Journal articles on the topic 'Capitalisme – Soudan'

British society is in the main securely embedded within capitalism, but the British public still strongly believes that health services should be distributed with 'equal access for all free at the point of need' and actively support the NHS. How far can this principle thrive or survive in a capitalist society? Three main areas are identified in which there could be an improvement in the performance of the NHS. Firstly, there are parts of the NHS experience where the understanding of the importance of use value could be extended through a greater recognition of the role of patients, relatives and carers in providing care. Secondly, the NHS needs to become less hierarchical, and to allow patients' carers and the community access to more knowledge and capacity so that they will be better able to deliver their part of healthcare. Thirdly, a more proactive NHS could have a greater impact on the inequalities of health that exist in our society.

Immigration controls do not prevent human movement, nor do they protect citizens. In fact, borders produce many of the social harms they claim to prevent, including loss of life, inhuman and degrading treatment and multiplying inequalities. Nor do borders in any way address the conditions that shape migration processes in the first place - global disparity, the dispossession of lands and livelihoods, climate breakdown: instead, they render people all the more vulnerable to various forms of exploitation and abuse. What we call border abolition is concerned with expanding the freedom both to move and to stay. This article examines the question of immigration controls and work, and discusses how border abolition connects to the struggles of workers for better conditions and wages. It also argues that border abolition is inherently internationalist: it involves a challenge to all the relations that underpin the permanence of borders - vast global inequalities, ongoing processes of dispossession and extraction, and the mirage of 'development'. Anti-capitalists should remember that there can be no socialism in one country, and no progressive labour movement that puts 'natives' first. Because walled workers cannot unite, anti-capitalism is necessarily internationalist, which means committed to border abolition.

La transition du communisme vers le capitalisme dans les années 1990 en Hongrie dans le secteur de l’industrie cinématographique n’a pas été la rupture brutale qu’elle a pu être politiquement. Elle n’a pas non plus eu pour conséquence la facilité accrue en matière de production du film qu’on eût été en droit d’imaginer. Dans le présent article, je saisis le cas de Simon le mage, un film franco-hongrois de la réalisatrice Enyedi Ildikó sorti en 1998, pour analyser les modalités de cette transition et les nouvelles possibilités qui s’imposent pour les cinéastes afin de produire leurs œuvres. Dans cette culture de la coproduction due à l’ouverture de l’industrie à la loi du marché, les cinéastes doivent apprendre à composer avec les conséquences de l’arrivée soudaine du capitalisme dans un système préexistant. Ces difficultés se répercutent dans les œuvres, et mon approche historienne se double alors d’une approche esthétique afin de voir comment, dans ce film, la réalisatrice utilise Paris et la magie pour nous offrir son opinion sur les récents bouleversements en Hongrie.

Thomas Piketty's Capitalism and Ideology is the 1150-page 2020 sequel to Capital in the Twentieth Century, a best-selling publishing sensation in 2014 that described the inexorable growth of inequality under capitalism. Capitalism and Ideology develops the thesis of the earlier volume into a micro-historical account of the development of property-based societies. It proposes a strong programme for their reform in the direction of a renewed social democracy. In offering an historical account of the development of capitalism it enables us to reopen debates about political futures, and to locate proposals for change within this trajectory: it historicises the present as a way of arguing that things could be otherwise. Possibly because of its explicitly socialist political argument, it has not so far received the attention and acclaim of its predecessor.

Gargi Bhattacharyya is Professor of Sociology at the University of East London, UK. They have written, co-authored and edited/co-edited a very wide range of books, including Tales of Dark-Skinned Women (Routledge 1998); Sexuality and Society (Routledge 2005); Crisis, Austerity and Everyday Life (Palgrave 2015); Race and Power: Global Racism in the twenty-first century (Routledge 2016); Rethinking Racial Capitalism (Rowman and Littlefield 2018); and Empire's Endgame (Pluto 2021). In this online interview, conducted in summer 2021, Gargi talks to Jo Littler about state patriarchy, racial capitalism, dispossession, culture wars, feminism, the England football team, environmental degradation, the state of universities and sex on smartphones.

