Journal articles on the topic 'Canton Masonic Lodge No'

Soane's activities as a Freemason, in particular the remarkable hall which he designed for the Grand Lodge in London in 1828, are here analyzed in detail for the first time. The significance of Freemasonry for Soane is exhibited by an investigation of his acquisition and study of books by writers of the Enlightenment such as d'Hancarville, Lenoir, Ledoux, Court de Gébelin, Viel de Saint-Maux, and James Christie, who were either Freemasons or sympathetic to masonic ideals. At the instigation of his friend, H. R. H. the Duke of Sussex, Grand Master of the United Grand Lodge, Soane was given the most unusual commission of designing a Masonic ark in 1813. His Masonic Hall, designed fifteen years later, was an interior rich in symbolic ornament, and bathed in a mysterious light, in which he achieved a deeper religious atmosphere than in any of his designs for Anglican churches.

This article is dedicated to the history of emergence of the Masonic lodge in England and disclosure of the concept of “freemason”. The author reveals and describes the peculiarities of the emergence of Freemasonry, tracing its evolution from the antiquity until the XIX century. Its ancient history is divided into the two main periods (prior and after 1717, i.e. the creation of the Grand Lodge in England). The article describes such events from the history of Freemasonry as the establishment of the First Grand Lodge in England; creation of the Premier Lodge, Anderson’s Constitutions, and the Third Degree; the Great Schism of Freemasonry that tool place 1877; the Taxil hoax. Analysis is conducted on the relationship between the English and French factions of Freemasonry. The obtained results are accurate, since the analysis of the history of Freemasonry was carried based on the wide range of historical facts. The comprehensive analysis of the history of emergence of Freemasonry is carried out for the first time within the Russian-language historical literature, which defines the scientific novelty of this work. The author outlines the further prospects for studying the history of Freemasonry, such as accumulation of the reliable scientific information on the early history of the lodge, examination of the history of other Masonic factions (French, Italian, etc.), as well as the origin of Freemasonry in Russia.

During the late nineteenth century, James Walker Hood was bishop of the North Carolina Conference of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church and grand master of the North Carolina Grand Lodge of Prince Hall Masons. In his forty-four years as bishop, half of that time as senior bishop of the denomination, Reverend Hood was instrumental in planting and nurturing his denomination's churches throughout the Carolinas and Virginia. Founder of North Carolina's denominational newspaper and college, author of five books including two histories of the AMEZ Church, appointed assistant superintendent of public instruction and magistrate in his adopted state, Hood's career represented the broad mainstream of black denominational leaders who came to the South from the North during and after the Civil War. Concurrently, Grand Master Hood superintended the southern jurisdiction of the Prince Hall Masonic Grand Lodge of New York and acted as a moving force behind the creation of the region's black Masonic lodges—often founding these secret male societies in the same places as his fledgling churches. At his death in 1918, the Masonic Quarterly Review hailed Hood as “one of the strong pillars of our foundation.” If Bishop Hood's life was indeed, according to his recent biographer, “a prism through which to understand black denominational leadership in the South during the period 1860–1920,” then what does his leadership of both the Prince Hall Lodge and the AMEZ Church tell us about the nexus of fraternal lodges and African American Christianity at the turn of the twentieth century?

In eighteenth-century Europe, ritual performance behavior was consciously used for philosophical purposes. The richest documented instances of this involved Freemasonry, a voluntary fraternal order that drew tens of thousands of men, across Europe and beyond, into a secretive ritual practice. Masons understood ritual, the core of Masonic “craft,” as a philosophical activity in itself. Supporting this claim requires a critique of the prevalent view that Freemasonry was uniquely compatible with specific Enlightenment philosophical constructs—constitutional monarchism in political thought and deistic Newtonianism in natural philosophy. Rather than expressing these specific philosophical views, Masonic ritual effectuated philosophical reflection apart from the outside world. John Toland's proto-Masonic ritual document Pantheisticon shows how early modern rituals fostered thinking in lodge settings and distinguished between Masonic and “profane” entities. On this basis it can be argued that performance in this era and beyond should be understood as the generative containment of knowledge.

