Academic literature on the topic 'Cartography syntax'

The Romance Inter-Views are short, multiple Q&A pairs that address key issues, definitions and ideas regarding Romance linguistics. Prominent exponents of different approaches to the study of Romance linguistics are asked to answer some general questions from their viewpoint. The answers are then assembled so that readers can get a comparative picture of what’s going on in the field. After the first Inter-Views focused on (morpho)syntax more generally, the second Inter-Views focus more narrowly on Cartography. We invited six syntacticians, working on this topic from a variety of perspectives, to answer our questions.

The current study uses the Space Syntax innovative method for determining the causes of the attractivity and visit frequency gap between two open public spaces of downtown Setif (Algeria): Sahat El Istiklal square and Masjid Ibn Badis square. A design drawn from a map coming from the National Institute of Cartography and Teledetection (Algeria) is chosen for the configurative analysis carried out by Space Syntax through the DepthMap software. Visibility Graph Analysis (VGA) superimposed with the pedestrian real flow permits the visual integration of the analysis of each square. The analysis revealed relevant gaps in the syntactic measure values obtained for each square emphasizing their positive aspects and specific problems. Space Syntax allows the extension of the initial discussion about public squares in urban environments and to work out causality relationships between spatial configuration and human behavior.

Abstract This article addresses one particular aspect of the cartographic enterprise, the cartographic study of the left periphery of the clause, the system of criteria, and the “syntacticisation” of scope-discourse semantics that rich and detailed syntactic maps make possible. I will compare this theoretical option with the conceivable alternative, the “pragmaticization” of a radically impoverished syntax, and will discuss some simple kinds of empirical evidence bearing on the choice between these alternative perspectives. I will then turn to the issue of whether the properties of the functional sequence (ordering, cooccurrence restrictions) are amenable to “further explanations” in terms of more basic principles constraining linguistic computations. I will argue that the search for deeper explanations is an integral part of the cartographic endeavour: it presupposes the establishment of reliable maps, and nourishes the pursuit of further cartographic questions. I will conclude by illustrating the issue of further explanation by comparing certain properties of topicalization in English and Italian, in particular the fact that DP topics are fundamentally unique in English, while they can be freely reiterated in Italian. This pattern can be plausibly traced back to intervention locality, once certain independent properties distinguishing Italian and English topicalization are taken into account.

This paper concentrates on power places as perceived by the students in a 60,000 people college town in the United States. Power places are favourite outdoor locations that evoke positive emotions, and are conducive to relaxation and reduction of stress. Further understanding how location affects those places and the feelings of students will help planners and designers be more intentional as they create conditions favourable to the development of cities that are healthy, sustainable, resilient and smart. Research methodologies used in this paper include empirical cartography, mapping and space syntax. We conclude the paper with a discussion of the presented results and further research directions.

AbstractIn this work we deal with two structures that have a very similar pragmatic function in Italian and have been claimed to have similar semantic and syntactic properties, namely clefts and left peripheral focus. Since Chomsky (1977. On wh-movement. In Peter W. Culicover, Thomas Wasow & Adrian Akmajian (eds.), Formal Syntax, 71–132. New York: Academic Press.) they have been both considered as instances of A’-movement and should therefore behave alike. Here we investigate their prosody and their syntax on the basis of three experimental studies and show that while the prosodic patterns found are indeed very similar, their syntax is less homogenous than expected if we apply general tests that have been traditionally used to distinguish A- from A’-movement. In particular, we will discuss three of these tests, namely parasitic gaps, weak crossover and anaphoric binding and show that the two constructions yield quite different results. We analyse the differences within the framework of featural relativized minimality originally proposed in Rizzi (2004. Locality and the left periphery. In Adriana Belletti (ed.), Structures and Beyond: The Cartography of Syntactic Structures 3, 223–251. Oxford: Oxford University Press.) and subsequent work. On this basis, we conclude that there is no one to one match between prosodic and syntactic properties, since we observe differences in the syntactic behaviour of the two constructions that do not surface in the prosodic patterns. Indirectly, this study sheds new light on the interface between prosody and syntax and is a confirmation of a modular theory of the components of grammar: some specific syntactic properties have no reflex in other components of grammar and can only be detected through purely syntactic tests.

Abstract The Rwandan writer, Scholastique Mukasonga chronicles her eye-witness account of Rwandan civil war and genocide; her two novels are part of literary attempts to historicize ethnic collective trauma and memory, but they end up traumatizing national history itself and deconstructing Eurocentric representations. Her works are popularly read as autobiographies and could be mapped under trauma studies. However, this study intends to read these works as autoethnographical texts which this hyphenated writer uses to dismantle conventional boundaries of linguistic morpho-syntax of French, to deconstruct European historical constructions and to contest Eurocentric epistemologies that gave rise to the literary cartography of the Other world. This Eurocentrism produces markers of post/colonial idioms such as “civilized/primitive” and “modern/traditional” as means of justifying the essence of empires. Mukasonga’s account opens our eyes to Rwandan indigenous art, science, medicine and society; therefore, it contests the ontology of European civilization. Although her novels are predominantly written in French, Mukasonga uses her native dialect of Kinyarwanda to unveil age-long Rwandan [African] civilization, thus forcing her European readership to see the “lilies in the mires”.