In her book The New Working Class - How to Win Hearts, Minds and Votes, Head of Policy for the Labour Party Clare Ainsley has got class absolutely wrong. She seems to have no sense of the nature of post-industrial capitalism as a form of capitalism, including the role of finance and property capital, and what that means for the way class is structured, understood and lived. If the Labour Party works to this view of class it will not be able to develop the necessary class base for a transformational politics. It needs a more in-depth analysis of the class implications of post-industrial capitalism and of work experience within it; this would include, in particular, a recognition of the significance of households (as opposed to individuals) for incomes and wealth, especially in relation to home ownership and pensions, which have benefitted those in possession of assets and had a major impact on generational inequality. It also needs to understand the experience not just of the poor but also of the 'squeezed middle', a group that - rather than being dismissed as embodying metro-cosmopolitan values (something that applies to only a very small fraction of the middle class) - needs to be a key focus of political action.

In her book The New Working Class - How to Win Hearts, Minds and Votes, Head of Policy for the Labour Party Clare Ainsley has got class absolutely wrong. She seems to have no sense of the nature of post-industrial capitalism as a form of capitalism, including the role of finance and property capital, and what that means for the way class is structured, understood and lived. If the Labour Party works to this view of class it will not be able to develop the necessary class base for a transformational politics. It needs a more in-depth analysis of the class implications of post-industrial capitalism and of work experience within it; this would include, in particular, a recognition of the significance of households (as opposed to individuals) for incomes and wealth, especially in relation to home ownership and pensions, which have benefitted those in possession of assets and had a major impact on generational inequality. It also needs to understand the experience not just of the poor but also of the 'squeezed middle', a group that - rather than being dismissed as embodying metro-cosmopolitan values (something that applies to only a very small fraction of the middle class) - needs to be a key focus of political action.

Le Burkina Faso dispose d’un potentiel de plus de 800 000 ha pouvant servir à la riziculture. Cependant, d’importants facteurs naturels et anthropiques subsistent, affectant négativement la production du riz. Sur le plan national le rendement moyen du riz dans les bas-fonds aménagés est de 2,5 t ha-1 avec un potentiel de 4t ha-1. Dans le bas-fond de Lofing, il varie entre 1,34 t ha-1 et 2,72 t ha-1. L'objectif de la présente investigation était de capitaliser contraintes de la production rizicole dans ce bas-fond à partir d’une enquête socioéconomique conduite auprès de 40 producteurs. Des échantillons de sol prélevés dans les champs des producteurs enquêtés ont permis de déterminer la charge graveleuse du sol. Les résultats ont montré des rendements variant de 47 à 56% selon le type de sol, de 45 à 96% suivant l’âge du champ et de 34 à 50% suivant la répartition des pluies dans le temps. Au changement climatique, s’ajoutent de multiples facteurs anthropiques réduisant les productions rizicoles. Face à ces contraintes, la mise au point de nouvelles variétés de riz et de techniques culturales adaptées au contexte social et climatique sont à recommander pour permettre une amélioration de la production rizicole. Burkina Faso has a potential of more than 800,000 ha that can be used for rice growing. However, important natural and anthropogenic factors remain, negatively affecting rice production. Nationally, the average yield of rice in developed lowlands is 2.5 t ha-1 with a potential of 4 t ha-1. In the Lofing lowland, it varies between 1.34 t ha-1 and 2.72 t ha-1. The objective of this investigation was to capitalize on the constraints of rice production in this lowland from a socioeconomic survey conducted among 40 producers. Soil samples taken from the fields of the producers surveyed made it possible to determine the gravel load of the soil. The results showed yields varying from 47 to 56% depending on the type of soil, from 45 to 96% depending on the age of the field and from 34 to 50% depending on the distribution of rainfall over time. In addition to climate change, there are multiple anthropogenic factors reducing rice production. Faced with these constraints, the development of new varieties of rice and cultivation techniques adapted to the social and climatic context are to be recommended in order to improve rice production.

The crisis of neoliberal capitalism and liberal democracy has a genesis stretching back a decade or longer. Why is it that, until now, socialists and those on the left have struggled to articulate a coherent counter-hegemonic discourse? We argue that at least part of this failing comes from an ambivalence about making the moral argument for socialist transformation. Both a moral critique of the existing order and the articulation of socialist future grounded in a distinct moral order are necessary components of transformative change: they are able to fix substantive policy initiatives - whether a green new deal, universal basic income or the nationalisation of essential services - within a broader vision of how society and the state should function, and on whose behalf. Morals are important in the functioning of any socio-economic order - communicating meaning, providing rationale and generating expectations regarding the practices of ourselves and others. They construct and stabilise contingent social orders and hierarchies. The current social contract is characterised by increased individualisation, responsibilisation and the moral imperative towards competition and consumption. Morals are what allow people to tolerate current conditions. But as contemporary capitalism becomes increasingly uninhabitable, a moral critique - that is the ability to both unpick what stabilises the current conjuncture and offer an alternative - becomes all the more urgent. We look at a number of initiatives and movements, most but not all lodged in the anti-austerity protests of the past decade, for examples of such political strategies. In such movements we see how material criticisms of capitalism are grounded in concrete struggles for justice and emancipation but framed in a counter-hegemonic moral framework that explicitly challenges the status quo.

