Relevant bibliographies by topics / Castroist government

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Castroist government'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 9 November 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Castroist government"

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Harmer, Tanya. "The “Cuban Question” and the Cold War in Latin America, 1959–1964." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 3 (August 2019): 114–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00896.

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This article explains how Latin American governments responded to the Cuban revolution and how the “Cuban question” played out in the inter-American system in the first five years of Fidel Castro's regime, from 1959 to 1964, when the Organization of American States imposed sanctions against the island. Drawing on recently declassified sources from Argentina, Chile, Mexico, Uruguay, and the United States, the article complicates U.S.-centric accounts of the inter-American system. It also adds to our understanding of how the Cold War was perceived within the region. The article makes clear that U.S. policymakers were not the only ones who feared Castro's triumph, the prospect of greater Soviet intervention, and the Cuban missile crisis. By seeking to understand why local states opposed Castro's ascendance and what they wanted to do to counter his regime, the account here offers new insight into the Cuban revolution's international impact and allows us to evaluate U.S. influence in the region during key years of the Cold War.
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Wolfe, Mikael. "“A Revolution Is a Force More Powerful Than Nature”: Extreme Weather and the Cuban Revolution, 1959–64." Environmental History 25, no. 3 (June 1, 2020): 469–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/envhis/emaa004.

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Abstract This article examines how the severe drought of 1961–62 and the fury of Hurricane Flora in October 1963 influenced the Cuban Revolution socioeconomically and geopolitically in the crucial first five years of Fidel Castro’s consolidation of power. Based on extensive research in US and Cuban newspapers and journals, declassified US government documents, the speeches, interviews, and writings of Cuban revolutionaries and foreign advisers, oral histories of hurricane survivors, and secondary literature, this article employs an environmental history approach to show that the governments and media of both Cuba and the United States perceived environmental and geopolitical factors as being intertwined when explaining Cuba’s socioeconomic travails. Although weather events alone did not determine the progression of the Cuban Revolution, their varied effects nevertheless shaped the formative years of the revolution by influencing Cold War-era national development in ways that scholars of early revolutionary Cuba have largely overlooked.
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Arzuaga Guerra, M. "Port Mariel, going the right way? Bien." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 1 (March 28, 2015): 31–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2015-1-31-35.

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The author of the article scrutinizes one the most important measures taken by Raul Castro’s government within the framework of its economic reforms. The role of constructing a new port of Mariel as a part of the economic reforms in Cuba is analyzed thoroughly. The author comes to the conclusion that the economy of Cuba is developing in the right direction and makes some suggestions for further reforms and improvements.
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Keller, Renata. "The Revolution Will Be Teletyped: Cuba's Prensa Latina News Agency and the Cold War Contest over Information." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 3 (August 2019): 88–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00895.

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This article is the first in-depth study of Cuba's revolutionary news agency, Prensa Latina. Drawing on a wide variety of archival and published sources, including Cuban media and memoirs, declassified intelligence reports, U.S. State Department records, and newspaper articles from across Latin America, the article analyzes the agency's controversial creation, international reception, and significance. The evidence presented here shows that Prensa Latina was a powerful weapon in Fidel Castro's revolutionary arsenal because it provided a way for the Cuban government to gather and shape information and garner international support. Studying the history of Prensa Latina provides new insight into the production, circulation, reception, restriction, and manipulation of information during the Cold War. The Cuban agency's efforts to reshape the international flow of information posed a clear challenge both to the traditional media and to Castro's enemies across the Americas, spurring them to pursue a wide variety of tactics to silence Prensa Latina.
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Domínguez, Jorge I. "U.S.-Cuban Relations: From the Cold War to the Colder War." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 39, no. 3 (1997): 49–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166485.

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Hundreds of thousands of Cuban troops deployed to nearly every corner of the globe—that seemed to be the nightmare of every US administration from the mid-1970s to the end of the 1980s. From its own perspective, President Fidel Castro’s government attempted to use its activist foreign policy first to protect itself from hostile US policies, and second to leverage support from the Soviet Union and other communist countries for Cuba’s own domestic development.
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Mazarr, Michael J. "Prospects for Revolution in Post-Castro Cuba." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 31, no. 4 (1989): 61–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165994.

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Last January marked the 30th anniversary of the Cuban revolution, and it could be that, within a decade, that small islandnation will be transformed once again. Since 1959, Castro's Cuba has remained a politically repressive, economically stagnant, militarily adventuristic state. The legitimacy of the Cuban regime depends, in many ways, on the persona of Fidel Castro; when he dies, the government will face by far its severest test to date and, most probably, at a time when a potentially deadly economic and systemic crisis continues to threaten the Cuban polity. Revolutionary or reformist elements will almost certainly emerge to demand change.
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Yordanov, Radoslav. "The Long Misunderstanding: Cuba's Economic Ties with the Soviet Bloc." Journal of Cold War Studies 25, no. 4 (2023): 24–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01169.