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> Maps are a means of communication with their own language. This contribution makes a methodological proposal for a tool for to analyse the cartographic language of thematic maps and atlases. Based on the work of Jacques Bertin and on approaches of the Visual Studies, this methodology works on decoding maps in terms of their basic elements, the signs and graphic objects that compose them. As a tool it should allow comparative research on cartographic productions, both, synchronically and diachronically. It suggests two analytical schemes, one for maps and the other for complex map-editions, e.g. atlases.</p><p> On the example of spatial entities (state territories, natural areas etc.), the first part of this contribution introduces the semiotic analysis-scheme for thematic maps. It shows how to deal systematically with signs, signatures and graphic objects on maps. Such analyses should produce the fundament for comparative approaches, which allow to detect typical patterns in cartography and to identify elements of cartographic languages.</p><p> We are interested in the cartographic languages of maps used in atlases. To do this we have chosen a quantitative analysis of the visual content, maps, diagrams and images. The quantitative method makes it possible to analyse a large corpus of maps and atlases, thus making it possible to make comparisons between contents both diachronically and synchronically, i.e. comparisons in time and space. This is an approach relatively rarely used in cartography. There are few studies that produce a quantitative analysis of cartographic content. Among the existing ones, that of Alexandre Kent and especially that of Muelhenhaus on the Goode atlas series. We are following in the footsteps of these studies. To do this, we decided to adopt a semiological approach to the study of maps. Of course, we cannot talk about maps and semiology without mentioning Jacques Bertin and his book: graphic semiology: diagrams, networks, maps (1963) in which he tried to define a “grammar” by establishing rules of good cartographic practice, even if the book is not exclusively reduced to the map.</p><p> The book itself does not contain any reference, but it can be said that graphic semiology is itself derived from linguistic semiology, developed in particular by Ferdinand Saussure. However, although Bertin's work has influenced many cartographers in the design of maps, the method has been little used in the cartographic analysis itself. Semiology is an approach that has been used mainly in the analysis of images and diagrams rather than in cartography. Although it is true that iconographic analysis studies in semiology claim more Barthes and Saussure than Bertin.</p><p> The map can also be considered as an image. Several iconographic analysis studies have thus integrated the map as an object of study. This is the case, for example, of engelhardt who, in his <i>thesis</i> “<i>the language of graphics: a framework for the analysis of syntax and meaning in maps, charts and diagram</i>” (2002), focuses on several types of iconography, even if the map remains a central element of his analysis. Another example is the work of André Lavarde, who in his article “<i>la flèche : le signe qui anime les schémas</i>” (1996) focuses on the history of the use of the arrow in diagrams, while evoking its use in geographical maps. There are therefore bridges between iconographic and cartographic analysis.</p><p> This research is therefore a continuation of the work of Bertin, Mulhenhaus and to a certain extent Engelhardt. The coding system we have developed for our cartographic analysis is divided into three parts and divided tehemselves into several categories. Each category corresponds to a column in the table. From there, there are two ways to fill in the columns. In the first case by filling in the field with the requested information such as the title of a map. Or in a second case to enter 0; 1; or 2 depending on whether the information that corresponds to the absence, presence or uncertainty of the requested information. So if the map coded uses the Mercator projection then it will be entered 1 in the column “map projection: cylindrical projection” and 0 in the column “map projection: compromise”.</p><p> The table is composed of three parts. The first part concerns the general information of the coded map (image 1). This is for example the name of the atlas, the page, the chapter in which the map is located. Then more general information about the map itself is coded like for example its title, theme, scale, type of projection used, etc. This makes it possible to collect a set of basic data. It should be noted that, as mentioned above, we do not only code maps but also other forms of visual representations of space that can be found in atlases. For example, there are images, satellite photos or diagrams that can represent different geographical areas. If the coded object is not a map, this is specified. There is a category provided for this purpose. When coding, cartography-specific elements, such as map projection, are therefore not taken into account. Not all the columns in our table are intended to be filled by each map or coded image. The codification process is therefore flexible. Although the code does not focus only on maps, they represent the vast majority of the content of the atlases studied. This is why we refer more to the “map” rather than to the “visual representation of space”. However, even if they are in the minority, it is important in the analysis to take into account representations of space other than cartography.</p><p> The second part of the table focuses on the signs used by the maps. First of all, we have chosen to divide them into three categories: symbols that are related to the point of the line and the surface. These are the three elementary figures of geometry that Bertin calls implantations. It is from these three types of locations that the different symbols are created. We have distinguished them between the thematic symbols, which are there to illustrate the theme of the map, to convey its message and the Background symbol present to help the reader to orientate himself in space. This is the case, for example, of the equator's path, which is rarely thematic, but rather serves as a geographical point of reference. Of course, the thematic symbols vary according to the theme of the map. Thus, territorial borders can be considered thematic if it is a political map, but will be considered Background information if it is present on a map representing global forest cover. The purpose of this part is to have as much content as possible on the elements that make a map.</p><p> The third and last part of the table refers to visual variables. To be interested in visual variables is to be interested in the interactions between symbols. It is on this part that we rely most on Bertin's work. We have thus taken 5 of the 7 variables he defined. The orientation and the two dimensions of the plan were excluded from our study because they are constant in the cartographic production. It would therefore be irrelevant to record them each time. This is not the case for the remaining components: size, value, texture, shape, and colour. These are elements that may be present in cartography but are not individually necessary. These visual variables form the basic grammar of the “cartographic language”. Studying the visual variables is a way for us to observe how the different signs interact with each other and to see how an information is convey. These visual rules have been established in the 1960s, therefore it the relevance of using this framework to study historical map can be questioned. But Bertin did not design his rules from scratch, he relied on previous mapping practices. It is therefore interesting to observe how often they have been used.</p><p> The second part deals with map themes and regional structures of atlases. Using principles of Visual Studies, it suggests to observe atlases as a whole as cultural products, each subject to a visual programme that determines the frameworks of its expressions and its claim for representativeness. By comparing elements like projection, scale, maps-themes, regional sequences etc. systematically, one may unveil the specific interpretations of world views which are contained in the atlas’ concepts. As some atlases are published in a long series of editions, they become interesting research objects in an evolutionary perspective.</p><p> In a diachronic perspective the coding scheme suggested here, focussing themes and regional subdivisions of atlases, builds the fundament for longitudinal studies. Both methodological parts should make cartographic and atlas-studies more compatible to cultural and historical research approaches.</p><p> Taking the example of a few maps from French atlases from nineteen centuries to the early 2000s the second part of this contribution wants to give an idea, how this methodology can be used to study the evolution of cartographic language over time under the influence of the global condition and how French cartographers faced the challenge of representing a growing interconnected world and which graphical tools they developed.</p>

