Academic literature on the topic 'Caricatures and cartoons Australia History'

This article uses turn-of-the-century editorial cartoons and other imagery mass produced by the Spanish press to examine a period in Spanish history when the momentum of a developing national identity collided with the challenges of war and decolonization. Through a detailed exploration of the iconography embedded in caricatures published in the pages of a politically diverse selection of turn-of-the-century Spanish publications, this article seeks to demonstrate that the fear of an uncertain future combined with the disaster of a collapsing empire were projected onto images of the enemy which reflect a submerged anxiety over the threat of an ascendant and vulgar modernity. This anxiety manifested itself in dueling metaphors that presented the essence of Spanishness as a bulwark against industrialization, modernization, and liberalization.

Observed from a distance, the prevalence of ethnic stereotyping in late nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century cartooning in the United States is disturbing. All one can see, initially, is that turn-of-the-century readers seemed to enjoy seeing blacks, Native Americans, and non-Anglo immigrants reduced to simplistic caricatures and made to say and do outrageously stupid things. The Distorted Image, the Balch Institute's exposé on the evils of ethnic caricature, agrees with this assessment, suggesting that “the strips from the early years of this century [the twentieth] are inevitably suffused with crude, even gross stereotypes” in which blacks and ethnic immigrants are “maligned and mistreated with blithe insouciance.” However, a closer inspection of particular characters, mediums, and creators, reveals that there was greater complexity to these “crude” images – a rich history, in fact, of shifting meanings and uses. There were, of course, some blatantly racist depictions of ethnic minorities in cartoons and comic strips during this period, but there was also a complex spectrum of ethnic characters who played out shifting comedic and social roles. By properly contextualizing some of these cartoons – considering how meanings and uses changed according to where the cartoons appeared, who created them, and who read them – many images that initially seem just like more entries in a long line of gross stereotypes begin to reveal layered, ambivalent, and even sympathetic codings.

The aim of the study was the desire to determine the place of the visual artistic and satirical component in the creative heritage of N. B. Gersevanov and the consideration of the caricature as a genre of journalism and a historical source in public opinion research of the 1850–1860s. Historiography. The history of the caricature was mainly of interest to art critics and artists. The sociocultural and political context of their appearance was considered, but in passing. The question of the place of caricature in the work of N. B. Gersevanov is raised for the first time. Sources. The set of sources was formed according to the principle of informational correspondence to the goal and consists of newspaper articles – reviews by N. B. Gersevanov on military cartoons and an album of cartoons “The Adventures of the Novgorod resident Fedora Ivanovna”, published under the pseudonym “Durov”. The materials involved cover 1858–1860. both the critic and the creator of this genre convincingly demonstrate the place of caricature in journalism of N. B. Gersevanov. Using the methods of historiographic and source analysis and synthesis allowed us to identify the state of development of the issue in the historical literature and realize the goal. The main result was the identification of thematic variability of the cartoons of N. B. Gersevanov and the reactions of representatives of the military community to them. Based on the content analysis, the contents of the caricature album “Adventures of the Novgorod resident Fedora Ivanovna” were investigated. The texts and the cartoons published by Gersevanov were a reaction to harsh criticism by the public of the Russian army and military after the defeat of the Russian Empire in the Crimean War of 1853–1856. Since 1812, wars have become a powerful impetus for development for the Russian caricature tradition. The humorous genre was not inherent in the work of Gersevanov, moreover, he considered it dangerous for military discipline. Thus, the appeal to the caricature of the socio-political and literary issues was a kind of experiment for the author. Despite economic success, the final goal was not achieved, the vices were not overcome. Gersevanov became convinced of the futility of ridiculing as a method of education, therefore, he did not turn to the humorous genre anymore. The conclusion is that the hermeneutic analysis of the texts and the contexts of their appearance allowed us to significantly expand our understanding of the multifaceted activities of such a little-explored personality as N. B. Gersevanov and to reveal the informational potential of the cartoon as a historical source. The type of article: analytical.

AbstractThis article offers a sensitive reading of oppositional political cartoons in Togo in the early 1990s, during the period of structural adjustment, which was accompanied by the swift reversal of democratizing trends and the restoration of authoritarian rule. Togolese satirists perceived this moment as a moment of “fraudonomics”, thus contesting rampant corruption and clientelism in politics. They poked fun at the president, local politicians, businesspeople, and bureaucrats of the international institutions. The article begins by examining the making of satirical newspapers with a focus on the biographies of the satirists. As students, they started out on the adventure of publication with their own money and learned most of their drawing and printing techniques as work progressed. Secondly, an analysis of the readership shows that, although the satirical newspapers were a crucial element of the media in the early 1990s, it was mostly an elitist and urban phenomenon. The third section analyses the changing visual repertoire of contention through in-depth analysis of four selected caricatures.