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Abstract This article examines the political and economic issues that arose in relations between the Soviet bloc and Cuba from 1959 through 1991, including the admission of Cuba into the Soviet-dominated Council for Economic Mutual Assistance (CMEA) in the early 1970s. The article breaks new ground by consulting previously unseen primary documents originating from the East European states and Cuba, which highlight the often contentious ties between the European CMEA states and Cuba. The East European governments were often dismayed by the egregious economic mismanagement of Fidel Castro's regime and tried, mostly unsuccessfully, to encourage better policies. The relationship that emerged was shaped in part by Cuba's ever-increasing demands, by the East European states’ own economic limitations, and by the Soviet Union's far-reaching political objectives.
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Pirone, Tommaso. "Airbnb Lands in Havana." South Atlantic Quarterly 120, no. 4 (October 1, 2021): 853–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-9443406.

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Sixty years after Fidel Castro’s revolution overthrew the US’s influence in Cuba, Airbnb has penetrated Havana’s accommodation market, despite strong limitations imposed by the US government. This article analyzes the methods employed by Airbnb to enter the unique Cuban tourist sector, highlighting the adoption of local norms and traditions. For decades, thousands of casas particulares have hosted exchanges between visitors and the local population. Based on ethnographic data collected in Havana, we contend that the “Airbnb model” was present before the gig economy giant arrived in the Cuban capital. On one hand, the arrival of Airbnb may contribute to (re)emerging inequalities in Cuban society, while on the other hand, it has the potential to generate economic opportunities in the island’s bourgeoning private sector. Ultimately, we suggest that the Cuban model of casas particulares should be conceptual-ized as a trailblazer of the international tourist landscape.
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Adams, Henley C. "Fighting an Uphill Battle: Race, Politics, Power, and Institutionalization in Cuba." Latin American Research Review 39, no. 1 (2004): 168–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100038991.

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Although there exists a significant body of literature documenting the under-representation of black Cubans in the island's most important governing institutions throughout the forty-four years of Fidel Castro's rule, these analyses have emphasized limited access to political power as the sole factor responsible for this state of affairs. However, this comprehensive analysis contends that with the aging of the Cuban Revolution, other factors such as low holdover and high replacement rates for blacks during periodic reshuffling of the political elite have become crucial, albeit unacknowledged, explanatory variables for the paucity of blacks among the country's leadership. An important determinant for this pattern is the existence of inter- and intra-institutional stratification among blacks, the reasons for which remain unknown. Nonetheless, the presence of this factor increases the vulnerability of nonwhites as decisions are made about which individuals should be retained or replaced in key government institutions.
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Granjon, Marie-Christine. "L’administration Reagan et le régime castriste (janvier 1981-juillet 1982)." Études internationales 13, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 427–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701382ar.

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Because of the Cuban presence in Africa (Angola), President Carter put a stop, in November 1978, to the normalization procedures started with Cuba at the commencement of his mandate. The Reagan administration, far from redressing the situation, has worsened it by incessantly accusing and threatening the Cuban government. At the rime of General Haig's resignation as State Secretary on June 26, 1982, his policy of intimidation towards Cuba had failed to keep the Castro's regime in step. Moreover, the American policy has been thwarted by external obstacles — the attitudes of the Cuban and Soviet leaders, the change in the political climate in Latin America (the conflict in the Malvinas) - and by internal causes - blunders, conflicting announcements, incoherent strategies, fluctuating and equivocal appraisals of the situation by the Reagan administration. This administration has alternately advocated a military solution to the Cuban problem and an essentially economic approach to neutralise the castrist influence in the region. Cuba has been at rimes referred to as a sovereign State to be dealt with on a bilateral basis, and at other rimes as a soviet satellite to be handled with the framework of East-West relations. Under the Reagan administration, Cuba has remained more than ever the ideal scapegoat of American leaders faced with a reassessment of the "pax americana" in Central America and in the North-South relations.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Castroist government"

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Redon, Klemia. "Héritage afro-cubain : Entre identité culturelle et représentation folklorique donnée à voir aux touristes (1992-2021)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Grenoble Alpes, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024GRALL008.