The aim of this dissertation is to provide a satisfactory description and an adequate syntactic analysis of several phenomena pertaining to evaluative morphology in Italian. The issues discussed include the basic semantic properties of evaluative morphemes, their distribuition across and within lexical categories, their functional status and their interaction with other relevant morphosyntactic features. The hypothesis that the different aspects of the meaning of evaluative morphology – despite their apparent variety and inconsistency – can actually be reduced to very general semantic notions is connected to the intuition that at least some the abstract structuring principles of reference are the same across categories. From a syntactic point of view, the identification of parallel functional schemes in the extended projections of lexical categories leads us to confirm once again that syntactic structures, in spite of their internal complexity, can be accounted for by means of structural maps.
L’obiettivo di questa tesi è di fornire una descrizione esaustiva e un’adeguata analisi sintattica per numerosi fenomeni che pertengono alla morfologia valutativa della lingua italiana. I temi discussi includono le proprietà semantiche fondamentali dei morfemi valutativi, la loro distribuzione a livello inter-categoriale e intra-categoriale, il loro statuto funzionale e la loro interazione con altri tratti morfosintattici rilevanti. L’ipotesi che i diversi aspetti del significato della morfologia valutativa - nonostante l’apparente variabilità e incoerenza – possano essere in realtà ridotti a nozioni semantiche generali è connessa all’idea che almeno un certo numero di principi astratti del riferimento siano comuni alle diverse categorie lessicali. Da un punto di vista sintattico, il riconoscimento di schemi funzionali paralleli all’interno delle proiezioni estese delle categorie lessicali ci porta ancora una volta a ribadire che le strutture sintattiche, nonostante la loro complessità interna, possano essere spiegate attraverso mappe strutturali.

Esta pesquisa investiga propriedades da estrutura sentencial do português brasileiro, mais precisamente aquelas que desencadeiam a inversão de constituintes para a periferia à esquerda da sentença. Sustenta-se num corpus para a obtenção de dados descritivos, constituído por dez peças de teatro, sendo cada uma delas escrita por um escritor nascido no Brasil numa década diferente, abrangendo dois séculos: XIX e XX. O objetivo desta pesquisa é identificar os tipos de constituintes que ocupam a periferia esquerda de sentenças e o porquê de ocuparem tal posição, isto é, se desempenham alguma função discursiva como tópico, foco ou se simplesmente se encontram em proeminência estrutural, a fim de entender melhor como a estrutura da informação interage com a sintaxe desse dialeto. Dessa forma, o estudo das funções discursivas desempenhadas pelo sujeito, tanto na ordem SV como na ordem VS, também precisou ser considerado. O quadro teórico adotado para sua realização sustenta-se nas implementações do programa minimalista em Chomsky (2000, 2001 e 2004) feitas à Teoria de Princípios e Parâmetros. Além disso, como proposta cartográfica, adota-se Rizzi (2002, 2004) e, como conceito de tópico e de foco, o proposto em Lambrecht (1996).
This research investigates properties of the Brazilian Portuguese sentence structure, more precisely those that trigger the inversion of constituents to the left-periphery of the sentence. It is based on a corpus as a means of acquiring descriptive data, composed of ten plays, being each of them written by a writer born in a different decade, comprising two centuries: XIX and XX. The aim of this research is to identify the types of constituents that occupy the leftperiphery of sentences and why they do so (if they fulfill any discourse function like topic, focus or if they are merely in structural prominence), in order to cast light upon the way the information structure interacts with the syntax of that dialect. For that reason, it was also necessary to investigate the discourse functions played by the subject both in SV and VS orders. The theoretical framework used for the accomplishment of that task is based on the implementations made by the Minimalist Program (Chomsky - 2000, 2001 and 2004) to the Theory of Principles and Parameters. Besides, as cartographic proposal, it adopts Rizzi (2002, 2004) and, as concept of topic and focus, those proposed in Lambrecht (1996).