AbstractMillions of immigrants arrived in the United States during the Gilded Age, drastically altering the ethnic character of the American citizenry. This dramatic social change was met with mixed reactions from the native-born population that were vividly communicated in the popular press. Cartoonists for newspapers and magazines across the country developed a language of caricature to identify and distinguish among ethnic groups and mocked new arrivals in imagery that ranged from mild to malicious. One might assume that the masses of Eastern European Jews flooding into the country (poor, Yiddish-speaking, shtetl-bred) would have been singled out for anti-Semitic attack, just as they were in Europe at the time. However, Jews were not the primary victims of visual insults in America, nor were the Jewish caricatures wholly negative. Further, the broader scope of popular imagery, which, in addition to cartoons, includes a plethora of illustrations as well as photographs, presents a generally positive attitude toward Jewish immigrants. This attitude aligned with political rhetoric, literature, newspaper editorials, and financial opportunity. This article will propose a better alignment of the visual evidence with the scholarly understanding of the essentially providential experience of Jews in America during this period.

The following study of selected works of art by Zulkiflee Anwar Haque or better known as Zunar, a Malaysian political cartoonist from his book ‘Twit Twit Cincin’. This study is guided by the visual rhetoric theory that has three areas of study - nature, function and evaluation. The study looks at selected cartoons that addressed political figures, politics and social issues. The research looked at the way the caricatures portrayed Malaysian politicians, his perspectives on the political and social issues and how these issues were addressed. The researcher also looked at metaphors used by the cartoonist to communicate his ideas to the audiences. The study found that Zunar’s portrait of Malaysian politicians is not always positive. He is critical but not in an inflammatory way. The metaphors found in Zunar’s work are found to be common themes and simple to understand. They are also very well-known, visually appealing and a tool to tie his messages together and to get his ideas across. Zunar has managed to resist the oppression of the state through his cartoons while looking at institutional reform, puts forth an alternative articulation of history and nation that juxtapose the current government. Keywords: Zunar, political cartoonist, political and social issues, Twit Twit Cincin, metaphors.

During the Gilded Age, constitutional issues pervaded the discussion of nearly all matters of public policy, including regulation of railroads, suppressing unsafe and fraudulent products, labor issues, and combating trusts and monopolies. The Democratic and Republican parties differed in their conceptions of federal power and state rights as well as on matters related to social order and personal liberty. They articulated these differences in political platforms and manifested them in their approach to public policy. The obsession with constitutional issues was not confined to the halls of Congress or the chambers of the Supreme Court. Constitutional discourse ran up from ordinary people and interest groups to public policy makers and down from policy makers seeking support based on fidelity to constitutional principles. Ordinary people influenced constitutional policymaking not only through voting but through various means of making their views known. Advocates used all types of media to make constitutional issues clear to the American people. These ranged from formal treatises aimed at the intellectual elite to cartoons, caricatures, songs, and screeds. Politicians articulated constitutional positions in political platforms, congressional addresses, pamphlets, political and commemorative addresses, and stump speeches. Justices of the Supreme Court eschewed technical and abstract language in constitutional opinions, addressing them to a more general public than they did in other areas of law. In the end, constitutional policy was not determined through legal determinations of the Supreme Court but by the political decisions of the American people.

There was a close relationship, as neighbours, friends and colleagues, between the triumvirate of Henry Thomas De la Beche, William Daniel Conybeare and William Buckland, who were among the most important and influential members of the Geological Society of London during the decades immediately following its foundation in 1807. Their mutually supportive work on, and interest in, the geology and fossils of their local Dorset coast, meant that each had a great familiarity with the Lias (Lower Jurassic) and its fossil flora and fauna. Henry De la Beche was, however, also blessed with artistic flair, combined with a witty and satirical eye; this has been revealed in his renowned cartoons and caricatures. Much has been made of the originality (both scientific and artistic) of De la Beche's Duria Antiquior, a wonderful image of prehistoric life in the Liassic Seas of Dorset that was sketched during 1830. Re-examination of Duria reveals an attention to detail that is remarkable – though perfectly understandable in the light of his friends' and his own geological survey work in Dorset. The dominant central image, of a plesiosaur (Plesiosaurus dolichodeirus) being bitten across the neck by an ichthyosaur (Temnodontosaurus platyodon), has been attributed to a word picture created by William Conybeare during an exchange of letters with Henry De la Beche in 1824. In fact the evocative image may have much more to do with the nature of preservation of a remarkable skeleton, representing the first complete plesiosaur skeleton and discovered by Mary Anning in 1823, than has been recognised previously.