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Chargé d’une histoire aussi complexe que riche, Cuba s’est converti en quelques années en une destination prisée pour la beauté de ses paysages, de ses plages mais aussi de la chaleur et de la convivialité qui se dégagent de ses habitants.Après une crise économique sans précédent qui frappe Cuba à partir du début des années 1990 appelée « el Periodo Especial en tiempo de paz », le gouvernement de Fidel Castro décide de développer une politique touristique visant à favoriser l’économie mise à mal par l’arrêt du soutien financier de l’Union Soviétique. Le « crocodile » de la Caraïbe, lieu stratégique entre une Europe coloniale et l’Amérique, longtemps aux mains des Espagnols, puis des Anglais ; n’a cessé de voir s’opérer de nombreux processus de transculturation, d’acculturation tout au long de son histoire, bouleversant ainsi bon nombre de codes socio-culturels donnant lieu à cette identité culturelle cubaine si singulière.À partir des années 1960, et fort de cette diversité culturelle, le gouvernement de Fidel Castro dissociant les manifestations culturelles populaires et le folklore, s’est emparé de l’héritage culturel traditionnel des esclaves, tout en l’adaptant et le profanisant. Cette volonté de mettre en avant la culture afro-cubaine s’est accentuée dans les années 1990 avec l’arrivée du tourisme à Cuba. La multiplication des complexes hôteliers, la diversification des propositions touristiques, et la volonté de faire entrer des devises sur le territoire, ont accentué le phénomène de marchandisation du folklore.Alors entre stratégies politiques, folklore et préservation d’un patrimoine immatériel, qu’est-il donné à voir et à comprendre de la cubanía aux touristes de passage sur l’île ?
With an history as complex as rich, Cuba has in just a few years become a popular destination for the beauty of its landscapes and beaches, as well as the warmth and friendliness of its people.Following an unprecedented economic crisis that hit Cuba in the early 90s, known as "el Periodo Especial en tiempo de paz", Fidel Castro's government decided to develop a tourism policy designed to boost the economy, which had been badly hit by the end of financial support from the Soviet Union.The "crocodile" of the Caribbean, a strategic location between colonial Europe and America, for a long time in the hands of the Spanish and then the British, has constantly undergone a process of transculturation and acculturation throughout its history, overturning many of the socio-cultural codes that have given rise to Cuba's unique cultural identity.From the 60s onwards, on the strength of this cultural diversity, Fidel Castro's government, which dissociated popular cultural events from folklore, took over the traditional cultural heritage of the slaves, adapting and profaning it at the same time.This desire to highlight Afro-Cuban culture was accentuated in the 90s with the arrival of tourism in Cuba. The proliferation of hotel complexes, the diversification of tourist attractions and the desire to bring foreign currency into the country have accentuated this trend?
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Sondrol, Paul Charles. "Castro's Cuba and Stroessner's Paraguay: A comparison of the totalitarian/authoritarian taxonomy." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185284.

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In Latin America, the regimes of Fidel Castro and Alfredo Stroessner are indiscriminately posited as representative cases reflecting similarities and differences of totalitarian and authoritarian regimes. This work tests the more general typology by studying the contrasting institutions, processes, and styles of the Castro and Stroessner autocracies, habitually labeled totalitarian and authoritarian, respectively. Totalitarianism emerged as an analytic concept as social scientists attempted to understand characteristics of the Hitler and Stalin regimes distinctive from other forms of dictatorship. While authoritarian regimes are generally based on history and tradition, leaving intact existing arrangements regarding wealth, status, church, family, and traditional social behavior, totalitarian regimes aim to revolutionize and politicize society, culture, and personality. They claim jurisdiction over the whole life of the citizenry and obliterate the boundaries between public and private. Despite the corpus applicable to totalitarianism, authoritarianism, and Latin America, few studies exist melding all three topics in a comparative context. Paraguay has long remained outside the mainstream of serious study by political scientists, yet Stroessner's 34-year dictatorship was one of the world's most durable. This research contributes to a better understanding of a nation and regime begging scholarly attention. Stroessner's downfall leaves Castro's Cuba the Western Hemisphere's oldest non-democracy and provokes analysis revealing organizational resemblances common to both regimes. Divergences relate more fully to sui generis social forces, forms of government, and geopolitics. The work analyzes the differences and similarities between Cuba and Paraguay, linking them to the larger typologies by focusing on four distinguishing variables comprising the totalitarian syndrome: (1) the supreme leader; (2) the nature and ideology of the single, official party; (3) the forms and uses of political force in the state control apparatus; and (4) the scope and degree of societal mobilization and mass legitimacy engendered by the regime. The work concludes by considering the policy relevance and utility of these heuristic paradigms.
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Books on the topic "Castroist government"

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Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute., ed. Castro's Cuba: Quo vadis? [Carlisle Barracks, PA]: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 2006.