Esta pesquisa investiga o comportamento sintático dos quantificadores flutuantes no português brasileiro (PB), dentro do modelo teórico do Programa Minimalista (Chomsky 1995) da Sintaxe Gerativa, buscando atingir dois objetivos principais: (i) identificar as posições na sentença em que os quantificadores podem ou não flutuar e (ii) identificar a estrutura sintagmática interna das expressões quantificadas. Com Sportiche (1988) assumimos que a flutuação de quantificadores é derivada por movimentos sintáticos e com Valmala Elguea (2008) assumimos que este fenômeno é relacionado ao conteúdo informacional da sentença. Dessa forma, adotamos a cartografia de projeções informacionais (de tópico e foco) proposta por Rizzi (1997) para a periferia esquerda alta da sentença e por Belletti (2004) para a periferia esquerda baixa (acima de VP). Argumentando que é preciso distinguir os tipos categoriais dos quantificadores para explicar por que alguns são capazes de flutuar no interior da sentença e outros não, mostramos que os quantificadores que projetam a categoria QP, como cada (um) e todos, são capazes de flutuar, enquanto quantificadores que projetam uma categoria igual ou menor que DP, como muitos, poucos, vários e alguns, são incapazes de flutuar no PB. Mostramos ainda como as diferenças estruturais internas entre todos (cujo DP associado é um complemento de Q0) e cada (um) (cujo DP associado é analisado como um adjunto de QP) podem explicar seu comportamento distinto em relação a algumas possibilidades de flutuação, considerando o cálculo de Minimalidade Relativizada entre QP e DP. A flutuação de quantificadores é | 10 | analisada como resultado da interação entre a estrutura sintagmática interna de cada expressão quantificada e outras propriedades da gramática (universais e específicas da língua) operantes ao longo da derivação e envolvidas sobretudo na checagem de Caso e na satisfação dos Critérios de Tópico e Foco. As possibilidades de flutuação devem respeitar a assimetria entre a periferia esquerda alta e a periferia esquerda baixa do PB em relação ao licenciamento de elementos com ou sem Caso sintático: enquanto DPs, NumPs e NPs que não foram licenciados na sintaxe podem ser superficializados com Caso default na periferia alta, a periferia baixa apenas pode superficializar DPs, NumPs e NPs licenciados antes de Spell-Out. Assumimos que quantificadores de categoria QP, além de poderem ter seu Caso licenciado na sintaxe por checagem, podem se licenciar na superfície por Caso default ou por Transmissão de Caso seja na periferia alta, na periferia baixa ou na posição temática propriedade que lhes garante a capacidade de flutuação. Propomos uma análise uniforme em que estruturas flutuantes e não-flutuantes podem ser geradas a partir de um mesmo constituinte subjacente inserido na posição temática, sendo distintas por seu percurso derivacional. Dessa forma, esta análise simplifica e uniformiza algumas questões presentes na literatura sobre a flutuação de quantificadores.
This research investigates the syntactic behavior of floating quantifiers in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), in the framework of the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1995), aiming at two main goals: (i) to identify the sentence positions in which quantifiers can or cannot float and (ii) to identify the internal phrase structure of quantified expressions. I assume with Sportiche (1988) that quantifier floating is derived through syntactic movement and with Valmala Elguea (2008) that this phenomenon is related to the informational content of the sentence. Thus, I adopt the cartography of informational projections (topic and focus) proposed by Rizzi (1997) for the high left periphery of the sentence and by Belletti (2004) for the low left periphery (above VP). I argue that in order to explain why some quantifiers are able to float inside the sentence and some are not, it is necessary to distinguish the categorial types of quantifiers. I show that quantifiers that project as QPs, like cada (um) each (one) and todos all, are able to float, whereas quantifiers that project as DPs or lower categories, like muitos many, poucos few, vários several and alguns some, are unable to float in BP. We also show how internal structural differences between todos (whose associate DP is a complement of Q0) and cada (um) (whose associate DP is analyzed as an adjunct of QP) can explain their different behavior regarding some floating possibilities, given the computation of Relativized Minimality between QP and DP. Quantifier floating is analyzed here as the result of the interaction between the internal phrase structure of each quantified expression and other properties of the grammar (both universal and language| 12 | specific), in particular Case-checking and Topic and Focus Criteria. Floating possibilities must respect the asymmetry between the high and the low left peripheries in BP regarding the licensing of elements with or without syntactic Case: whereas DPs, NumPs and NPs that have not been licensed in the syntax can surface with default Case in the high periphery, the low periphery can only host DPs, NumPs and NPs that have already been licensed before Spell- Out. I assume that QP-type quantifiers, besides being able to have their Case licensed in the syntax via Checking, can be licensed on the surface via default Case or Case Transmission regardless of whether they are in the high left periphery, in the low left periphery or in the thematic position which is in fact the property that provides them with the ability to float. We propose a uniform analysis in which both floated and non-floated structures can be generated from the same underlying constituent inserted in the thematic position, being distinguished by their derivational course. Therefore, this analysis simplifies and unifies some issues present in the literature on quantifier floating.

This work investigates the formal properties of interrogative clauses in standard Italian, in the framework of the cartographic approach (Cinque and Rizzi 2010). In chapter 2 “The syntax of Italian interrogatives” a novel account of interrogative inversion is proposed according to which Italian has T-to-C movement in matrix interrogatives, as originally proposed in Rizzi and Roberts (1989). The starting point is the observation that in Italian, and in other Romance languages as well, overt non-clitic subjects cannot occur in their canonical position (that is in between the wh-phrase and the tensed verb or immediately on the right of the auxiliary/modal verb) in matrix wh-interrogatives. This fact has been explained in different ways over the past thirty years, with the debate focussing on two major points: whether T moves to C or not, and whether Romance preverbal subjects have the same status and target the same position as their Germanic counterparts. Building on theoretical reasoning and empirical evidence, I endorse the idea that the Subject- Agreement field must be split into several layers. I also argue that th Subject criterion (the cartographic rendition of the EPP) involves the satisfaction of two requirements: (i) the licensing of subject-verb agreement, and (ii) the licensing of the referential properties of the subject. Each requirement involves a different position in the Subject-Agreement field, where the lowest node is devoted to subject-verb agreement and Nominative licensing and the highest ones expressing subjectrelated features. I argue that in Null Subject Languages, inversion, independently motivated by the need of typing the clause as interrogative, might also satisfy the second requirement of the Subject Criterion. This fact, I argue, has the effect of allowing the projection of a reduced structure which doesn’t contain the layers usually targeted by preverbal subjects. Chapter 3 “The distribution of wh-items and the path of non criterial movement” investigates how the featural specialization of different left peripheral positions plays a role in wh-movement. Discussing dta involving clefted questions I propose that whenever different wh-items target different left peripheral positions in criterial wh-movement, they also target different positions in non criterial (that is, cyclic) wh-movement. This proposal prompts a novel view of “criterial positions” according to which a position should not be seen as criterial in an absolute sense. Only when the criterial feature projects, a cartographic position gives rise to the usual “criterial” effects. Chapter 4 “Focus and Ellipsis in questions and answers: the case of split questions” deals with so called split questions, that is interrogative structures formed by two parts: a wh-part which corresponds to a standard wh-question and a tag which constitutes a possible answer for that question. Building on previous work by Arregi (2010) I will adopt an ellipsis-based account according to which Split Questions are in fact biclausal structures. In chapter 5 “Rhetorical and «non canonical» questions” I discuss several instances of non standard questions, that is interrogatives which do not, or do not only, inquire for new information but convey further meaning. A natural question is whether the form of non standard questions is exactly the same of true questions, that is whether their peculiar meaning is reflected in the syntax - the null hypothesis from a cartographic viewpoint – or not. In order to address this question I investigate whether rhetorical questions and their non-rhetorical counterparts involve the same layer in the left periphery of the clause or not. Building on Obenauer and Poletto (2000), I endorse the idea that there are structural differences between the left periphery of the two types of questions; in particular I argue that rhetorical questions involve an extra left peripheral position dedicated to the licensing of modal properties. In the second part of the chapter I take into account some properties of non standard interrogative structures in modern Fiorentino. Chapter 6 “Beyond interrogatives: exclamative clauses and the internal syntax of wh-phrases” extends the analysis to wh-exclamatives, which are related to their interrogative counterparts under several respects. After reviewing some recent influential analyses of exclamatives (Zanuttini and Portner 2003, Rett 2008), wh-exclamatives derived from copular structures are discussed. This analysis provides the basis to investigate two aspects of the internal structure of the extended adjectival projection: the distribution of silent fuctional nouns in the spirit of R. Kayne’s recent work and the distribution of modifiers within the extended AP which, perhaps unsurprisingly, seems to follow Cinque’s hierarchy.