The article touches upon a set of questions about the role of Freemasonry in the writer’s life and how Masonic teaching was expressed in his texts. Grigoriev considered himself a hereditary mason and, according to his confession, “believed in some mysterious connection” of his soul with the soul of his late grand-father, the mason Ivan Grigoriev. A friend of Grigoriev’s youth and his comrade at Moscow University, the poet Afanasy Fet recalled that Grigoriev had repeatedly told him “about his admission to the Masonic lodge”. Freemasonry and Hermeticism also inspired (directly or indirectly) the literary pseudonym of the poet: “A. Trismegistov”. Grigoriev’s Masonic Hymns (1845) are considered in the context of the hymns of the Russian Masons of the late 18th — fi rst quarter of the 19th centuries. Th e “Masonic plot” of the play Two Egoisms (1845) and the Masonic subtext of the novels One of Many (1846) and Th e Other of Many (1847) are also analyzed. In his later works, Ap. Grigoriev acted as a bold innovator, portraying Masonic heroes at a time when Freemasonry was offi cially banned in Russia, and depicted them not retrospectively, but as his contemporaries, i.e. people of the forties.

The names of Masonic Lodges were usually decided by the founders well before establishing the lodges themselves. The possible motivations (including historical factors) for their name choice have already been presented in two booklets (Szabadkőművesi páholyneveink 1991-ig [Names of Hungarian Masonic Lodges up to 1991], Budapest, 1992, ELTE Magyar Nyelvészeti Tanszékcsoport Névkutató Munkaközössége, Magyar Névtani Dolgozatok, 114; Szabadkőművesi páholyneveink az ezredfordulóig [Names of Hungarian Masonic Lodges up to the Millennium], Budapest, 2000, Új Érték Szövetkezet) by the same author. – Names of Masonic Lodges in some cases were also changed. This phenomenon could be explained by several different factors, all of which are illustrated by examples in the paper. Lodge names could be changed to maintain the memory of someone or to acquire a short name. In most cases, however, the name changes were induced by the historical circumstances. These changes sometimes led to proper Hungarian-sounding names, in other cases the name change resulted in an explicitly foreign name, depending on the actual conditions in history.

The article is a introduction to the publication of the minutes of the meetings of the Russian lodge "Northern Star" in Paris, concerning the discussion on the admission of women to freemasonry. The proposed archival materials, deposited in the National Library of France in Paris, date back to 1945 and 1948. The women's issue became more relevant after the Second World War due to the fact that Masonic lodges had to recover and recruit new adherents. The article offers a brief overview of the women's issue in the history of Freemasonry in general, and in the Russian emigrant environment in particular. One of the founders of the North Star lodge, M. Osorgin, spoke out in the 1930s against the admission of women. In the discussions of the 1940s, the Masonic brothers repeat his opinion almost literally. Women's participation in Freemasonry is rejected using either gender or social arguments. Russian Freemasons mostly cite gender reasons: women have no place in Freemasonry because they are not men. Freemasonry, according to Osorgin, is a cult of the male creative principle, which is not peculiar to women. Discussions about the women's issue among Russian emigrant Freemasons are also an important source for studying their literary work; in particular, the post-war literary works of Gaito Gazdanov are closely connected with the Masonic ideology.

The present analysis represents a novel approach to the issue of Romanian-Swedish bilateral relations in the second half of the 19th century. This time, the focus is on the dimension of contacts between Romanian and Swedish Freemasonry. This was conducted in the second half of the 19th century by King Oscar II himself. In 1885 he made an official visit to Bucharest with Queen Sofia. On this occasion, he was made an honorary member of the Grand National Lodge of Romania (M.L.N.R.). Far from being merely a protocol award, it held a special significance. This visit underlined the desire of Constantin Moroiu, Grand Master of the Grand National Lodge of Romania, to gain international recognition for this Romanian Masonic powerIt was a very turbulent period in the history of Romanian Freemasonry, marked by a series of interventions by the Grand Orient of Italy in its internal affairs. With the award of this distinction, Romanian Freemasons sought to strengthen their internal unity through external recognition from all Masonic powers. To this end, the help of the Grand Lodge of Sweden was essential. The desire to consolidate the unity of Romanian Freemasonry was a natural reality, given the fact that Romania was proclaimed a Kingdom in 1881 and became a base of stability in this part of the continent.