Give me the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above all liberties. —John Milton (1608-1674) Introduction The publication of 12 cartoons depicting images of Prophet Mohammed [Peace Be Upon Him] first in Denmark’s Jyllands-Posten on 30 September 2005, and later reprinted in European media and two New Zealand newspapers, sparked protests around the Muslim world. The Australian newspapers – with the exception of The Courier-Mail, which published one cartoon – refrained from reprinting the cartoons, acknowledging that depictions of the Prophet are regarded as “blasphemous by Muslims”. How is this apparent act of restraint to be assessed? Edward Said, in his book Covering Islam has acknowledged that there have been many Muslim provocations and troubling incidents by Islamic countries such as Iran, Libya, Sudan, and others in the 1980s. However, he contends that the use of the label “Islam” by non-Muslim commentators, either to explain or indiscriminately condemn “Islam”, ends up becoming a form of attack, which in turn provokes more hostility (xv-xvi). This article examines how two Australian newspapers – The Australian and The West Australian – handled the debate on the Prophet Muhammad cartoons and considers whether in the name of “free speech” it ended in “a form of attack” on Australian Muslims. It also considers the media’s treatment of Muslim Australians’ “free speech” on previous occasions. This article is drawn from the oral testimonies of Muslims of diverse ethnic background. Since 1998, as part of PhD and post-doctoral research on Muslims in Australia, the author conducted 130 face-to-face, in-depth, taped interviews of Muslims, aged 18-90, both male and female. While speaking about their settlement experience, several interviewees made unsolicited remarks about Western/Australian media, all of them making the point that Muslims were being demonised. Australian Muslims Many of Australia’s 281,578 Muslims — 1.5 per cent of the total population (Australian Bureau of Statistics) — believe that as a result of media bias, they are vilified in society as “terrorists”, and discriminated in the workplace (Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission; Dreher 13; Kabir 266-277). The ABS figures support their claim of discrimination in the workplace; in 1996 the unemployment rate for Muslim Australians was 25 per cent, compared to 9 per cent for the national total. In 2001, it was reduced to 18.5 per cent, compared to 6.8 per cent for the national total, but the ratio of underprivileged positions in the labour market remained almost three times higher than for the wider community. Instead of reflecting on Muslims’ labour market issues or highlighting the social issues confronting Muslims since 9/11, some Australian media, in the name of “free speech”, reinforce negative perceptions of Muslims through images, cartoons and headlines. In 2004, one Muslim informant offered their perceptions of Australian media: I think the Australian media are quite prejudiced, and they only do show one side of the story, which is quite pro-Bush, pro-Howard, pro-war. Probably the least prejudiced media would be ABC or SBS, but the most pro-Jewish, pro-America, would be Channel Seven, Channel Nine, Channel Ten. They only ever show things from one side of the story. This article considers the validity of the Muslim interviewee’s perception that Australian media representation is one-sided. On 26 October 2005, under the headline: “Draw a Cartoon about Mohammed and You Must Die”, The Australian warned its readers: ISLAM is no laughing matter. Danish newspaper, Jyllands-Posten, is being protected by security guards and several cartoonists have gone into hiding after the newspaper published a series of 12 cartoons about the prophet Mohammed. According to Islam, it is blasphemous to make images of the prophet. Muslim fundamentalists have threatened to bomb the paper’s offices and kill the cartoonists (17). Militant Muslims The most provocative cartoons appearing in the Danish media are probably those showing a Muhammad-like figure wearing a turban shaped as a bomb with a burning fuse coming out of it, or a queue of smoking suicide bombers on a cloud with an Islamic cleric saying, “Stop stop we have run out of virgins”. Another showed a blindfolded Muslim man with two veiled Muslim women standing behind him. These messages appeared to be concerned with Islam’s repression of women (Jyllands-Posten), and possibly with the American channel CBS airing an interview in August 2001 of a Palestinian Hamas activist, Muhammad Abu Wardeh, who recruited terrorists for suicide bombings in Israel. Abu Wardeh was quoted as saying: “I described to him [the suicide bomber] how God would compensate the martyr for sacrificing his life for his land. If you become a martyr, God will give you 70 virgins, 70 wives and everlasting happiness” (The Guardian). Perhaps to serve their goals, the militants have re-interpreted the verses of the Holy Quran (Sura 44:51-54; 55:56) where it is said that Muslims who perform good deeds will be blessed by the huris or “pure being” (Ali 1290-1291; 1404). However, since 9/11, it is also clear that the Muslim militant groups such as the Al-Qaeda have become the “new enemy” of the West. They have used religion to justify the terrorist acts and suicide bombings that have impacted on Western interests in New York, Washington, Bali, Madrid amongst other places. But it should be noted that there are Muslim critics, such as Pakistani-born writer, Irshad Manji, Bangladeshi-born writer Taslima Nasreen and Somalian-born Dutch parliamentarian Ayaan Hirsi Ali, who have been constant critics of Muslim men’s oppression of women and have urged reformation. However, their extremist fellow believers threatened them with a death sentence for their “free speech” (Chadwick). The