L'obiettivo di questa tesi è quello di spiegare le restrizioni d'ordine tra due (o più) aggettivi di relazione nelle lingue romanze. Si dimostra che l'ordine di tali aggettivi dipende dalla relazione semantica che essi instaurano con la testa nominale. Viene quindi proposta una gerarchia di relazioni semantiche che renda conto delle restrizioni d'ordine. Tale gerarchia viene successivamente confrontata con altre gerarchie di relazioni semantiche proposte in letteratura per spiegare l'ordine dei modificatori nei nominali complessi (Rae 2009) e dei sintagmi preposizionali nella frase (Schweikert 2005; Takamine 2010) e nel dominio nominale (Laenzlinger 2011). Dal confronto emergono sorprendenti parallelismi. In particolare l'ordine degli aggettivi di relazione postnominali delle lingue romanze risulta speculare rispetto all'ordine dei modificatori prenominali dell'inglese: tale distribuzione conferma ulteriormente le ipotesi di Cinque (2010) sulla sintassi degli aggettivi.

This thesis investigates two peculiar phenomena affecting the prepositional phrase in Old English: (i) preposition stranding, obligatory with the relative particle þe and the R-elements (þær > ModE. there, her > ModE. here, hwær > ModE. where), and optional with the personal pronouns; (ii) the system of particles (and prevebs) of prepositional/adverbial origin. In his Old English Syntax (1985), B. Mitchell considered all these phenomena under a single section, remarking how difficult it was to draw a clear-cut distinction in Old English between prepositions, adverbs, separable and inseparable prefixes. This difficulty originates from the fact that in each of these phenomena the complement of the preposition either remains unexpressed or precedes its preposition. The preposition seems thus to occur alone and its syntactic status appears ambiguous between a preposition, an adverb and a preverb. Clearly, the problem is primarily terminological, yet it has also significant syntactic and theoretical implications. By adopting the recently developed accounts on the internal and external Cartography of PPs (Koopman 2000 den Dikken 2006, Tortora 2008, Cinque 2010, Svenonius 2010; Schweikert 2005, Cinque 2006), and the most recent developments on the structural representation of verb-particle/prefix combinations (Svenonius 2003, 2004a,b 2007, 2010; Damonte & Padovan 2011), the abovementioned phenomena can be given a unitary account. A qualitative analysis of the cases found in Ælfric's Lives of Saints (996-997 AD) shows that the syntactic nature of both stranded Ps with the relative þe, with R-elements and with personal pronouns, and verbal particles/prefixes depends on the different projections of the fine PP-structure they lexicalise and on the syntactic nature of their Ground. More specifically, stranded Ps are to be considered “prepositional” adverbs. Structurally, this derives from the fact that a nominal part of their complement remains within the PP. In particular, in the case of the relative þe and of personal pronouns, these are deficient prononimal elements (Cardinaletti & Starke 1999), which are originated as a full DP in the Ground of the PP, consisting of a higher functional part and a lower nominal part. By a process of “feature stripping” (Poletto 2006c), their nominal part moves to the higher functional heads of the PP in order to check the strong feature of PPdir/PPstat (stativity or directionality), while the functional part of the DP is left behind. At this point, this functional part, lexicalised as þe and as a weak pronoun moves to dedicated projections: to the Left Periphery in the case of the relative, or to a projection dedicated to weak elements within the Left Periphery of the PP (WP), in the case of weak pronouns. By contrast, R-elements are not weak elements, but I adopt Koopman's (2000) analysis of their Dutch counterparts and propose that they scramble within their PP, while leaving a pro in the Ground. As regards particles (or separable prefixes), I claim that their distribution indicates that they are again to be viewed as adverbial elements with both a weak and a strong nature (Cardinaletti & Starke 1999). In particular, I argue that particles, which have a directional nature, originate within a PP, and, as already put forward by Koopman (2000), have the possibilty to move to CPplace. Subsequently, if any other type of material is moved out of the PP, particles have the possibility to move as weak elements into a specific projection in the Low Periphery (Jayaseelan 2001; Belletti 2004). The assumption that particles have syntactically determined weak and strong forms accounts for the variation attested in the order of constituents and for the fact that, with non-finite verbs, their incorporation onto the verb is not obligatory (univerbation is then structural adjacency). In this last characteristic, particles differ substantially from inseparable preverbs, which in Old English convey actional/aspectual or even idiosyncratic values and as such, always incorporate. Preverbs are functional elements base-generated in a PP, which in turn is hosted in one of the projections dedicated to the lower aspects within the VP in Cinque's hierarchy (1999). These projections are structurally lower than the projections in which particles are generated (cf. the analysis of Damonte & Padovan 2011 for the variable prefixes of Modern German). The analysis here presented for the syntactic behaviour of the Old English PP has allowed me to test, further confirm and partly refine the most recent proposals on the internal architecture of the PP and on the structural represenations of the different types of verb-particle combinations. A significant result concerns the presence of a Left Periphery in the PP, parallel to the one already argued for the DP, in which Old English presents resudual evidence of a property loosely definable as V2, which is manifested through the presence of a position for weak pronominal elements like the one in the clause. A further important result concerns the variation attested in the distribution of both personal pronouns and particles, which can be both explained by assuming that these grammatical elements persent weak and strong forms, phonologically identical but morpho-syntactically distinct. Lastly, even though not less importantly, the present thesis intended to show how the high degree of structural variation in the constituent orders of Old English can be derived by a single, cross-lingusitically shared, basis, upon which very few and motivated phrasal movements apply, movements which are attested also in other languags (like the presence of a strong feature in the Left Periphery causing V2, OV, antepositions in the DP and PP, cf. the hypothesis of parallel phases as proposed by Poletto 2006a,b, 2011a for these very phenomena of Old Italian).