Halloween, fête traditionnelle des communautés rurales britanniques, subit la “grande transformation” du royaume au XIXème siècle. La fête celtique s’efface du paysage festif du Royaume-Uni contemporain. Jusque là absente des documents d’Amérique du Nord, elle resurgit alors Outre-Atlantique. Certes, sa célébration dans les villages du Nouveau Monde a pu précéder sa médiatisation soudaine, à la fin du XIXème siècle. Mais la fête dont il est question dans les journaux est autre : urbaine, domestiquée, victorienne. L’Halloween traditionnelle a été en effet revisitée pour vanter auprès de la jeune génération désormais ciblée une société capitaliste et individualiste, commerciale et anglo-conforme. Au tournant du siècle, l’explosion de références centrées sur ce nouveau modèle vise à l’imposer à l’ensemble des populations locales. Avec un certain succès...

Rio Tinto's destruction of Juukan Gorge brought international condemnation. The subsequent interim report commissioned by the Australian Parliament was entitled 'Never Again'. But was this a 'never again' to the logic of settler colonialism? Or to the extractive capitalism that rearranges economic and social life with the sole objective of wealth accumulation? Or to the legislative collaboration between settler colonial states and capitalism? Environmental injustice is sustained internationally through the many entanglements at the intersection of law, coloniality, corporate extractivism and Indigenous sovereignty. These entanglements are explored here in relation to: the idea of a 'trade-off' between Indigenous rights and 'economic benefits' (e.g. the Shenhua coal mine in Australia); the over-riding of local rights through a corporate-driven developmental narrative, which results in the erosion of Indigenous ways of life over a long period, rather than through a singular dramatic event (e.g. oil extraction by Chevron in Ecuador); the difficulties in bringing cases to justice (e.g. the Mount Polley dam collapse in Canada); the need for 'green alternatives' to also respect Indigenous rights; and the potential for greater legal regulation (e.g. the ruling by the Supreme Court of Panama on Indigenous rights; recent legal challenges to the Brazilian government's failure to meet its environmental responsibilities). Social movements and juridical spaces need to adopt a radical shift in their vocabulary and in their world-making practices. Courts play a major role in shaping the way Indigenous environmental justice is understood, and are a vital site of contestation for radical environmental justice movements.

Eurocommunism could not save the CPGB, but the concept of the broad democratic alliance still has importance The attraction of communism in the 1970s was its strong commitment to challenging the whole system rather than finding ways to manage capitalism. This was a decade in which there was a real struggle to hold on to, and even develop further, the achievements of the postwar settlement. At that point we sometimes thought we were winning, and joining an anti-capitalist party was a way of expressing this optimism. By the mid-1970s, Eurocommunism was making communism much more attractive to people of my generation. Eurocommunist parties were breaking away from their subordination to the Soviet party, and starting to base their strategies on the political realities of Western Europe; their belief in democracy had finally won out over their ingrained loyalty to the Soviet state. In the UK discussions were beginning on a new version of The British Road to Socialism (BRS), which, after many battles, adopted the notion of a broad democratic alliance for change. There was also the beginnings of an expanded sense of what constituted politics, one of many important ideas that had come from Gramsci. However, the embrace of Eurocommunism did not turn out to be the salvation of the CPGB, which voted to close itself down in 1991. The most important factor leading to its dissolution was the changing nature of the working class and the decline of the organised labour movement within the UK ‐ itself a symptom of the wider, victorious, neoliberal counter-offensive. The other European communist parties, Eurocommunist or not, are now for the most part in decline. But some of the ideas that Eurocommunists in the UK were trying to develop remain of relevance. These include its early attempts to recognise new political subjects within the public realm, and the importance of forming alliances across difference. Rock Against Racism, the Greenham Common Women’s Peace Camp, the GLC under Ken Livingstone’s leadership, and the creative ways in which community support for the NUM was mobilised in 1984-5, are examples of the kinds of politics we supported.