non-Muslim Dutch film director, Theo van Gogh, also a critic of Islam and a supporter of Ayaan Hirsi Ali, advocated a reduction in immigration into Holland, especially by Muslims. Both van Gogh and Hirsi Ali – who co-scripted and co-produced the film Submission – received death threats from Muslim extremists because the film exhibited the verses of the Quran across the chest, stomach and thighs of an almost naked girl, and featured four women in see-through robes showing their breasts, with texts from the Quran daubed on their bodies, talking about the abuse they had suffered under Islam (Anon 25). Whereas there may be some justification for the claim made in the film, that some Muslim men interpret the Quran to oppress women (Doogue and Kirkwood 220), the writing of the Quranic verses on almost-naked women is surely offensive to all Muslims because the Quran teaches Muslim women to dress modestly (Sura 24: 30-31; Ali 873). On 4 November 2004, The West Australian reported that the Dutch director Theo van Gogh was murdered by a 26-year-old Dutch-Moroccan Muslim on 2 November 2004 (27). Hirsi Ali, the co-producer of the film was forced to go into hiding after van Gogh’s murder. In the face of a growing clamour from both the Dutch Muslims and the secular communities to silence her, Ayaan Hirsi Ali resigned from the Dutch Parliament in May 2006 and decided to re-settle in Washington (Jardine 2006). It should be noted that militant Muslims form a tiny but forceful minority of the 1.4 billion Muslims worldwide. The Muslim majority are moderate and peaceful (Doogue and Kirkwood 79-80). Some Muslim scholars argue that there is specific instruction in the Quran for people to apply their knowledge and arrive at whatever interpretation is of greatest benefit to the community. It may be that stricter practitioners would not agree with the moderate interpretation of the Quran and vice versa (Doogue and Kirkwood 232). Therefore, when the Western media makes a mockery of the Muslim religion or their Prophet in the name of “free speech”, or generalises all Muslims for the acts of a few through headlines or cartoons, it impacts on the Muslims residing in the West. Prophet Muhammad’s Cartoons With the above-mentioned publication of Prophet Muhammad’s cartoons in Denmark, Islamic critics charged that the cartoons were a deliberate provocation and insult to their religion, designed to incite hatred and polarise people of different faiths. In February 2006, regrettably, violent reactions took place in the Middle East, Europe and in Asia. Danish embassies were attacked and, in some instances, were set on fire. The demonstrators chanted, “With our blood and souls we defend you, O Prophet of God!”. Some replaced the Danish flag with a green one printed with the first pillar of Islam (Kalima): “There is no god but God and Mohammed is the messenger of God”. Some considered the cartoons “an unforgivable insult” that merited punishment by death (The Age). A debate on “free speech” soon emerged in newspapers throughout the world. On 7 February 2006 the editorial in The West Australian, “World Has Had Enough of Muslim Fanatics”, stated that the newspaper would not publish cartoons of Mohammad that have drawn protests from Muslims around the world. The newspaper acknowledged that depictions of the prophet are regarded as “blasphemous by Muslims” (18). However, the editorial was juxtaposed with another article “Can Liberty Survive a Clash of Cultures?”, with an image of bearded men wearing Muslim head coverings, holding Arabic placards and chanting slogans, implying the violent nature of Islam. And in the letters page of this newspaper, published on the same day, appeared the following headlines (20): Another Excuse for Muslims to Threaten Us Islam Attacked Cartoon Rage: Greatest Threat to World Peace We’re Living in Dangerous Times Why Treat Embassies with Contempt? Muslim Religion Is Not So Soft Civilised World Is Threatened The West Australian is a state-based newspaper that tends to side with the conservative Liberal party, and is designed to appeal to the “man in the street”. The West Australian did not republish the Prophet Muhammad cartoon, but for 8 days from 7 to 15 February 2006 the letters to the editor and opinion columns consistently criticised Islam and upheld “superior” Western secular values. During this period, the newspaper did publish a few letters that condemned the Danish cartoonist, including the author’s letter, which also condemned the Muslims’ attack on the embassies. But the overall message was that Western secular values were superior to Islamic values. In other words, the newspaper adopted a jingoistic posture and asserted the cultural superiority of mainstream Australians. The Danish cartoons also sparked a debate on “free speech” in Australia’s leading newspaper, The Australian, which is a national newspaper that also tends to reflect the values of the ruling national government – also the conservative Liberal party. And it followed a similar pattern of debate as The West Australian. On 14 February 2006, The Australian (13) published a reader’s criticism of The Australian for not republishing the cartoons. The author questioned whether the Muslims deserved any tolerance because their Holy Book teaches intolerance. The Koran [Quran] (22:19) says: Garments of fire have been prepared for the unbelievers. Scalding water shall be poured upon their heads, melting their skins and that which is in their bellies. Perhaps this reader did not find the three cartoons published in The Australian a few days earlier to be ‘offensive’ to the Australian Muslims. In the first, on 6 February 2006, the cartoonist Bill Leak showed that his head was chopped off by some masked people (8), implying that Muslim militants, such as the Hamas, would commit such a brutal act. The