The article studies the topical question of the masonry movement in England’s of the 18th century. It particularly focuses on the history of the Grand Lodge of England. The author touches upon a very important problem of the national Masonic organizations’ transformation. The close connection of the “new” Freemasonry with the events in post-revolutionary England is emphasized.

The author of the article focuses on a personality and world view of A. F. Labzin, the Moscow University graduate, Novikovsky coterie’s disciple, Masonic Lodge founder and vice-president of Imperial Art Academy. Some peculiarities of spiritual life of Russian intellectuals in the first fourth of XIX century are revealed based on analysis of his ethical views (using Zion Bulletin periodical)

This article is about David Tidhar. He is an important character in Israeli History, the Hebrew first private detective who had become the first hero of Hebrew detective fiction and historian who was also an important Mason and a historian of Masonry in the land of Israel. The main points in the article are: Introduction. David Tidhar as the first Hebrew private detective; David Tidhar as the first Hebrew detective in the British Mandatory Palestine Police; His character in Hebrew Detective fiction at the beginning of the 20th century; The villain from Corfu; David Tidhar as a member of a secret fraternities; Barkai Lodge of Freemasons in Israel; David Tidhar as a member of Barkai Masonic Lodge; Conclusion.

The paper deals with the orientation of the Yugoslav freemasonry during the existence of the Grand Lodge of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes ?Jugoslavia? (GLJ), later the Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia (GLY). The state of freemasonry in Serbia on the eve of the Great War is briefly described and followed by an analysis of how the experience of the First World War influenced Serbian freemasons to establish strong ties with French freemasonry. During the 1920s the Grand Lodge ?Jugoslavia? maintained very close relations with the Grand Orient of France and the Grand Lodge of France, and this was particularly obvious when GLJ got the opportunity to organise the Masonic congress for peace in Belgrade in 1926 through its links with French Freemasonry. Grand Master Georges Weifert (1919-34) also symbolised close links of French and Serbian freemasonry. However, his deputy and later Grand Master Douchan Militchevitch (1934-39) initiated in 1936 the policy of reorientation of Yugoslav freemasonry to the United Grand Lodge of England. Although there had already been such initiatives, they could not be materialised due to the fact that it was not until 1930 that the United Grand Lodge of England (UGLE) recognised several continental grand lodges, including GLJ. In a special section efforts of GLJ to be recognised by UGLE are analysed. Efforts for reorientation of GLY were conducted through several persons, including Douchan Militchevitch (1869-1939), Stanoje Mihajlovic (1882-1946), Vladimir Corovic (1885-1941) and Dragan Militchevitch (1895-1942). Special attention is given to the plans of GLY?s grand master to make the Duke of York (subsequently King George VI), who was a very dedicated freemason, an honorary past master of GLY. This plan failed, and the main idea behind it was to make GLY more resistant to internal clerical attacks and also to the external pressure of Italy. Mihajlovic?s three official Masonic visits to Britain (1933-39) are analysed as well as a private visit of Corovic and Dragan Militchevitch in March 1940. In the context of the visits made in 1939-40 plans to establish an Anglo-Yugoslav lodge are also analysed. Finally, the context of the de facto ban on Yugoslav freemasonry in August 1940 is given and the subsequent fates of its pro-British actors are also described.

Freemasonry was the most widespread form of secular association in eighteenth-century England, providing a model for other forms of urban sociability and a stimulus to music and the arts. Many members of the Royal Society and the Society of Antiquaries, for instance, were Freemasons, while historians such as Margaret Jacob have argued that Freemasonry was inspired by Whig Newtonianism and played an important role in European Enlightenment scientific education. This paper illustrates the importance of natural philosophy in Masonic rhetoric and utilizes material from Masonic histories, lodge records and secondary works to demonstrate that scientific lectures were indeed given in some lodges. It contends, however, that there were other sources of inspiration for Freemasonry besides Newtonianism, such as antiquarianism, and that many other factors as well as the prevalence of Masonic lodges determined the geography of English scientific culture. Although the subject of Freemasonry and natural philosophy has great potential, as Jacob has demonstrated so well, much further work, especially in the form of prosopographical studies of provincial lodges, is required before the nature of the relationship between the two can be fully appreciated.