Questa tesi prende in esame due fenomeni specifici che riguardano la sintassi del sintagma preposizionale dell'inglese antico: (i) lo stranding della preposizione, obbligatorio con la particella relativa þe e con gli elementi-R (þær > ing. mod. there “là, lì”, her > ing. mod. here “qua, qui”, hwær >ing. mod. where “dove”), e opzionale con i pronomi personali; (ii) il sistema di particelle (e di prefissi) verbali di origine preposizionale/avverbiale. Nella sua Old English Syntax (1985), B. Mitchell aveva trattato questi fenomeni in un'unica sezione, ribadendo quanto fosse difficile distinguere in inglese antico tra preposizioni, avverbi, prefissi separabili e prefissi inseparabili. La difficoltà nasce infatti dal fatto che in entrambi questi fenomeni, il complemento retto dalla preposizione o rimane implicito o precede la preposizione, che appare così da sola e risulta sintatticamente ambigua tra una posposizione, un avverbio e un preverbo. Il problema, chiaramente di natura prettamente terminologica, ha però dei risvolti sintattici e, più generalmente, teorici di notevole interesse. Adottando come punto di partenza dell'analisi i più recenti sviluppi sulla cartografia interna ed esterna dei sintagmi preposizionali (Koopman 2000 den Dikken 2006, Tortora 2008, Cinque 2010, Svenonius 2010; Schweikert 2005, Cinque 2006), e le recenti proposte sulla rappresentazione strutturale dei costrutti verbo-particella/prefisso (Svenonius 2003, 2004a,b 2007, 2010; Damonte & Padovan 2011), è possibile dare un'analisi unitaria ai fenomeni sopra citati. Da un'analisi qualitativa dei casi presenti nelle Lives of Saints di Ælfric (996-997 d.C.), mostrerò che la natura sintattica sia delle P che appaiono posposte con il relativo þe, con gli elementi-R e con i pronomi, sia delle particelle (ed i prefissi) verbali dipende dalle proiezioni che esse lessicalizzano nella struttura fine del PP e dalla rappresentazione sintattica del loro Ground. In particolare, le P che hanno subito stranding (posposte) sono da considerarsi degli avverbi preposizionali pieni. Strutturalmente ciò deriva dal fatto che il loro complemento (o parte di esso) si muove per questioni di feature-checking nella Periferia Sinistra del PP e da lì, nella sintassi di frase. Nel caso del relativo þe e dei pronomi personali, questi sarebbero degli elementi pronominali deficitari (Cardinaletti & Starke 1999), natura confermata dal loro comportamento morfo-sintattico, che sono legittimati in punti determinati della Periferia Sinistra (di frase e del PP), ma che, per un processo di “feature stripping” (Poletto 2008) lasciano una parte nominale all'interno del PP, “marcando” così la P come avverbio. Nel caso degli elementi-R, questi non sarebbero elementi deficitari ma condivido l'analisi che Koopman (2000) aveva già proposto per il medesimo tipo di elementi nell'olandese moderno, e propongo che anch'essi si spostano al CPplace, dando origine a posposizioni. Per quanto riguarda le particelle, propongo che la loro distribuzione indichi nuovamente che si tratti di elementi avverbiali con una natura sia forte, sia deficitaria (Cardinaletti & Starke 1999). In particolare, propongo che le particelle, di natura sostanzialmente direzionale, si originino all'interno di un PP e che, come già proposto da Koopman (2000) possano muoversi a CPplace. A questo punto avrebbero la possibilità, se il loro PP viene “svuotato” da ogni altro tipo di materiale, di spostarsi come elementi deficitari, ad una zona specifica nella Periferia Bassa (Jayaseelan 2001; Belletti 2004). L'assunzione di una natura sia forte che debole sintatticamente determinata rende conto della variazione nell'ordine dei costituenti e del fatto che, con i tempi non-finiti, l'univerbazione è presente ma mai obbligatoria (si tratterebbe quindi di adiacenza strutturale). In quest'ultima caratteristica le particelle si differenziano dai prefissi inseparabili, che in inglese antico veicolano per lo più valori azionali o idiosincratici e che si univerbano sempre. Essi sarebbero elementi funzionali generati basicamente in un PP collocato nello Spec di una delle proiezioni dedicate agli aspetti bassi (interni al VP) nella gerarchia di Cinque (1999), proiezioni strutturalmente molto più basse rispetto al punto in cui si originerebbero le particelle (cfr. l'analisi proposta in Damonte & Padovan 2011 per i prefissi “misti” del tedesco moderno). L'analisi qui proposta dei comportamenti sintattici del sintagma preposizionale dell'inglese antico ha permesso di testare, confermare e in parte raffinare le più recenti proposte sia sulla strutturazione interna del sintagma preposizionale stesso sia sulla rappresentazione strutturale dei diversi tipi di costrutto verbo-particella. Un risultato importante riguarda la presenza di una Periferia Sinistra nel PP, parallelamente al sintagma nominale e alla frase, in cui l'inglese antico presenta residui di una proprietà definibile come V2, che si manifesta attraverso la presenza di un campo per gli elementi pronominali deboli (WP), parallelo a quello di frase. Un altro importante risultato riguarda la variazione attestata sia con i pronomi personali in generale, sia con le particelle, variazione che si può spiegare assumendo che entrambe le categorie presentino forme forti e deboli fonologicamente indistinguibili, ma morfo-sintatticamente distinte. Infine, seppur non di minor rilevanza, questa tesi ha voluto dimostrare come l'alto grado di variazione nell'ordine dei costituenti frasali dell'inglese antico si possa derivare da un'unica base, cross-linguisticamente condivisa, sulla quale si applicano pochissimi e motivabili movimenti, attestati anche in altre lingue (come la presenza di un tratto forte nella Periferia Sinistra che causa contemporaneamente V2, OV, anteposizioni nel sintagma nominale e posposizioni nel sintagma preposizionale, vedi l'ipotesi delle fasi parallele proposta da Poletto 2006a,b, 2011a per questi fenomeni dell'italiano antico).

