Academic literature on the topic 'Capitalists and financiers – France – History'
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Journal articles on the topic "Capitalists and financiers – France – History"
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BRESSER-PEREIRA, LUIZ CARLOS. "Growth and distribution: a revised classical model." Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 38, no. 1 (March 18, 2018): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31572018v38n01a01.
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ABSTRACT This paper discusses distribution and the historical phases of capitalism. It assumes that technical progress and growth are taking place, and, given that, its question is on the functional distribution of income between labor and capital, having as reference classical theory of distribution and Marx’s falling tendency of the rate of profit. Based on the historical experience, it, first, inverts the model, making the rate of profit as the constant variable in the long run and the wage rate, as the residuum; second, it distinguishes three types of technical progress (capital-saving, neutral and capital-using) and applies it to the history of capitalism, having the UK and France as reference. Given these three types of technical progress, it distinguishes five phases of capitalist growth, where only the second is consistent with Marx prediction. In the final phase, corresponding to financier-rentier capitalism and neoliberalism, the profit rate recovered from the fall of the 1970s, while wages have been growing below the growth of productivity.
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Heller, Henry. "Bankers, Finance Capital and the French Revolutionary Terror (1791–94)." Historical Materialism 22, no. 3-4 (December 2, 2014): 172–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341377.
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This article argues that popular revolution was closely tied to the establishment of capitalism. Contrary to the revisionist George V. Taylor’s view that the Revolution had nothing to do with the advance of capitalism because financial and productive capital were divided from one another, this article contends that the Revolution played a critical role in tying them together. Prior to the Revolution financiers began to make limited investments in wholesale trade, manufacturing and mining. But during the revolutionary crisis the sans-culottes pushed the Jacobins to create a national money and to curb speculation in order to foster production and exchange and reduce unemployment. With speculative activity blocked by popular resistance and state interference, bankers and other capitalists increasingly turned to productive investments and forged a link between financial and productive capital which proved crucial to further capitalist accumulation.
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Sheridan, George J., and David M. Gordon. "Merchants and Capitalists: Industrialization and Provincial Politics in Mid-Nineteenth-Century France." American Historical Review 91, no. 4 (October 1986): 937. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873399.
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SLUGLETT, PETER. "SAMIR SAUL, La France et L'Egypte de 1882 à 1914: Intérêts économiques et implications politiques, Comité pour l'histoire économique et financière de la France (Paris: Ministère de l'Économie, des Finances et de l'Industrie, 1997). Pp. 787. Fr 249 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 299–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801252064.
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This is an exhaustive study of French economic interests in Egypt, the development of a particular type of capitalism in Egypt, and Franco-British relations in Egypt between the British Occupation in 1882 and World War I. It is based on an extraordinarily wide range of sources from Belgium, Britain, Egypt, and France, including British, Egyptian, and French diplomatic documents and material from a variety of banks and business enterprises, such as the Banque de Paris et des Pays-Bas, Crédit Lyonnais, La Compagnie du Canal de Suez, and La Société Générale. The book was published in 1997, but—and this is the only negative remark I shall make—it is a matter of some regret that (apart from some of the author's own more recent papers) its very wide-ranging bibliography stops somewhere around the end of the 1980s, possibly because the doctorat d'État, of which this book is “une version réduite” (p. xi) was defended in 1991. There is a warmly appreciative preface by Saul's maître, Jacques Thobie, author of Intérêts et impérialisme français dans l'Empire ottoman (1895–1914), and Saul expresses his own debt to Thobie and other French historians of overseas investments in Morocco, Russia, and Germany in the late 19th and early 20th centuries (Allain, Girault, Guillen, Poidevin).
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Friedman, Gerald. "Strike Success and Union Ideology: The United States and France, 1880–1914." Journal of Economic History 48, no. 1 (March 1988): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700004125.
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Scholars still disagree about why unions in different countries are radical or conservative. The differences between unions in France and America can be traced to the different requirements for success in strikes before 1914. In France radical unions could win large-scale strikes by involving state officials. In contrast, American unions, facing a more hostile government, avoided state intervention and learned to win strikes by providing financial support to small groups of critically positioned workers. The divergence between American and French union strategy reflected the greater success of American capitalists in winning state support against labor.
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Fitoussi, Jean-Paul, and Christian Vasseur. "L’economie française : un modèle de croissance contrarié." Tocqueville Review 7, no. 1 (January 1986): 213–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.7.1.213.