A series of reflections on Covid-19 that looks at: how the pandemic affects processes of bordering and increases the indeterminate grey zones within which so many people are forced to live; the way nurses are presented in the media and the hypocrisy of praising them in a moment of crisis while simultaneously devaluing their work and underpaying them; health inequalities in Newham; the inequalities in the craft sector spotlighted by the pandemic; the relationships between radical neighbourliness and local politics; how perceptions of time have been affected during lockdown - and how 24-7 capitalism may seek to take advantage of this radical reorganisation of time.

This article analyses key moments in the cultural history of Southbank Centre and focuses on two important legacies, one which is widely celebrated and the other marginalised. It discusses the 1951 Festival of Britain and the ways in which this heritage permeates recent and current working practices at Southbank Centre, and compares this to the mostly silenced legacy of the policies of Ken Livingstone's GLC towards participatory arts and accessible public space. Drawing on a wide range of interviews, it argues that Livingstone's GLC's radical arts policies and high profile funding galvanised participatory arts at Southbank Centre, and the launch of the Open Foyer Policy in 1983 promoted democratic access to the site. This historical example of the potential of municipalism is mostly missing from discourses of cultural workers for Southbank Centre today. The prevailing silence on this period of municipal socialism is part of a wider silencing of alternatives to neoliberal capitalism.

For many years Berta Caceres - Honduran environmental defender, Indigenous community leader and co-founder of COPINH (Council of Popular and Indigenous Organisations of Honduras) - campaigned against the construction, without consent, of the Agua Zarca dam in Lenca territory, by private energy company DESA. In 2016 she was assassinated. Since then there has been a long struggle to bring those responsible to justice. In 2018, seven men were found guilty of planning and carrying out the assassination, but records showed they were following orders from higher up the food chain. In July 2021, DESA president David Castillo was found guilty of being a 'co-conspirator' in the assassination. Others involved, including Daniel Atala and other members of his wealthy family, are yet to be investigated. In Honduras, a culture of impunity, corruption and violence prevails, which links the state, the army, the business world and criminal networks. Although those who resist are frequently killed, the resistance continues. Within this grim picture, 'clean energy' and 'development' often act as shiny eco-covers for elites amassing profit without regard to the rights of Indigenous people. It needs to be more widely recognised that green capitalism is not a solution for the climate crisis: it is merely a form of neo-colonialism.

Those who survived in the underbellies of boats, under each other under unbreathable circumstances, are the undrowned. Their breathing did not make them individual survivors. It made a context of undrowning. Breathing in unbreathable circumstances is what we still do every day in the chokehold of racial gendered ableist capitalism. We are still undrowning. And this 'we' doesn't only mean people whose ancestors survived the middle passage, because the scale of our breathing is planetary. These meditations inspired by encounters with marine mammals are an offering towards the possibility that instead of continuing the trajectory of slavery, entrapment, separation and domination, and making our atmosphere unbreathable, we might instead practise another way to breathe. And because our marine mammal kindred are amazing at not drowning, they are called on as teachers, mentors, guides: the task of a marine mammal apprentice is to open up space for wondering together, and identifying with. The first meditation explores how we can listen across species, across extinction, across the harm that humans have inflicted on other mammals as well as each other. The second explores how we can learn different ways to breathe. The third considers what we remember and what we forget, how we name and categorise what we can barely observe, how we cage, categorise and destroy marine mammals, and what we can learn from the lives of those that have survived.

The notion of the planetary allows us to distinguish between the global of globalisation and the global of global warming. Globalisation is the process through which humans created the world we live in, how we converted the planet into a spherical human domain, at the centre of which are the human stories of technology, empires, capitalism and inequality. Global warming is what has resulted at the planetary level as intensified human consumption of the globe's resources has turned humanity into a geological agent of change. The global is 500 years old, while the planetary is as old as the age of the earth. The physical world has its own deep history: over time it has experienced profound changes. If climate change is to be addressed this mutability must be recognised – the unchanging nature of the world can no longer be taken for granted. The interview covers the rise of atmospheric sciences during the Cold War, when the Earth became, effectively, part of a comparative study of planets; the relationship between Marxism and the idea of 'deep history'; the human-made ecological disaster of bush-fires in Australia; the influence of Rohith Vemula and Rabindranath Tagore on planetary thinking and ideas about connectivity; biopower, zoe and the pandemic; and the difficulty of thinking politically about deep history.