abstract: This thesis argues for the utility of syntactic cartography in representing and analyzing the disputed language of legal statutes. It presents an analysis of two appellate court cases, Flores-Figueroa v. United States (2009) and In re Sanders (2008). Each case involves a difference of opinion with respect to the position and function of prepositions found in 18 U.S.C. § 1028A(a)(1) and 11 U.S.C. § 1328(f), respectively. Informing the tree structures are Merlo and Ferrer's (2006) six diagnostics for PP attachment: head dependence, optionality, iterativity, ordering, copular paraphrase, and deverbal nouns. In Flores-Figueroa, the analysis yields a conclusion that affirms the court's decision, as does the analysis in Sanders, although it only concurs in part. Implications of the study and the overall cartography approach are discussed, including how it could impact the drafting of jury instructions and future legislation. The paper also addresses the unique heritage of legal language, the ways in which it contrasts with civic, non-legal English, and how its characteristics give rise to ambiguity and vagueness, two suitable phenomena for linguistic analysis. Further, it discusses the potential for providing linguistic input on active cases to the Supreme Court and other judicial bodies.
Dissertation/Thesis
Masters Thesis English 2017

abstract: The nature of imperative syntax has remained an elusive, yet ever-present, subject in syntactic research, spanning several decades of linguistic inquiry and analysis, and it is therefore unsurprising that current views on the subject continue to be somewhat divided. This thesis examines the syntactic evidence from imperatives in Old English and ultimately seeks to develop a picture of the possibilities for imperative clauses in OE alongside an overall framework for imperative syntax within contemporary theoretical models of syntactic structure. The general, perceived pattern for OE imperative clauses (e.g. Millward 1971) is “verb−first,” and statistical data from the corpora confirm this perception, with the majority of imperative clauses exhibiting the verb in clause−initial position. Imperative constructions with post− and preverbal overt subjects are also examined at length, and postverbal subjects are found to be the majority case. These results are further expanded by examinations of data from verb−second and verb−third contexts, which include possibilities for topicalized constituents and adverbs. Ultimately, the relative position of both the verb and the subject and the relationship between these and other elements in the totality of the data provide essential clues for constructing a clearer model of OE imperative syntax. Within a relatively rich cartographic framework (Rizzi 1997), I therefore argue that the imperative verb is standardly fronted to the head of ForceP, with the overt subject remaining in spec−FinP, in parallel with other models for imperative syntax and OE syntax. Exceptions to this pattern for imperatives which suggest lower positions for the imperative verb (e.g. verb−second and verb−third constructions) are also accounted for, all with the central goal of demonstrating a consistent pattern underlying the realization of imperative syntax in Old English.
Dissertation/Thesis
M.A. English 2012

碩士
國立清華大學
語言學研究所
104
The paper aims to explore the topic field in Mayrinax Atayal as compared to Mandarin Chinese, Squliq Atayal, Seediq, and Tsou. Syntactically, there are two types of topic in Mayrinax Atayal: A’-movement and Base-generation/Non A’-movement. Topic related to A’-movement is called Fronted Topic (FT) which is sub-divided into Topic (Top), Temporal Topic (TT), and VP-fronting. On the other hand, Topic involved in base-geneation is called discourse Topic (DT), which contains Left Dislocation (LD), Aboutness Topic (AT), Contrastive Topic (CT), and concerning topic (CNT). In addition, the element introduced by the ani marker is analyzed as focus (Foc). Topic (Top) means that only absolutive argument can undergo A’-movement, leaving a trace in the matrix clause. Temporal topic (TemP) refers to an temporal adverbial that is topicalized and leaves a trace in the matrix clause. Left dislocation (LD) stands for an ergative argument which can be topicalized, with the occurrence of resumptive pronoun co-indexed with the topicalized element. Aboutness topic (AT) is not the argument of the matrix verb. Concerning topic (CNT) illustrates a new topic of the following conversation. Following Badan and Gobbo (2010), aboutness topic (AT) can be sub-divided into two types: the whole-part topic (WPT) and the possessive topic (PT). The whole-part topic (WPT) means the topic is the whole kind of things and its resumptive pronoun is one part of it. Therefore, it forms the relation between the whole concept in the topic position and part one in the matrix clause. Unlike left dislocation (LD) , it is not the argument of the matrix verb but LD is. As for the possessive topic (PT) , it is the modifier of the resumptive pronoun, but it is topicalized rather than contained within the noun phrase in the matrix clause. Besides, the contrastive topic (CT) should occur in the pseudo-cleft structure,whose interpretation is applied to make a contrast to another. At last, ani marker can be used in two ways: even and indefinite reading. Both of which fall under Focus (Foc) In my thesis, I propose that syntactically, topic involved in A’-movement should be lower than Topic involved in base-generation: Discourse Topic (DT) > Fronted Topic (FT). With the cartographic approach, the hierarchy between topic and focus is CNT > AT > LD > Top > TemT > Foc. In addition, the topic field in Mayrinax Atayal should be higher than Focus. Evidence will be offered to support my thesis like modals and verbal interrogatives why. All of which reveal the fact that discourse topic (DT) should be higher than fronted topic (FT).