Palestinian Hamas group often appear in masks before the media. In this context, it is important to note that Israel is an ally of Australia and the United States, whereas the Hamas is Israel’s enemy whose political ideology goes against Israel’s national interest. On 25 January 2006, the Hamas won a landslide victory in the Palestine elections but Israel refused to recognise this government because Hamas has not abandoned its militant ideology (Page 13). The cartoon, therefore, probably means that the cartoonist or perhaps The Australian has taken sides on behalf of Australia’s ally Israel. In the second cartoon, on 7 February 2006, Bill Leak sketched an Arab raising his sword over a school boy who was drawing in a classroom. The caption read, “One more line and I’ll chop your hand off!” (12). And in the third, on 10 February 2006, Bill Leak sketched Mr Mohammed’s shadow holding a sword with the caption: “The unacceptable face of fanaticism”. A reporter asked: “And so, Mr Mohammed, what do you have to say about the current crisis?” to which Mr Mohammed replied, “I refuse to be drawn on the subject” (16). The cartoonist also thought that the Danish cartoons should have been republished in the Australian newspapers (Insight). Cartoons are supposed to reflect the theme of the day. Therefore, Bill Leak’s cartoons were certainly topical. But his cartoons reveal that his or The Australian’s “freedom of expression” has been one-sided, all depicting Islam as representing violence. For example, after the Bali bombing on 21 November 2002, Leak sketched two fully veiled women, one carrying explosives under her veil and asking the other, “Does my bomb look big in this”? The cartoonist’s immediate response to criticism of the cartoon in a television programme was, “inevitably, when you look at a cartoon such as that one, the first thing you’ve got to do is remember that as a daily editorial cartoonist, you’re commenting first and foremost on the events of the day. They’re very ephemeral things”. He added, “It was…drawn about three years ago after a spate of suicide bombing attacks in Israel” (Insight). Earlier events also suggested that that The Australian resolutely supports Australia’s ally, Israel. On 13-14 November 2004 Bill Leak caricatured the recently deceased Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat in The Weekend Australian (18). In the cartoon, God appeared to be displeased with him and would not allow him to enter paradise. Arafat was shown with explosives strapped to his body and threatening God by saying, “A cloud to myself or the whole place goes up….”. On the other hand, on 6 January 2006 the same cartoonist sympathetically portrayed ailing Israeli leader Ariel Sharon as a decent man wearing a black suit, with God willing to accept him (10); and the next day Sharon was portrayed as “a Man of Peace” (12). Politics and Religion Thus, the anecdotal evidence so far reveals that in the name of “freedom of expression”, or “free speech” The West Australian and The Australian newspapers have taken sides – either glorifying their “superior” Western culture or taking sides on behalf of its allies. On the other hand, these print media would not tolerate the “free speech” of a Muslim leader who spoke against their ally or another religious group. From the 1980s until recently, some print media, particularly The Australian, have been critical of the Egyptian-born Muslim spiritual leader Imam Taj el din al-Hilali for his “free speech”. In 1988 the Australian Federation of Islamic Councils bestowed the title of Mufti to Imam al- Hilali, and al-Hilali was elevated to a position of national religious leadership. Al-Hilali became a controversial figure after 1988 when he gave a speech to the Muslim students at Sydney University and accused Jews of trying to control the world through “sex, then sexual perversion, then the promotion of espionage, treason and economic hoarding” (Hewett 7). The Imam started being identified as a “Muslim chief” in the news headlines once he directly criticised American foreign policy during the 1990-91 Gulf crisis. The Imam interpreted US intervention in Kuwait as a “political dictatorship” that was exploiting the Gulf crisis because it was seen as a threat to its oil supply (Hewett 7). After the Bali bombings in 2002, the Howard government distributed information on terrorism through the “Alert and Alarmed” kit as part of its campaign of public awareness. The first casualty of the “Be alert, but not alarmed” campaign was the Imam al-Hilali. On 6 January 2003, police saw a tube of plastic protruding from a passenger door window and suspected that al-Hilali might have been carrying a gun when they pulled him over for traffic infringements. Sheikh al-Hilali was charged with resisting arrest and assaulting police (Morris 1, 4). On 8 January 2003 The Australian reminded its readers “Arrest Adds to Mufti’s Mystery” (9). The same issue of The Australian portrayed the Sheikh being stripped of his clothes by two policemen. The letter page also contained some unsympathetic opinions under the headline: “Mufti Deserved No Special Treatment” (10). In January 2004, al-Hilali was again brought under the spotlight. The Australian media alleged that al-Hilali praised the suicide bombers at a Mosque in Lebanon and said that the destruction of the World Trade Center was “God’s work against oppressors” (Guillatt 24). Without further investigation, The Australian again reported his alleged inflammatory comments. Under the headline, “Muslim Leader’s Jihad Call”, it condemned al-Hilali and accused him of strongly endorsing “terrorist groups Hezbollah and Hamas, during his visit to Lebanon”. Federal Labor Member of Parliament Michael Danby said, “Hilali’s presence in Australia is a mistake. He and his associates must give authorities an assurance he