Scotland has the oldest masonic lodges and the oldest masonic records in the world, predating their English counterparts by over a century. Yet freemasonry is usually neglected by social and cultural historians, partly, it may be, through ignorance and negative stereotypes of the movement and partly through the excessive secrecy of freemasons in the past. It is the purpose of this paper to survey the movement's development and indicate the many aspects of ‘the Craft’ that could prove rich subjects for research. Scottish lodges began as organisations of stonemasons but, at first slowly, began to admit men from other crafts and men of higher social status. This process accelerated fast after the foundation of a Grand Lodge in London in 1717: freemasonry became fashionable. But though many lodges came to be dominated by men of high status, many others remained – and remain – skilled working class in membership.

The article examines the phenomenon of undisclosed structures that may have influenced political processes in certain Western states. The article deals with such organizations as the Masonic lodge “Propaganda Due” (P2) and “Gladio”. For a long time, the activities of these structures remained a secret, and only a relatively narrow circle of people had information concerning them. However, at a certain point in time, some information on this subject became available to the public and caused considerable resonance in the media sphere. This is the reason why the author considers it appropriate to take into account unspoken factors when studying political reality.

The Age of Enlightenment is defined as the period when the universal ideas of progress, deism, humanism, naturalism and others were materialized and became a golden age for freemasons. It is wrong to assume that old and conservative Christian ideas were rejected. Conversely, freemasons put them into new general shapes and expressed them with the help of symbols in their daily routine. Symbols of freemasons had close ties with the past and gave them, on the one hand, a visible instrument, such as rituals and ideas to sense the transcendental, and on the other, intense gnostic aspirations. Freemasons put in a great amount of effort to improve themselves and to create their identity with the help of myths and symbols. It traces its origins to the biblical builders of King Solomon’s Temple, the posterity of the Templar Knights, and associations of the medieval craft guilds, which were also symbolical and became their link not only to each other but also to the secular world. In this work we analysed codified masonic symbols used in their rituals. The subject of our research is the universal Masonic idea and its aspects through the symbols in the daily life of the freemasons in Vilnius. Thanks to freemasons’ signets, we could find continuity, reception, and transformation of universal masonic ideas in the Lithuanian freemasonry and national characteristics of lodges. Taking everything into account, our article shows how the universal idea of freemasonry spread among Lithuanian freemasonry, and which forms and meanings it incorporated in its symbols. The objective of this research is to find a universal Masonic idea throughout their visual and oral symbols and see its impact on the daily life of the masons in Vilnius. Keywords: Freemasonry, Bible, lodge, symbols, rituals, freemasons’ signets.

During the second Wellman polar expedition, to Franz Josef Land in 1898, Wellman’s second-in-command, Evelyn Briggs Baldwin, gave the waters south of Cape Heller on the northwest of Wilczek Land the name ‘Operti Bay.’ Proof of this is found in Baldwin’s journal around the time of 16 September 1898. Current research indicates that Operti Bay was named after an Italian artist, Albert Operti. Operti’s membership in a New York City masonic fraternity named Kane Lodge, as well as correspondence between Baldwin and Rudolf Kersting, confirm that Baldwin and Operti engaged in a friendly relationship that resulted in the naming of the bay.

Civilization is a concept that ontologically defines the individual and the communities in which it develops. The most global civilization is the one that has emerged in the West. Civilization is not something static, but an organism that draws its roots from the distant past. In this sense, it is fundamental to answer the question of what are the constitutive elements that define Western civilization. This question only makes sense if it is asked in a historical perspective. In this direction the Freemasonry, A Very Short Introduction is a crucial one. It presents the analysis revealing how the history of freemasonry is related to the evolution of Western identity. It has to be read in the light of Niall Ferguson’s monograph The West and the Rest. The present text does so. The book then brings to light the contribution of the brotherhood to the intellectual habitus of what is called the Judeo-Christian civilization, at the present time still predominant on the Planet. The intellectual apparatus of the Freemasonry, A Very Short Introduction permits to elucidate the history of the masonic movement and its influence on events that seem unconnected and coincidental. Thus, this article tries to explain certain historical turning points in South-Eastern Europe, precisely in the light of the masonic alliances, in particular the case of the Illyrian Provinces and the first Slovenian poet, Valentin Vodnik, and secondly, what concerns the emergence of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, which the author of the article defines as the result of the masonic strategy (the Grand Lodge of France and the Grand Orient of France).