博士
國立清華大學
語言學研究所
105
With the introduction of the Cartographic Approach (Rizzi 1997; Cinque 1999), syntacticians now have a new perspective in exploring the syntax–pragmatics interface. Well-known by its more analytic strategy to represent the scope relation, since then, Mandarin Chinese (MC) has played a crucial role in depicting the syntactic topography for its strict syntax–semantics correspondence encoded by the notion “the height of interpretation.” Nonetheless, Taiwanese Southern Min (TSM), an even more analytic member in the East Asian languages, has drawn much less attention so far. Thanks to its strong analyticity, TSM furnishes overt function words, which are discourse-oriented and have no counterparts in MC; therefore, this provides convenient access to extend our research into the far left periphery, the uncharted seas seating the syntax–pragmatics interface. By looking into the four elements with six usages in total, I demonstrate how vividly the language incarnates the interactions between speaker and hearer, not-at-issue and at-issue content, common ground and new information, and topics and evidentiality. At the uppermost positions, leh1 (咧) and leh2 (咧) realize the heads of SA shell, and the projection embodies the interplay between the speaker and the addressee (Speas & Tenny 2003). Unlike previous studies that claim the discovery of a lexical item under this projection (Hill 2007; Haegeman & Hill 2011, 2013; Haegeman 2014), leh1 (咧) and leh2 (咧) have nothing to do with vocative, which is supposed hierarchically lower; instead, these two elements are intertwined with the speaker’s and the hearer’s concern with respect to the proposition. With these two best candidates that illustrate the existence of the SA shell, TSM, to my knowledge, is a real Speas-Tennian language. In addition to the syntax and semantics of leh1 (咧) and leh2 (咧), I also point out another usage of leh (leh3), which is lower and interacts with the dictum focus marker in a rhetorical question conveying the speaker’s attitude. The particle leh (咧), with a series of usages from low to high, derived from a process of grammaticalization exemplifies the nullification of Transparency Principle (Lightfoot 1979; cf, Tsai 2015a). Albeit shì (是) ‘be’ in MC has been rather investigated since the early days of Sino-Tibetan linguistics—probably due to neglect of the language in question and its colloquial register—the two usages of sī (是) ‘be’ focused on in this thesis have never been mentioned in the literature. As another instance of violating the Transparency Principle, the word is now employed as a dictum focus and a commenting verum focus marker in TSM, in addition to its well-known copular usage and the disputed focus marking cognates. With the fact that it functions to emphasize the not-at-issue comment from the speaker, the data constitutes a challenge against the camp, which suggests the analysis of all its occurrences as copulas in a unified fashion (e.g., Cheng 2008). Also frequently found in daily conversation, the sentence-initial ah (啊) is carefully examined herein. Unlike other introductory elements, this element is conditioned both discoursally and syntactically. Only second to the speech act (SA) shell, it bridges the antecedent sentence or the context and the following sentence. Additionally, it requires a contrast between the two bridged by itself. This element, once again, illustrates how syntax and pragmatics collaborate and actualize this collaboration in lexical items. Last, a chapter is devoted to the enquiry into the distribution and derivation of the evidential bô (無), a particle whose occurrences found not only at the sentence-final position but across the sentence. Empirically, if the generalizations are correct, we have found a counterpart of mutual knowledge evidentials in an East Asian language (Hintz & Hintz 2017). Even more interestingly, this particle may trigger the topicalization of part of or the whole sentence based on the speaker’s judgment regarding which part of the proposition is noticeable by the addressee in the context, under the notion of discourse topic (cf. QUD; question under discussion). Because the main motivation of this preposing is more about establishing or confirming the current discourse goal that determines what is relevant, unsurprisingly, the element is also pinpointed in the far left periphery as the last piece of the jigsaw is worked out in the thesis.

Basic sentences in Maōri have VSO constituent ordering, but the nominative argument can precede the verb in constructions that have sentence-initial Topics, Focused constituents, or negatives. In the constructions with pre-verbal nominatives there are restrictions on the tense-denoting particles that may be present. This chapter proposes that, except in the case of subject Topics, when a nominative expression precedes the verb of which it is an argument, it has raised to Spec, Fin/T within a CP domain where it is c-commanded by higher Tense. The structural analysis is developed in the terms of a cartographic approach, drawing in particular on proposals of Belletti (2015) as to reduced forms of cleft CPs and separating out distinctions in the locations of splits and hybrids involving Force and Finiteness in the left periphery.

La creciente demanda ciudadana por intervenir en las cuestiones que afectan a la planificación de las ciudades y el territorio obliga a centrar la atención sobre la cartografía como elemento clave y fundamental en los procesos de comunicación. A este parecer, el objetivo principal de esta investigación ha sido identificar y proponer un conjunto de criterios que incrementen la capacidad comunicativa de los mapas de planificación urbana, de forma que se facilite su lectura y comprensión. Para ello, en primer lugar se realizó una revisión bibliográfica para comprender el lenguaje cartográfico e identificar qué criterios podrían mejorar la comunicación de la cartografía. Finalmente, esa sintaxis o lenguaje cartográfico (dimensiones geométricas, variables visuales y propiedades perceptivas) fue aplicado a determinados contenidos ambientales de la cartografía de planificación urbana con la intención de proponer los más idóneos en términos comunicativos. The growing citizen's demand to become involved in questions regarding city and land-use planning require paying attention to the cartography as a key and fundamental element in the communication process. In this regard, the main aim of this research has been to identify and propose a set of criteria in order to enhance the communicative capacity of urban planning maps, by facilitating their lecture and compression. In order to respond to the above, first a bibliographic review was performed to understand the cartographic language and identify which criteria could improve the cartographic communication aspect. Finally, this syntax or cartographic language (geometric dimensions, visual variables and perceptive properties) was applied to a specific environmental information of cartography of urban planning with the intention to propose the most adequate way from a communicative point of view.