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Le bilan économique de la France apparaît singulièrement contrasté : côté face, le rétablissement (fragile ?) des grands équilibres financiers et même une réévaluation du franc par rapport à la lire et au dollar ; côté pile, l’aggravation du chômage, le ralentissement durable de la croissance et l’absence de perspective du problème de l’emploi. Mais l’évaluation de la situation économique d’un pays ne devrait pas se réduire à l’interprétation des dernières statistiques publiées. Elle exige au contraire que l’on prenne la mesure des évolutions tendancielles et des règles du jeu international qui déterminent la nature de la contrainte extérieure s’exerçant sur les politiques nationales.
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Fitoussi, Jean-Paul, and Christian Vasseur. "L’economie française : un modèle de croissance contrarié." Tocqueville Review 7 (January 1986): 213–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.7.213.
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Le bilan économique de la France apparaît singulièrement contrasté : côté face, le rétablissement (fragile ?) des grands équilibres financiers et même une réévaluation du franc par rapport à la lire et au dollar ; côté pile, l’aggravation du chômage, le ralentissement durable de la croissance et l’absence de perspective du problème de l’emploi. Mais l’évaluation de la situation économique d’un pays ne devrait pas se réduire à l’interprétation des dernières statistiques publiées. Elle exige au contraire que l’on prenne la mesure des évolutions tendancielles et des règles du jeu international qui déterminent la nature de la contrainte extérieure s’exerçant sur les politiques nationales.
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Dogan, Mattei. "Is there a Ruling Class in France?" Comparative Sociology 2, no. 1 (2003): 17–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913303100418708.
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AbstractThe thesis of a ruling class in France, today or yesterday, is not validated by the empirical evidence. The arguments against such a thesis are the following: the overwhelming proportion of elite positions are not transmitted hereditarily; the elite circulation at the highest level is considerable; the professionalization of political careers, which is widespread, is incompatible with the concept of a ruling class; the recruitment of elites is marked by a shift from notables to a meritocracy; the elite configuration consists in multiple spheres and sector partitioning; the selective schools, based on academic competition, generate new elites at each generation; there is fault line between capitalists and the other elite categories; the number of entrepreneurs who have built themselves their company is enormous; the isolation of the cultural elite is astonishing; the subordination of the military elites is an historical fact; the periodical beheading of the ruling elites marks French history. Nonetheless, at the apex of power, a triad, composed of outstanding polictical leaders, of corporate managers and of highers State administrators — called "mandarins" — operates the wheelwork of the heterogeneous and complex French society and State
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Yates, Alexia. "Investor Letters and the Everyday Practice of Finance in Nineteenth-Century France." French Historical Studies 44, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 279–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-8806468.
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Abstract In the last decades of the nineteenth century the Paris Exchange was the second largest in the world, and engagement in financial markets had become popular on a previously unknown scale. How ordinary people encountered, thought about, and navigated this new financial landscape has nevertheless proved elusive. This article analyzes everyday financial practice in the first age of global capital from the vantage of letters written by ordinary individuals concerning their investments. As the numbers of investors and bondholders in France grew, “investor letters”—missives to financial, legal, and governmental authorities—proliferated. Their existence and concerns offer rich insights into how and with what effect France's financial markets were evolving at the end of the nineteenth century. These letters prompt us to reconsider the place of routine business correspondence in our studies of epistolary culture and allow reflection on economic life as modest investors “wrote upwards” and across the wealth gap of late nineteenth-century France. Vers la fin du dix-neuvième siècle, la Bourse de Paris était la deuxième place financière la plus importante au monde, et ses marchés étaient devenus « populaires » à une échelle sans précédent. La manière dont les gens ordinaires ont réussi à s'orienter dans ce nouveau paysage se révèle difficile à saisir. Cet article analyse la pratique financière quotidienne de l’âge d'or de la globalisation du capital selon les particuliers écrivant à propos de leurs investissements. A mesure que le nombre d'investisseurs et d'obligataires a augmenté, ces « lettres d'investisseurs » adressées aux autorités financières, juridiques et gouvernementales se sont multipliées. Leur existence et leurs sujets de préoccupation offrent de riches informations sur l’évolution des marchés financiers français de la fin du dix-neuvième siècle. Ces lettres nous incitent à reconsidérer la place de la correspondance commerciale dans la culture épistolaire, et en nous montrant comment de modestes investisseurs écrivent « vers le haut » de la hiérarchie économique et sociale, nous permettent d'accéder à des aspects méconnus de la vie économique de la fin du dix-neuvième siècle français.
