hypothesis: their active participation in the campaigns, the members of SOS Stolen Babies of Catalonia are developing the virtue of audacity. This audacity is linked to Frankl’s theory of assuming suffering, asserting destiny and taking a stand before it (1987). This study used participant observation and interviews of the 20 families belonging to the Catalan organization.
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Dalmau, Pol. "Catalans and Rifis during the Wilsonian Moment: The Quest for Self-Determination in the Post-Versailles World." Contemporary European History, March 3, 2022, 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777321000680.
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Morocco and Catalonia are often mentioned as key elements in the crisis of Spanish liberalism, but little attention has been paid to the relation of these conflicts with the global developments of the 1920s. In their effort to break from Spain, Rifi rebels and Catalan separatists resorted to the League of Nations and were supported by sympathisers in British India, the United States, Latin America and Europe. Both separatist attempts utterly failed, but their campaigns provide new insights into the global connections (and dis-connections) of anti-imperialist and sub-national movements during the ‘Wilsonian moment’, and the strategies they developed to project their domestic agendas to the international sphere.