A partir de dos variables de estudio el presente artículo tiene como objeto el aproximarse a la desconocida pero influyente sociabilidad masónica en la ciudad de Pereira. Por una parte, se analiza y se describe el aporte que tuvieron las logias Libres Nº 17 y Luz del Risaralda Nº 13 en las transformaciones sociales, culturales y políticas de Pereira (Colombia) en el periodo comprendido entre 1960 y 1975, acciones que encontraron respaldo en el desarrollo de un proyecto filantrópico acorde a los ideales masónicos de trabajar por el progreso de la humanidad y construir una sociedad de hombres libres y de buenas costumbres. También se analiza, a partir de la teoría de Élite, la conformación nominal de las logias masónicas de Pereira entre 1960 y 1975, y como estas élites de poder y valor repercutieron en amplios procesos de modernización en el período de estudio.Palabras Clave: Masonería, logia, sociabilidad, élite de valor, élite de poder, Pereira, modernización, civismo. Freemasonry in Pereira 1960-1975. Power, Politic and Civic-MindednessAbstractFrom two study variables, this article aims to approach to the unknown but influential Masonic sociability in Pereira city (Colombia). In one hand, it is analyzed and described the contribution from Libres Nº 17 and Luz del Risaralda Nº 13 lodges in the social, cultural and political changes between the years 1960 and 1975. These actions were supporting by the development of a philanthropic project based on Masonic goals; working for the mankind progress and to build a free men and good modals society. In the other hand it is analyzed from the Elite Theory, the nominal shaping of Masonic lodges from Pereira between 1960 and 1975, and the way these power and valuable elites had an effect on many modernization processes within this study period. Keywords: Freemasonry, lodge, sociability, valuable elite, power elite, Pereira, modernization, civic-mindedness.

The Romanian delegation - headed by Prime Minister Ion I.C. Brătianu - accompanied by other well-known Romanian figures who were not part of the delegation, but represented the Romanian elite who had emigrated to the French capital, attended the Paris Peace Conference and recognised that the political decisions concerning the future borders of the nations emerging from the former Austrian-Hungarian Empire were made by the Roman Catholic Church, the Freemasonry and the Jewish Youth Organisation. These were the institutions behind the political decisions made by the political leaders of France (Georges Clémenceau), Great Britain (Sir David Lloyd George), the United States of America (Woodrow Wilson), and Italy (Vittorio Emanuele Orlando). When, after a conflict with the then French Prime Minister, who was failing to observe the provisions of the August 1916 Treaty concluded between Romania and the Triple Entente, Ion I.C. Brătianu left Paris, Alexandru Vaida-Voevod became his successor as head of the Romanian delegation. The Transylvanian political leader and some of his close associates would also become members of the Ernest Renan Masonic lodge in Paris, on 4 August 1919. The decision was made by Alexandru Vaida-Voevod after extensive consultations with Ion I.C. Brătianu, who had returned to Bucharest by then, and Iuliu Maniu, the Chairman of the Ruling Council in Sibiu. The masonic involvement of the Romanian delegation at the Paris Peace Conference was proof of the diplomatic abilities of its members as well as of the perfect cooperation with the local political decisionmakers, with the purpose of adjusting to the then current international context to the benefit of the country’s national interests. After Romania and Hungary signed the Treaty of Trianon (4 July 1920) whose clauses were favourable to Romania, the Romanian freemasons would leave their Masonic lodges in the coming years.