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Tizon-Germe, Anne-Cécile. "La représentation pontificale en France au début du règne d'Henri IV (1589-1594), cadre politique, moyens humains et financiers." Bibliothèque de l'école des chartes 151, no. 1 (1993): 37–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bec.1993.450683.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Capitalists and financiers – France – History"
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Claeys, Thierry. "Les financiers du XVIIIe siècle : les institutions et les hommes." Paris 4, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA040114.
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Cette thèse a pour thème l'étude du monde des financiers de la France du XVIIIe siècle. Ils étaient répartis en deux groupes : celui des officiers de finances et celui des fermiers. Les uns étaient chargés du recouvrement des impôts (les receveurs généraux des finances et les fermiers généraux), les autres des dépenses et de la dette royale (les gardes du Trésor royal, les trésoriers généraux et les payeurs des rentes). La première partie étudie leurs origines sociales, leur éducation, leur mode de vie, leurs fortunes, leurs poids économique et culturel. La seconde partie présente l'évolution des institutions financières de 1715 à 1793, les différentes politiques des ministres des finances, et finalement l'incapacité de la monarchie française à réformer le système fiscal. La dernière partie traite de la chute du monde des financiers en même temps que l'Ancien Régime, de leur rôle politique en faveur ou contre la Révolution et de l'élimination physique de bon nombre d'entre eux sous la TerreurThe subject of this dissertation is a study of the circles of financiers in the eighteenth century France. They formed two groups : the one of the officers of finances and the one of the farmers. Some of them were tax collectors (the general receivers of finances and the tax farmers), the others were in charge of the royal expenditures and dept (the keepers of the royal revenue, the general treasurers, and the funds payers). The first part is a study of their social origins, their education, their way of life, their fortunes, their economical and cultural weight. The second part presents the evolution of the financial institutions, from 1715 to 1793, the differents ministers of finances policies, and finaly, the inability of the french monarchy to reform the fiscal system. The last part deals with the fall of the financial society in the same time of the Old Regime, their political role in favour of or against the Revolution, and the physical elimination of lots of them during de Terror
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Hattori, Cordélia. "Pierre Crozat (1665-1740), un financier collectionneur et mécène." Paris 4, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA040237.
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Pierre Crozat (1665-1740), financier, est avant tout connu pour ses activités de collectionneur et de mécène. Protecteur d’Antoine Watteau, ami de Rosalba Carriera, commanditaire de Charles de la Fosse et de Pierre II Legros, son hôtel parisien, rue de Richelieu, élevé par J. -S. Cartaud, fut un lieu de rendez-vous pour les amateurs, les connaisseurs, les collectionneurs et les artistes. Les peintres de l'académie, les artistes étrangers de passage à Paris, Bachaumont, Caylus ou Mariette s'y retrouvaient au cours des réunions hebdomadaires et consultaient la très nombreuse collection de dessins. Les artistes venaient y étudier et copier les feuilles des grands maitres. Ils pouvaient également voir chez Pierre Crozat, ses collections de peintures, d'estampes, de sculptures, de pierres gravées et quelques objets de curiosités. Une grande bibliothèque, riche en ouvrages sur l'art était aussi à leur disposition. Pierre Crozat fut par ailleurs un grand amateur de l’Italie où il se rendit une fois, pour négocier l'acquisition de la collection de la reine de Suède pour le régent. Il resta en contact avec Florence, Rome, notamment l'académie de France dirigée par Charles Poerson puis Nicolas Vleughels, et Venise plus particulièrement. En Angleterre, le duc de Devonshire fut un de ses correspondants. Parmi les activités de Pierre Crozat et de son cercle de connaisseurs, dont les deux références furent Roger de Piles et Giorgio Vasari, le projet de la publication d'un recueil, qui pour la première fois associait le texte et l'image fut entrepris. Mais il resta inachevé. L'hôtel Crozat fut comme une académie et joua un rôle majeur auprès des amateurs-connaisseurs et des artistes dans les trente premières années du XVIIIe sièclePierre Crozat (1665-1740) is a financier famous for his activities as a collector and patron. Protector of Antoine Watteau, friend of Rosalba Carriera, patron of Charles de la Fosse and Pierre II Legros, his Parisian hotel, rue de Richelieu, built by J. -S. Cartaud, was a rendez,-vous place for amateurs, connoisseurs, collectors and artists. The painters of the royal academy, the foreign artists coming to Paris, Bachaumont, Caylus or Mariette met together during the weekly assemblies organized by Pierre Crozat, and studied the great collection of drawings. The artists also came to study and copy the sheets of great masters. They also could see Pierre Crozat's collections of paintings, etchings, sculptures, engraved stones and some 'objets de curiosités". A large library, with many books on art, was also available. Besides, Pierre Crozat, was a lover of Italy, where he went once to negotiate, for the regent, the collection of paintings of the queen of Sweden. After his return to France, he kept some relations with Firenze, Rome (especially with the academic de France directed by Charles Poerson and Nicolas Vleughels), and Venice. In England, the duc of Devonshire became one of Pierre Crozat's correspondents. Among the activities of Pierre Crozat's circle of connoisseurs - to which theorical references were R. De piles and C. Vasari writings - began a project of a "recueil d'estampes" which particularity was to mix a text and illustrations for the first time. But it stayed unfinished. The hotel Crozat was like an academy, and had a very important place for the amateurs connoisseurs and for the artists of the beginning of the XVIIIth century
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Kerhervé, Jean. "Finances et gens de finances des ducs de Bretagne, 1365-1491." Paris 4, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA040006.