Óscar García Agustín talks to Gaspar Llamazares Gaspar Llamazares joined the Communist Party of Asturias in 1981. Between 2000 and 2008 he was the national coordinator of Izquierda Unida (United Left). In response to the rise of the 15M movement, he and others founded Izquierda Abierta (Open Left), with the aim of building a larger progressive coalition. The party remained within Izquierda Unida, but aimed to counteract the weight of the Communist Party within the coalition. In 2017 he co-founded the political platform Act??a (Do it) to give voice to those who did not feel represented by PSOE and Podemos. In 2019, he left Izquierda Unida. In 2023 he was elected as a member of the Oviedo council, representing the electoral coalition Convocatoria por Oviedo, and nowadays he is spokesperson for the coalition. He has written extensively about the left and is a defender of the legacy of Eurocommunism, understood as the defence of socialism and pluralism within the political and parliamentary system established during the Spanish Transition, and as the formation of a large progressive coalition to gradually change the capitalist system.

This article addresses the Labour Party's apparent inability to capitalise on the ready availability of good, progressive ideas. It suggests the key is to be found in the idea that the Labour Party no longer represents working-class people, a disjunction that can be best understood using Gramsci's distinction between 'common sense' and 'good sense'. Good sense is a more coherent development of everyday, commonsense thinking, based on its 'healthy nucleus'. However, it must never lose contact with common sense and become abstract and disconnected from life. Using this distinction, a critique of the common-sense notion of meritocracy follows, since the educational disconnect between Labour politicians and their working-class supporters is one of its malign results. This critique builds from the evidence of working-class rejection of meritocracy - the healthy nucleus that recognises the inadequacy of its justifying principle of equality of opportunity. To this is counterposed a good-sense notion of equality - one that embraces equal access to the means for achieving a flourishing life. This notion of equality is then used to explore a number of currently circulating political ideas concerned with equality, both their relationship to common sense and their potential to meet good sense criteria. These ideas include universal basic income, the Conservatives' proposed 'levelling up' agenda, and the demands of Black Lives Matter for racial justice, including the demand to 'defund the police'. A second thread is focused on the relationship between these discourses of common or good sense and the social forces with which they can be connected.

Crises of care and social reproduction have led to new debates and social movements around the world, but there has been little scholarly scrutiny in the global North on these issues as they are unfolding in China. Facing rapid population ageing and historically low birth rates, the Chinese government believes the country is suffering from a demographic crisis. Yet, the so-called population question is fundamentally a political one: who is bearing the brunt of biologically and socially reproducing the Chinese labour force who have fuelled the Chinese economy in the last four decades? As this essay unpacks, the country's long-existing urban-rural divide and the unchecked patriarchal-capitalist mode of accumulation have produced uneven consequences among different social groups, intersectionally defined by class, gender and urban/rural citizenship, and thus have exacerbated existing inequalities. Rural migrants and the urban poor, mostly women, have become domestic servants for urban middle-class families, at the cost of their own well-being and of their families and communities. Across social classes, Chinese women are making their voices heard and taking actions to protest against systemic appropriation and exploitation of their care and reproductive labour, in what is a hostile political environment. Ranging from organised protests to individuals' spontaneous complaints, 'made-in-China' feminism can shed new light on future feminist movements and solidarity building with feminists in the international community.

Eurocommunism at first seemed to offer a strategy for renewal, but by the mid-1980s its momentum had dissipated. Recent renewed interest in Eurocommunism is part of a wider reflection on the crisis of communism in all its variants since the last part of the twentieth century. Its aim ‐ to forge a new strategy of democratic and peaceful conquest of political power, in keeping with the complexities of contemporary Western European societies ‐ at first seemed full of promise, but by the mid-1980s its momentum had dissipated. In spite of its aim of renewal, it was followed by the crisis and decline of the main communist parties with which it was associated, the Italian Communist Party (PCI), the French Communist Party (PCF) and the Spanish Communist Party (PCE). The actions, decisions and strategies adopted by these parties can only be understood if they are framed within the historical and geographical context of the 1970s ‐ a period of general crisis in both the capitalist and communist worlds, which ultimately consolidated a historical break between two different eras. The article discusses some of the key characteristics of the project, and the hopes and disappointments it provoked, drawing widely on the published literature. It concludes with a brief engagement with some of the reflections and assessments that have been made on the subject. B roadly speaking, in the end Eurocommunism failed to find a way of combining a reformist strategy with a revolutionary identity. It abandoned core aspects of its former strategy without finding a convincing replacement.