In sharing the original French version as well as Spanish and (first-ever) English translations of “Speech at the Masonic Lodge of Port-au-Prince” (ca. 1870–71), the author argues for the importance of the work of Afro–Puerto Rican activist Ramón Emeterio Betances in the history of Caribbean decolonization. This speech represents a unique inter-Caribbean intervention in the anti-imperial struggle of the time. With the Cuban Ten Years’ War against Spain in the background, Betances, in contrast to his fellow Cuban and Puerto Rican activists, advocates a vision of Caribbean sovereignty that is inclusive of Haiti. Although the limitations of revolutionary masculinity and regional sameness are evident in the text, Betances proposes a politics of unity beyond nationhood that interconnects with later decolonial projects of coliberation.

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> This paper offers, based on the integration of different documentary universes and the extraction of the few physical vestiges, an interpretation of the architectural transformation of the temple of <i>Jesús María-Gran Logia La Oriental Peninsular of Mérida</i>, Yucatán, México, which originally served as a Parish for Black people and mulattos under the advocacy of <i>El Dulce Nombre de Jesús</i>. In the mid-nineteenth century, due to the military clashes during the Second Mexican Empire, this building suffered serious deterioration; reason for which, after the Restoration of the Republic, it was subject to a series of partial reconstructions. During the Mexican Revolution, it was seized and converted into the headquarters of the <i>Gran Logia La Oriental Peninsular</i>, with aesthetic adaptations typical of Neo-Mayan Art Deco, and it was demolished in the 1940s. This contribution highlights the virtual reconstruction that made it possible to indicate the permanencies, changes and losses of this heritage piece in its historical evolution.</p>

Christ Church United Reformed Church (formerly Congregational), Port Sunlight, and St George’s United Reformed Church (formerly Congregational), Thornton Hough, do not spring to mind as Free Church buildings. There is scarcely one architectural respect in which either announces a Dissenting presence. Each conforms to nationally established tradition. Their quality, however, is as incontestable as it is incontestably derivative. Their role in their respective village-scapes is important, even dominant. As buildings, therefore, they are significant and perhaps suggestive, but do they say anything about ecclesiastical polity? The answer to that question illustrates the interaction between elite and popular religion in Edwardian English Protestant Nonconformity, for the polity to which these two churches give space is in fact successively congregational, Congregational, and Reformed. It is representative throughout but never democratic. Yet can any shade of Congregationalism truly develop in either a squire’s village or a manufacturer’s? And what might be deduced of the man who provided these buildings, created their villages, shaped their communities, and regarded himself lifelong as a Congregationalist even if a masonic lodge were the only fellowship to which he could statedly commit himself? These questions prompt this paper.

On 16 April 1938, the school teacher of the Mixtec village of San Andrés Dinicuiti reported that the Easter week procession had taken place, despite government regulations prohibiting public displays of worship. During the event, the faithful had marched through the streets shouting “Long live religion, death to bad government, death to the state governor, death to the president of the republic.” When they arrived at the local school, they yelled “Death to the masons, long live religion” before denigrating the teacher's parentage. During the 1920s and 1930s, devout Catholic peasants throughout Mexico repeatedly denounced the presumed link between government, school teachers, anticlericalism, and the masons. The popular condemnation obviously emanated in part from the ecclesiastical hierarchy's frequent anti-masonic pronouncements. The Apostolic Delegate's charge that masons were “the cause of our persecution and almost all our national misfortunes” was reiterated in countless bulletins, manifestos, and pastoral letters throughout the country. In 1934, the Bishop of Huajuapam de León, which controlled the parish of San Andrés Dinicuiti, reminded local priests that they were to refuse to accept masons and members of the government party as godparents for baptisms, confirmations, or marriages. A year later, Mexican Catholic Action argued that government policies of socialist education andagrarismowere the “impious work of anti-Christian masons.” However, despite this popular cross-class conviction, there is little historical work on the actual role of the masons in modern Mexico. By examining the archives of the Grand Lodge of Oaxaca, this article posits that Masonic lodges were key to the process of post-revolutionary state formation. As the state sought to assert control over a divided country, freemasonry's anticlericalism not only offered a model for cultural practice, masons also formed a vanguard of willing political emissaries. However, the institution's influence should not be overstressed. It was often curtailed by internecine disputes, political infighting, and an essentially conservative leadership.