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De 1365, année de l'installation de la dynastie sur le trône, a 1491, date du mariage d’Anne de Bretagne avec le roi Charles 8, les ducs de la maison de Montfort s'attachèrent à construire en Bretagne un état doté des moyens financiers adaptés à ses ambitions politiques. Leur effort porta sur la modernisation de l'appareil institutionnel et des techniques de gestion financière, dans une triple perspective de prévision et de contrôle budgétaire et comptable, de connaissance et de domination de l'espace breton, d'exploitation optimale, dans les conditions du temps, des ressources domaniales et surtout des capacités fiscales de leur pays. Leur entreprise de centralisation fut largement soutenue et relayée par une administration dynamique, sans cesse plus nombreuse. Issus des couches sociales les plus diverses de Bretagne, en particulier d'une petite et moyenne aristocratie pléthorique, ses membres accomplirent leur tâche avec d'autant plus de conviction qu'à servir les intérêts de leurs princes ils servaient aussi les leurs. Ils contribuèrent à faire de la Bretagne, à la veille de son rattachement à la France, un état moderne et ouvert aux innovations en matière de finances habitue comme le royaume aux méthodes de la centralisation monarchiqueFrom 1365, when the dynasty was set on the throne, to 1491 when Ann of Brittany married king Charles 8, the dukes of the house of Montfort devoted themselves to found in Brittany a state endowed with financial means matching its political ambitions. Their effort aimed at modernizing the institutional machinery, and the techniques of financial management, with the treble prospect of estimates, and budgetary and accountancy control, of knowledge of the Breton territory and sovereignty over it, of optimum exploitation, under the circumstances of the day, of state resources, and above all, of financial possibilities of their country. Their enterprise of centralization was largely backed and relayed by a dynamic administration constantly growing in number. Born of the most diverse Breton social strata, especially of the plethoric middle or lower aristocracy, its members carried out their task with all the more conviction as, while serving the interests of their princes, they also served their own. They contributed to turn Brittany, on the eve of its return to France, into a modern state, open to innovations, and accustomed to the monarchic methods of centralization, just like the kingdom
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Schwarzer, Andrew W. "Cheering with eyes averted : businessmen and speculators in the novels of Howells, Norris and Dreiser /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1996. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9717174.
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Plouzennec, Yvon. "La carrière de Claude Jean-Baptiste Jallier de Savault (1739-1806) : architecte du règne de Louis XV à l’Empire." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL141.