will not assist future homicide attacks” (Chulov 1, 5). Later investigations by Sydney’s Good Weekend Magazine and SBS Television found that al-Hilali’s speech had been mistranslated (Guillatt 24). However, the selected print media that had been very critical of the Sheikh did not highlight the mistranslation. On the other hand, the Archbishop of Sydney, Cardinal George Pell has been critical of Islam and is also opposed to Australia’s involvement in the Iraq war in 2003, but the print media appeared to ignore his “free speech” (Dateline). In November 2004, Dr Pell said that secular liberal democracy was empty and selfish, and Islam was emerging as an alternative world view that attracted the alienated (Zwartz 3). In May 2006, Dr Pell said that he tried to reconcile claims that Islam was a faith of peace with those that suggested the Quran legitimised the killings of non-Muslims but: In my own reading of the Koran [Quran], I began to note down invocations to violence. There are so many of them, however, that I abandoned this exercise after 50 or 60 or 70 pages (Morris). Muslim leaders regarded Dr Pell’s anti-Islam statement as “inflammatory” (Morris). However, both the newspapers, The Australian and The West Australian remained uncritical of Dr Pell’s “free speech” against Islam. Conclusion Edward Said believed that media images are informed by official definitions of Islam that serve the interests of government and business. The success of the images is not in their accuracy but in the power of the people who produce them, the triumph of which is hardly challenged. “Labels have survived many experiences and have been capable of adapting to new events, information and realities” (9). In this paper the author accepts that, in the Australian context, militant Muslims are the “enemy of the West”. However, they are also the enemy of most moderate Australian Muslims. When some selected media take sides on behalf of the hegemony, or Australia’s “allies”, and offend moderate Australian Muslims, the media’s claim of “free speech” or “freedom of expression” remains highly questionable. Muslim interviewees in this study have noted a systemic bias in some Australian media, but they are not alone in detecting this bias (see the “Abu Who?” segment of Media Watch on ABC TV, 31 July 2006). To address this concern, Australian Muslim leaders need to play an active role in monitoring the media. This might take the form of a watchdog body within the Australian Federation of Islamic Councils. If the media bias is found to be persistent, the AFIC might then recommend legislative intervention or application of existing anti-discrimination policies; alternatively, AFIC could seek sanctions from within the Australian journalistic community. One way or another this practice should be stopped. References Ali, Abdullah Yusuf. The Holy Quran: Text, Translation and Commentary. New Revised Ed. Maryland, USA: Amana Corporation, 1989. Anonymous. “Dutch Courage in Aftermath of Film-Maker’s Slaying.” The Weekend Australian 6-7 Nov. 2004. Chadwick, Alex. “The Caged Virgin: A Call for Change in Islam.” 4 June 2006 http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=5382547>. Chulov, Martin. “Muslim Leader’s Jihad Call.” The Australian 19 Feb. 2004. Dateline. “Cardinal George Pell Interview.” SBS TV 6 April 2005. 7 June 2006 http://news.sbs.com.au/dateline/>. Dreher, Tanya. “Targeted”, Experiences of Racism in NSW after September 11, 2001. Sydney: University of Technology, 2005. Doogue, Geraldine, and Peter Kirkwood. Tomorrow’s Islam: Understanding Age-Old Beliefs and a Modern World. Sydney: ABC Books, 2005. Insight. “Culture Clash.” SBS TV 7 March 2006. 11 June 2006 http://news.sbs.com.au/insight/archive.php>. Guillatt, Richard. “Moderate or Menace.” Sydney Morning Herald Good Weekend 21 Aug. 2004. Hewett, Tony. “Australia Exploiting Crisis: Muslim Chief.” Sydney Morning Herald 27 Nov. 1990. Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission. Ismaa – Listen: National Consultations on Eliminating Prejudice against Arab and Muslim Australians. Sydney: Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, 2004. Jyllands-Posten. 24 Jan. 2006. http://www.di2.nu/files/Muhammad_Cartoons_Jyllands_Posten.html>. Jardine, Lisa. “Liberalism under Pressure.” BBC News 5 June 2006. 12 June 2006 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/magazine/5042418.stm>. Kabir, Nahid. Muslims in Australia: Immigration, Race Relations and Cultural History. London: Kegan Paul, 2005. Media Watch. “Abu Who?” ABC Television 31 July 2006. http://abc.net.au/mediawatch/>. Morris, Linda. “Imam Facing Charges after Row with Police.” Sydney Morning Herald 7 Jan. 2003. Morris, Linda. “Pell Challenges Islam – O Ye, of Little Tolerant Faith.” Sydney Morning Herald 5 May 2006. Page, Jeremy. “Russia May Sell Arms to Hamas.” The Australian 18 Feb. 2006. Said, Edward. Covering Islam: How the Media and the Experts Determine How We See the Rest of the World. London: Vintage, 1981, 1997. Submission. “Film Clip from Short Submission.” Submission. 11 June 2006. http://www.ifilm.com/ifilmdetail/2655656?htv=12> The Age. “Embassies Torched over Cartoons.” 5 Feb. 2006. http://www.theage.com.au>. The Guardian. “Virgins? What Virgins?” 12 Jan. 2002. 4 June 2006 http://www.guardian.co.uk/>. Zwartz, Barney. “Islam Could Be New Communism, Pell Tells US Audience.” Sydney Morning Herald 12 Nov. 2004. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Kabir, Nahid. "Depiction of Muslims in Selected Australian Media: Free Speech or Taking Sides." M/C Journal 9.4 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0609/1-kabir.php>. APA Style Kabir, N. (Sep. 2006) "Depiction of Muslims in Selected Australian Media: Free Speech or Taking Sides," M/C Journal, 9(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0609/1-kabir.php>.