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Lockwood, Lee. Castro's Cuba, Cuba's Fidel. Boulder: Westview Press, 1990.

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Hanf, Walter. Castros Revolution: Der Weg Kubas seit 1959. München: W. Heyne Verlag, 1989.

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Valladares, Armando. Against all hope: A memoir of life in Castro's gulag. San Francisco: Encounter Books, 2001.

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Oppenheimer, Andres. Castro's final hour: The secret story behind the coming downfall of communist Cuba. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992.

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Oppenheimer, Andres. Castro's final hour: The secret story behind the coming downfall of communist Cuba. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992.

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Pino, Rafael del. General del Pino speaks: An insight into elite corruption and military dissension in Castro's Cuba. Washington, D.C. (1000 Thomas Jefferson St., N.W., Suite 601, Washington 20007): Cuban-American National Foundation, 1987.

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Pino, Rafael del. General del Pino speaks: An insight into elite corruption and military dissension in Castro's Cuba. Washington, D.C. (1000 Thomas Jefferson St., N.W., Suite 601, Washington 20007): Cuban-American National Foundation, 1987.

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Cuban American National Foundation (U.S.), ed. Castro's "special period in a time of peace": Proceedings from a conference sponsored by the Cuban American National Foundation, October 11, 1990, The Four Seasons Hotel. Washington, D.C: The Foundation, 1990.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Government Reform. Subcommittee on Human Rights and Wellness. Living in fear: The continued human rights abuses in Castro's Cuba : hearing before the Subcommittee on Human Rights and Wellness of the Committee on Government Reform, House of Representatives, One Hundred Eighth Congress, second session, June 16, 2004. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "Castroist government"

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Stockhausen, Ulrike Elisabeth. "Sponsoring Castro’s Refugees." In The Strangers in Our Midst, 26–59. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197515884.003.0002.

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This chapter covers evangelical churches’ responses to Cuban refugees between 1959 and 1965, which constituted the first large-scale refugee resettlement initiative by a large evangelical denomination, as well as a well-established public-private partnership between the US government and evangelical churches. Evangelicals, particularly Southern Baptists, provided relief for and sponsored Cuban refugees as an outgrowth of their anticommunism as much as out of their religiously motivated missionary zeal. The Southern Baptist Convention—the nation’s largest Protestant denomination—resettled more than a thousand Cuban refugees. Southern Baptist refugee sponsors provided a roof to sleep under, furnished refugees’ new homes with blankets and kitchen appliances, secured employment for the families’ breadwinners, and enrolled Cuban children in school and the adults in English language classes. While not involved in resettlement, the Pentecostal Assemblies of God shared the Southern Baptists’ missionary zeal and catered to Cuban refugees’ material and spiritual needs.
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Kirkendall, Andrew J. "Let Us Begin." In Hemispheric Alliances, 41–59. University of North Carolina Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469668017.003.0003.

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The Kennedy administration proposed an Alliance for Progress. It needed allies to help implement socioeconomic reform. But it also supported more military aid and counterinsurgency training and covert action against Castro’s government.
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Kirkendall, Andrew J. "The Many Fronts of John F. Kennedy’s Latin American Cold War, Part II." In Hemispheric Alliances, 60–77. University of North Carolina Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469668017.003.0004.

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The Alliance for Progress meant different things in Central American, Caribbean, and South American countries. The Kennedy administration hoped that military coups would not necessarily lead to long-term military rule. Action against Castro’s government, including Operation Mongoose, continued.
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Lockwood, Jeffrey A. "A Tiny Terrorist in Castro’s Crops." In Six-Legged Soldiers, 221–29. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195333053.003.0021.

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Abstract The Cuban Ministry of Foreign Affairs presented the U.S. government with a written complaint of entomological warfare the day after Christmas in 1996. The allegation concerned the release of insects by an American plane that passed through the Giron corridor, a designated flight path over Cuba. Per the diplomatic drill, the U.S. State Department explained away the charge in early February, maintaining that the incident was merely the release of warning smoke—not a cloud of crop-eating insects—meant to ensure visual contact with a nearby aircraft.1 Such a cursory denial would have completed a typical tête-à-tête between the two countries, but the Cubans had other plans.
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Shnookal, Deborah. "Alfabeticemos! Let’s Teach Literacy!" In Operation Pedro Pan and the Exodus of Cuba's Children, 63–104. University Press of Florida, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9781683401551.003.0003.