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L’architecte Claude Jean-Baptiste Jallier de Savault est une figure méconnue dont la redécouverte est relativement récente. Né en 1739 à Château-Chinon, il est élevé dans une famille bourgeoise de culture protestante. Au cours des années 1750, il s’installe à Paris et intègre l’agence de Jacques-Germain Soufflot, alors en pleine effervescence. Le cursus académique qu’il mène en parallèle de cette formation pratique, est couronné par deux seconds Prix en 1758 et en 1760. Soutenu par son maître et par Charles-Nicolas Cochin, il obtient un brevet d’élève architecte de l’Académie de France à Rome et séjourne au Palais Mancini en 1762. À son retour, il poursuit son apprentissage auprès d’Ange-Jacques Gabriel avant d’entamer une carrière au service des financiers d’Ancien Régime. Cette clientèle, à majorité protestante, lui offre l’opportunité de réaliser divers projets à Paris, mais également dans le nord-est du royaume, ainsi qu’en Suisse. Les dernières années du règne de Louis XVI, marquées par l’accession de Jacques Necker à la Direction générale des Finances, constituent le moment fort de sa carrière. Les deux succès publics qu’il remporte à cette époque (Place royale de Brest et hôtel de la Caisse d’escompte) ne voient pourtant jamais le jour, du fait des événements qui agitent le royaume. Après une parenthèse politique dans les premiers temps de la Révolution, il est employé par la Commission des travaux publics avant de devenir architecte des bâtiments civils sous le Directoire. Ce poste, qu’il occupe jusqu’à sa mort, en 1806, lui accorde un statut officiel qui constitue finalement l’aboutissement de la quête de légitimité qu’il mène tout au long de sa carrièreThe architect Claude Jean-Baptiste Jallier de Savault is an unsung figure whose rediscovery is relatively recent. Born in 1739 in Château-Chinon, he grew up in the Protestant milieu of a tradesman family. In the 1750s, he moved to Paris and joined the office of Jacques-Germain Soufflot, then at the height of its activity. The academic course he followed in parallel with this practical training was crowned by two second prizes in 1758 and in 1760. Supported by his master and Charles-Nicolas Cochin, he was accorded the status of a student architect of the Academy of France in Rome and resided at the Palais Mancini in 1762. Upon his return, he continued his apprenticeship with Ange-Jacques Gabriel before starting a career in the service of financiers of the Ancien Régime. This mostly Protestant clientele offered him the opportunity to carry out various projects in Paris, in thenorth-east of the kingdom, as well as in Switzerland. The last years of the reign of Louis XVI, marked by the accession of Jacques Necker to the Directorate General of Finance, was a propitious time in his career. Given thekingdom’s worsening political and financial situation, however, his two public commissions from this time (the Royal square of Brest and the Paris headquarters of the Caisse d’Escompte) were never built. After a brief engagement in political life in the early days of the Revolution, he was employed by the Public Works Commissionand subsequently became an architect of civil buildings under the Directory. With this post, which he held until his death in 1806, he finally gained something of the official status and legitimacy that had long eluded him
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VALMORI, Niccolò. "Private interest and the public sphere : finance and politics in France, Britain and the Netherlands during the Age of Revolution, 1789-1812." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/44164.
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Defence date: 15 November 2016Examining Board: Professor Youssef Cassis, EUI/Supervisor; Professor Regina Grafe, EUI/ Second Reader; Professor Lynn Hunt, UCLA; Professor Allan Potofsky, Paris VII Diderot
This work aims to explore the interactions between finance and politics in the ‘Age of Revolution’. The analysis of the financial world concerns bankers and merchants active in the cities of Amsterdam, London and Paris. In particular, the focus is on three aspects: the social status, the economic power and the political influence of bankers during a period of high uncertainty. Through a study of press debates emerges the different situation of bankers in England and France: whereas in England bankers intervened actively in public debate and even offered their expertise at the service of the government, in France, suspicion and distrust marked the general attitude towards the world of banking and trading. During the period of the French Revolutionary Wars and the Napoleonic Empire, bankers faced growing uncertainty and higher risks in running their business. Notwithstanding these unfavourable conditions, bankers like Francis Baring and Henry Hope found a safe refuge in investing in the American securities market. In England, the 1797 credit crisis led some important banks like Charles Hoare & Co. and Coutts & Co. to restrain lending to their most important and eminent clients. In 1802, the short interlude between wars offered opportunities to launch risky business, such as diamond acquisitions, as Baring tried to acquire in Paris. The outbreak of new hostilities did not prevent Dutch bankers from maintaining their capital invested in French loans. The growing financial needs of states did not always bring bankers to have an upper hand with governments. In England, Thomas Coutts struggled to see his closest friends and relatives appointed to public offices. In France, the precarious autonomy of the Banque de France did not overcome the 1805 crisis that led Napoleon to intervene and change the charter of the bank, making it almost a branch of the administration. The monitoring activities of the government were not only a sign of the persisting distrust towards market actors: from the police reports on the Paris Stock Exchange emerged a better understanding of market trends and of its independency with respect to political events. The ever-shifting relations between finance and politics during the Age of Revolution led bankers to take risks in far-away markets, or they attempted to run business as before the outbreak of the Revolutionary Wars. Under the pressure of war, governments imposed new rules and constraints to bankers, but this tendency also caused an improvement in the understanding of the market and its inherent laws.