This paper explores the way Hong Kong independent comics encapsulate the essence of the city. Independent comics are distinguished from mainstream comics by their specific mode of production. More significantly they demonstrate an emphasis on subjective personal creativity and craftsmanship, which stands out sharply in the pervasive objective culture in modern society. Adopting an anthropological approach in representing local ways of living, these comics attempt to map an identity of Hong Kong in a way that is free from confusing influences of her postcolonial history, her political subordination to China and the global capitalist forces. The artists of independent comics embrace the essence of local culture by focusing on space and cultural memory and thereby rediscovering the truth and characteristics of life in Hong Kong. As a form of popular cultural text, Hong Kong independent comics package the local identity and history into fashionable goods for cultural consumption. Together with this, the articulation of a shared past creates forces of cohesion that binds the community together and offers a way for the people to negotiate their identity.
published_or_final_version
Literary and Cultural Studies
Master
Master of Arts

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: There are vanous definitions of the concept humour, each depending on the perception thereof. Such perceptions are influenced by shared experiences, culture, milieu and individual creativity. Pictorial humour is divided into various sub genres such as the caricature, cartoon and comic strip. Each one of these sub genres portrays an individual process of development, both locally and globally. The work of TO Honiball forms part of this tradition. His artistic personality and sense of humour is unmistakably portrayed in his creative work. Honiball became famous as a political cartoonist and played an important role in the rise of the National Party, seeing that his association with the Nasionale Pers provided him with a forum as opinion-former. It is said that his comic strips Oom Kaspaas, Jakkals en Wolf and Adoons-hulle influenced different age groups and even people who were not Afrikaners. It was however mainly Afrikaans-speaking people who strongly identified with these strips due to the strong Afrikaans character thereof. Various instances own Honniballiana, where it is being preserved and is available for research purposes. A number of marketing initiatives were launched to promote the work of Honiball, mainly by TO Honiball-Promosies. Despite the fact that much of his work is dated, new interest is generated by utilising his work in educational programmes. Honiball's body of work is a source for culture-historical research seeing that it offers references to the tangible and intangible culture of Afrikaans-speaking South Africans during his lifetime.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Etlike definisies bestaan van die begrip humor, afhangend van die persepsie daarvan. Sodanige persepsies word beïnvloed deur onder andere gedeelde ondervindings, kultuur, milieu en individuele kreatiwiteit. Pikturale humor word onderverdeel in verskillende sub-genres, soos die karikatuur, spotprent en strokie. Hierdie sub-genres toon elk 'n afsonderlike ontwikkelingsgang, plaaslik en globaal. Die werk van TO Honiball vorm deel van dié tradisie. Sy kunstenaarspersoonlikheid en humorsin word eweneens onmiskenbaar verbeeld in sy skeppings. Honiball het bekendheid verwerf as politieke spotprenttekenaar en het 'n belangrike rol gespeel in die opgang van die Nasionale Party, omdat sy verbintenis met die Nasionale Pers aan hom 'n forum gebied het om as meningsvormer op te tree. Daar word beweer dat sy strokiesreekse Oom Kaspaas, Jakkals en Wolf en Adoons-hulle verskillende ouderdomsgroepe en selfs mense van ander volksgroepe as die Afrikaner bereik het. As gevolg van die eg- Afrikaansheid daarvan het egter hoofsaaklik Afrikaanssprekendes sterk aanklank daarby gevind. Verskillende instansies is in besit van Honiballiana, waar dit bewaar word en beskikbaar is vir navorsingsdoeleindes. 'n Aantal bemarkingsinisiatiewe is geloods om Honiball se werk te promoveer, hoofsaaklik deur TO Honiball-Promosies. Ten spyte van die feit dat talle voorbeelde van sy werk gedateer is, word nuwe belangstelling gegenereer deur middel van die aanwending van sy werk in opvoedkundige programme. Honiball se oeuvre bied bronne vir kultuurhistoriese navorsing aangesien dit verwysings bied na die geestelike en stoflike kultuur van Afrikaanssprekendes gedurende sy leeftyd.