Nos inícios do século XX, a construção da ferrovia que ligou São Paulo ao Rio Grande do Sul desencadeou profunda transformação, econômica, demográfica e política, com a poderosa e súbita intrusão da economia capitalista no planalto de Santa Catarina e Paraná, na região do Contestado, Brasil meridional. A construtora, uma concessionária norte-americana, recebeu o direito de explorar e operar essa via, e uma faixa de terra com 30 km. de largura, disposta de ambos os lados dos trilhos e ao longo de todo seu percurso. Destinava-se à exploração madeireira, assim como ao assentamento de colonos, sobretudo de origem estrangeira. Para tanto, os antigos posseiros, criadores de gado, agricultores, coletores de pinhão e de erva-mate foram expulsos das terras que exploravam, e que foram cobertas por aquela faixa, gerando hordas de sem-terras que se reagruparam em torno de carismáticos líderes messiânicos. Os chefes políticos regionais, ligados aos grandes terratenentes e apoiados na Igreja Católica, sentiram-se ameaçados pelos ajuntamentos milenaristas, e desencadearam a repressão armada. Isso deflagrou uma guerra sem quartel, que durou de 1912 a 1916. Este artigo busca entender os fatores do colapso final desse movimento social, analisando seus aspectos militares. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: movimentos sociais, insurreição social, milenarismo, Guerra do Contestado, Brasil. LIMITATIONS OF A COUNTRY WAR: contemplaying the mulitary aspects of the Contestado (1912-1916) In the beginnings of the XX century, the construction of the railway linking São Paulo to Rio Grande do Sul unleashed deep economic, demographic and political transformations, with the sudden and powerful intrusion of the capitalistic economics on the hills of Santa Catarina and Paraná, in the Contestado region, in Southern Brazil. The construction company, a North-american concessionary, was given the right to explore and operate this railway and also a strip of land with a width of 30 km.on both sides of the railway tracks and along its whole length. It was destined to the logging and settling of specially foreign farmers. The former squatters, cattle raisers pine and mate collectors were thus expelled from the lands on which they lived and worked that were covered by that 30 km landstrip, generating an army of landless people who regrouped around messianic, charismatic leaders. The regional political chiefs, linked to big landowners and supported by the Catholic Church, felt threatened by these milenarists groups, and unleashed the armed repression. This caused a no quarters war that lasted from 1912 to 1916. This paper strives to understand the factors in the final collapse of this social movement, analysing its military aspects. KEY WORD: social movements, popular insurrections, milenarism, contestado war, Brazil. LIMITATIONS D'UNE GUERRE SERTANEJA: reflexion sur les aspects militaires du Contestado (1912-1916) Dans les débuts du XX ème siècle, la construction de la voie ferroviaire qui liait São Paulo à Rio Grande du Sud a provoqué une profonde transformation économique, démographique et politique, avec la puissante et soudaine intrusion de l'économie capitaliste du planalto de Santa Catarina et du Paraná, dans la région du Contestado, Brésil méridional. L'entreprise de construction, une concessionaire nord-américaine, a reçu le droit d'exploiter et de réaliser des opérations sur cette voie, ainsi que sur une bande de terrain de 30 km de large, disposée de chacun des deux côtés des rails et tout au long de son parcours. Elle se destinait à l'exploitation du bois, bien comme à l'installation de colons, surtout ceux d'origine étrangère. C'est ainsi que les anciens propriétaires, éleveurs de bétail, agriculteurs, cueilleurs de pinhão (fruit tropical) et d'herbe à thé ont été expulsés des terres qu'ils exploitaient et que celles-ci ont été recouvertes par cette bande de terrain, donnant ainsi lieu à des hordes de sans-terre qui se sont regroupés autour de leaders charismatiques et messianiques. Les chefs politiques régionaux, liés aux grands propriétaires des terres et soutenus par l'Eglise Catholique, se sont sentis menacés par les regroupements millénairistes, et ont déclanché la répression armée. Ceci a provoqué une guerre sans quartier, qui a duré de 1912 à 1916. Cet article cherche à comprendre les facteurs du collapse final de ce mouvement social, en analisant ses aspects militaires. MOTS-CLES: mouvements sociaux, insurrections populaires, millénairisme, guerre du Contestado, Brésil. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br