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Paley, Valerie. "Founders and Funders: Institutional Expansion and the Emergence of the American Cultural Capital, 1840-1940." Thesis, 2011. https://doi.org/10.7916/D82F8VCF.
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The pattern of American institution building through private funding began in metropolises of all sizes soon after the nation's founding. But by 1840, Manhattan's geographical location and great natural harbor had made it America's preeminent commercial and communications center and the undisputed capital of finance. Thus, as the largest and richest city in the United States, unsurprisingly, some of the most ambitious cultural institutions would rise there, and would lead the way in the creation of a distinctly American model of high culture.
This dissertation describes New York City's cultural transformation between 1840 and 1940, and focuses on three of its enduring monuments, the New York Public Library, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, and the Metropolitan Opera. It seeks to demonstrate how trustees and financial supporters drove the foundational ideas, day-to-day operations, and self-conceptions of the organizations, even as their institutional agendas enhanced and galvanized the inherently boosterish spirit of the Empire City. Many board members were animated by the dual impulses of charity and obligation, and by their own lofty edifying ambitions for their philanthropies, their metropolis, and their country. Others also combined their cultural interests with more vain desires for social status.
Although cohesive, often overlapping social groups founded and led most elite institutions, important moments of change in leadership in the twentieth century often were precipitated by the breakdown of a social order once restricted to Protestant white males. By the 1920s and 1930s, the old culture of exclusion--of Jews, of women, of ethnic minorities in general--was no longer an accepted assumption, nor was it necessarily good business. In general, institutions that embraced the notion of diversity and adapted to forces of historical change tended to thrive. Those that held fast to the paradigms of the past did not.
Typically, when we consider the history and development of such major institutions, the focus often has been on the personalities and plans of the paid directors and curatorial programs. This study, however, redirects some of the attention towards those who created the institutions and hired and fired the leaders. While a common view is that membership on a board was coveted for social status, many persons who led these efforts had little abiding interest in Manhattan's social scene. Rather, they demanded more of their boards and expected their fellow-trustees to participate in more ways than financially. As the twentieth century beckoned, rising diversity in the population mirrored the emerging multiplicity in thought and culture; boards of trustees were hardly exempt from this progression.
This dissertation also examines the subtle interplay of the multi-valenced definition of "public" along with the contrasting notion of "private." In the early 1800s, a public institution was not typically government funded, and more often functioned independent of the state, supported by private individuals. "Public," instead, meant for the people. Long before the income tax and charitable deductions for donations, there was a full range of voluntary organizations supported by private contributions in the United States. This dissertation argues that in a privatist spirit, New York elites seized a leadership role, both individually and collectively, to become cultural arbiters for the city and the nation.
Books on the topic "Capitalists and financiers – France – History"
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Les financiers et la construction de l'Etat: France, Espagne, XVIIe-XIXe siècle. Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2011.
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Bonin, Hubert. L' argent en France depuis 1880: Banquiers, financiers, épargnants, dans la vie économique et politique. Paris: Masson, 1989.
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Capitalisme et catholicisme dans la France moderne: La dynastie Le Couteulx. Paris: Pulications de la Sorbonne, 2001.
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Les institutions financières en France au XVIIIe siècle. Paris: SPM, 2012.
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L'économiste, la cour et la patrie: L'économie politique dans la France des Lumières. Paris: CNRS, 2011.
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Los ricos de Franco: Grandes magnates de la dictadura, altos financieros de la democracia. Barcelona: Roca Editorial, 2020.
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John Law: Economic theorist and policy-maker. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997.
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John Law: Économiste et homme d'État. Bruxelles: P. Lang, 2007.
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Heers, Jacques. Jacques Cœur: 1400-1456. Paris: Perrin, 1997.
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Jacques Cœur: L'argentier du roi. Neuilly-sur-Seine: M. Lafon, 1999.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Capitalists and financiers – France – History"
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Bonin, Hubert. "The political influence of bankers and financiers in France in the years, 1850–1960." In Finance and Financiers in European History 1880–1960, 219–42. Cambridge University Press, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511599545.013.
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Gueslin, André. "Banks and state in France from the 1880s to the 1930s: the impossible advance of the banks." In Finance and Financiers in European History 1880–1960, 63–92. Cambridge University Press, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511599545.005.
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