George Grosz's paintings and drawings of Berlin during the Weimar period demonstrate a complex matrix of tensions between nature and the urban experience. In his work, mechanization, sexuality, gender and animality are recurring themes that cue the viewer to the profound anxiety that modernity had unleashed a chaotic force into the city. Using an ecofeminist analysis, I show how the disorder of the city was imagined as a primordial human condition in which a previously disavowed connection to nature was suddenly foregrounded. Though Grosz's renditions of Berlin scenes are ironic, they also revel in the demise of social order. In this thesis, I argue that Grosz's art deploys the conceptual force of unmastered nature as a critical tool, at the same time showing how nature was integrated into the cultural fabric of urban life.

by Cheung Hiu Wan.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves [135-140]).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Acknowledgement
Abstract
List of figures
Chapter Chapter 1. --- Introduction
Chapter 1.1 --- Scope of Study --- p.1
Chapter 1.2 --- Literature Review --- p.3
Chapter 1.3 --- Methodology --- p.13
Chapter 1.4 --- Structure of the Thesis --- p.17
Chapter Chapter 2. --- Historical Development of Comics in China
Chapter 2.1 --- Comics History before1949 --- p.24
Chapter 2 . 2 --- Comics under the Reign of Chinese Communist Party --- p.29
Chapter 2.3 --- Beijing Cartoon after the Open Door Policy --- p.31
Chapter 2.4 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.39
Chapter Chapter 3 . --- Interaction with the Leaders of Beijing Publishing House
Chapter 3.1 --- Leaders´ةExpectation for Beijing Cartoon --- p.41
Chapter 3.2 --- The Discrepancy between the Senior and Junior Editors --- p.51
Chapter 3.3 --- Editors' Comments on Interaction with the Leaders of the Beijing Publishing House --- p.54
Chapter Chapter 4. --- Interaction with the Senior Artists
Chapter 4.1 --- Cartoon Art Festival98 --- p.57
Chapter 4.2 --- The Invasion of Japanese Comics --- p.59
Chapter 4.3 --- The Essence of Comics with Chinese Features --- p.63
Chapter 4.4 --- The Expected Role of the Chinese Government --- p.67
Chapter 4.5 --- The Editors´ة Comments on Cartoon Art Festival98 --- p.68
Chapter 4 . --- 6 Concluding Remarks --- p.70
Chapter Chapter 5. --- Interaction with the Junior Artists
Chapter 5.1 --- Social Status of the Junior Artists --- p.12
Chapter 5.2 --- Cooperation with Beijing Cartoon --- p.11
Chapter 5.3 --- Why do they Join the Comics Business --- p.79
Chapter 5.4 --- Agreement and Terms of Payment --- p.87
Chapter 5.5 --- Summer Camping: Market Mechanism and Autonomy in Artists' Creation --- p.88
Chapter 5.6 --- The Editors' Expectation on the Roles of The Artists --- p.96
Chapter 5.7 --- Artists' Comments on the Educational Aspect of Comics --- p.98
Chapter 5.8 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.102
Chapter Chapter 6. --- The Interaction with the Readers and Elders
Chapter 6.1 --- Whom were and Whom are the Comics for? --- p.104
Chapter 6.2 --- Parents and Teachers: Comics for Education --- p.105
Chapter 6.3 --- Parents and Teachers: Sex and Violence in Japanese Comics --- p.107
Chapter 6.4 --- More than Sex and Violence in Japanese Comics --- p.110
Chapter 6.5 --- Nippon´ؤcentric and Militarism of Japanese Comics --- p.115
Chapter 6.6 --- Better Academic Performances and More Choices --- p.115
Chapter 6.7 --- The Popularity of Comics among the Teenagers --- p.118
Chapter 6.8 --- Feedback from the Comics Readers --- p.121
Chapter 6.9 --- The Conflicts: More Education or More Entertainment --- p.122
Chapter 6.10 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.12 5
Chapter Chapter 7. --- Conclusion --- p.127
Appendix
References

“Character” is often studied as the deep psychological self crafted by the nineteenth-century realist novel. Yet Chapter 1 proposes an alternative history of character by looking to caricature, in some of the earliest comics (“Galleries of Comicalities”) appearing in sporting newspapers in the 1830s. Early caricatures portrayed an idea of character that was grotesque, masculinist, and brilliantly exteriorized, especially in depictions of “the cockney,” the urban mischief-man whose subversive masculinity reflected the economic pressures of the new urban economy. Cartoons featuring the cockney were anti-authoritarian, carnivalesque, and often laced with crude racism and misogyny. Their mock-violent energy gave voice to some of the explosive frustration felt by working- and lower-middle-class men after the failures of the Reform Bill of 1832. The young Charles Dickens borrowed many of his earliest subjects from extant caricature motifs, reflecting some of the fundamental instabilities of social class and economic precarity defining the Reform Era.