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The Cuban revolutionary government prioritized education reform as the key to lifting the country out of underdevelopment and creating a new political culture of participatory democracy, epitomized by the 1961 literacy campaign. Fidel Castro’s opponents, however, regarded this campaign as evidence of the “communist indoctrination” by the government of young Cubans and were therefore determined to “save” as many children as possible by sending them to Miami until Castro was ousted. This chapter takes a detailed look at how the battle for the hearts and minds of the next generation unfolded with the mobilization of 100,000 teenagers as literacy brigadistas to teach in the mountains and remote parts of the island. It examines the objectives of the campaign, the recruitment propaganda used to mobilize the Conrado Benítez brigades, how the campaign affected relations between parents and children, and the impact that participation in the campaign had on a generation of revolutionary youth.
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Latner, Teishan A. "Missiles, in Human Form." In Cuban Revolution in America. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635460.003.0003.

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Chapter Two examines efforts by the FBI, CIA, local law enforcement, and U.S. politicians to portray travel to Cuba by American dissidents as a threat to U.S. national security. Alleging covert Cuban involvement in left-wing political bombings, espionage, street demonstrations, and growing interest in socialism among the American public, U.S. officials claimed that Cuba’s support for American radicals posed an internal security threat. Lurid media coverage focused on the Venceremos Brigade and Black Panther Party, which were accused of violating the U.S. travel ban to Cuba to receive training in guerrilla warfare from Fidel Castro’s government. The imagined perils of contact between Cuba’s revolutionaries and American radicals, however, lay in their ideological, not military, potentials. In 1976, the FBI summed up a decade of investigations, concluding that the communist nation had been the single greatest foreign influence on domestic radicalism during the 1960s.
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Vandenbroucke, Lucien S. "Debacle at the Beachhead." In Perilous Options, 19–50. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195045918.003.0003.

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Abstract On January 20, 1961, John F. Kennedy took the oath as the thirty-fifth president of the United States. Eight days later, the CIA briefed the new administration in depth on the Cuban project. Attending were the president, Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson, Secretary of State Dean Rusk, Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, JCS Chairman General Lyman L. Lemnitzer, Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs Paul H. Nitze, and Special Assistant for National Security Affairs McGeorge Bundy. CIA Director Dulles and Bissell’s deputy Tracy Barnes outlined a detailed operational plan, which called for the Brigade, now over eight hundred men strong, to stage a daylight amphibious and airborne assault on the Cuban coastal city of Trinidad. While the Brigade landed, its air wing would destroy Castro’s air force and other strategic targets throughout the island. As soon as the exiles secured a beachhead, they would proclaim a Cuban provisional government, which the United States could then recognize.
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Wells, Allen. "Conclusion." In Latin America's Democratic Crusade, 535–54. Yale University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300264401.003.0017.

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This chapter addresses why democratic governance was so fragile in mid-century Latin America. Castro’s decision to relinquish his nation’s secure, if dependent, place in the United States’ sphere of influence for an uncertain future in the Soviet bloc, Cuba’s export of revolution, and Washington’s single-minded determination to isolate and punish Cuba placed all of these young democracies in a vise. Just as a belated Cold War made its presence felt, reformers contended with powerful centrifugal and centripetal forces that made it next to impossible to meet their citizens’ rising expectations. The Cold War’s tardy arrival only inflamed longstanding animosities. What did change after 1959 was that Washington and Havana were now actively engaged in these disputes, raising the stakes for all concerned. Their participation complicated in no small way what up to that point had been a transnational struggle between democrats and dictators. Urban terrorism and guerrilla insurgency not only put the remaining civilian governments on the defensive, but it also spawned ideologically driven military governments. More so than in the past, the enemy within monopolized the attentions of the hemisphere’s armed forces. Leftist extremism unleashed a multipronged, counterrevolutionary response well out of proportion to the threat posed.
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Wells, Allen. "Cuban Conundrum." In Latin America's Democratic Crusade, 471–534. Yale University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300264401.003.0016.

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Two weeks after ousting Batista, Fidel Castro was given a hero’s welcome in Caracas. His message of transnational unity in the fight against La Internacional resonated with Venezuelans who had just overthrown their own despot. Believing that Castro’s agenda was similar to their own and recognizing how popular he was with their constituents, reformers initially backed the young comandante. That honeymoon was short-lived. A backlash against the revolution’s leftward drift polarized the region and a renewed war without borders, in which the Kennedy and Johnson administrations and Cuba were now active participants, contributed to the restoration of authoritarian rule in eight countries between 1962 and 1964. By the end of the decade, reformist governments had, with few exceptions, run aground on the shoals of revolution and reaction. Based on recent history, democrats had every reason to believe that the political pendulum would swing back and soon return them to power. But the protracted wars between guerrilla insurgencies and anticommunist military regimes meant that reformers would be sidelined for years to come.
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