In the 1890s, Hungarian Freemasonry began to expand its sphere of influence in southeastern Europe. The establishment of lodges in the southeastern border areas and even outside the Kingdom of Hungary exemplifies this expansion. When devising explanations for this policy, the Hungarian Freemasons made use of colonial and imperial discourses to justify expansion into the “Orient” with reference to the alleged civilizing role they attributed to Freemasonry. They divided the world into two parts from a cultural-civilizational point of view: one where Freemasonry was already established and flourishing and another where this form of community and social practice was not yet known or established. This discourse was entangled with political, economic, and academic practices that were prevalent among the Hungarian Freemasons. Masonic activities and discourses therefore merit consideration in the cultural and social context of their time and analysis from the perspective of new imperial histories, especially since the importance of the discourses and political symbolisms used in the expansion and maintenance of imperial structures has already been pointed out by many historians and scholars of cultural studies within the framework of New Imperial History and postcolonial studies With a view to the undertakings of Hungarian Freemasons in the Balkans, this paper asks whether Hungarian Freemasons can also be considered “Builders of the Habsburg Empire.” This question is particularly relevant given that Freemasonry was only permitted in the Hungarian half of the Dual Monarchy. Thus, Hungarian Freemasons acted as both national and imperial actors, and they did so independently of Vienna. As the framework for my discussion here, I focus in this article on the discourses and activities of the Symbolic Grand Lodge of Hungary and the contributions of the most relevant actors, such as the Turkologist Ignácz Kúnos and the journalist and deputy director of the Hungarian Museum of Commerce, Armin Sasváris.

During the early years of Abdülhamid II’s reign, there were several attempts to reinstate ex-Sultan Murad V to the throne. One of these was the initiative of Ali Suâvi, which has come to be known as the Çırağan Incident. Although the Ottoman press had to be very circumspect in reporting Suâvi’s attempt and its aftermath, the British newspaper of the Ottoman Empire, The Levant Herald, was instead able to carry the news about the incident for several days by framing its reportage in pro-government terms. The situation changed, however, when a letter from a reader praising Ali Suâvi and supporting the claim of Murad V to the throne was published by the paper and spurred the Sublime Porte into action. Although the authorship of the letter remains unknown, it is doubtful that it was actually written by an average reader of the paper; some sources instead point to Cleanthi Scalieri, the Master of the Prodoos Masonic Lodge. After publication, the proprietor of The Levant Herald, Edgar Whitaker, took refuge in the British Embassy, resulting in the confiscation of the printing house and the remaining copies of the newspaper on the order of the Sublime Porte. Whitaker protested that he had informed the Marshal of the Palace, Said Pasha, regarding the letter’s contents, and that he was now the subject of death threats and harassment; Said Pasha responded by denying any knowledge of the matter. The dismissal and exile of Said Pasha brought only further tension. The British Foreign Ministry claiming that the Sublime Porte had acted beyond its jurisdiction according to the capitulations. In the midst of negotiations between the British and Ottoman governments over the transfer of Cyprus, the furor over the letter and the newspaper provoked major discussion in the European press, and caused negative public reaction in Britain towards the actions of the Ottoman government. This article focuses on the anonymous letter published in The Levant Herald, and examines the course of these developments primarily through their representation in the British press.

“The Empire at the end of the decadent days…” Nicky, Alix, Grigori, and others in journal entries, letters, telegrams, memoirs: Parts I and IIThe first part of the essay is an attempt to identify the primary motivating factors for the February Revolution and, consequently, the Bolshevik coup and the abdication and execution of the last Romanov ruler. In this part, I have discussed a handful of the most often advanced hypotheses of various credibility — from those formulated by historians, historians of ideas, sociologists, and political scientists protracted warfare, rising dissatisfaction of Petrograd “line standers”, incompetence of the political elites, continuing desacralization of the ruler figure, a process set in motion during the reign of Tsar Alexander II, up to those widely considered irrational, shrouded in mysticism or conspiracy-minded the curse of the Ides of March, the unearthing of Lermontov’s prophecy, Rasputin’s last will and testament, and the machinations of “The Grand Orient of Russia’s Peoples” masonic lodge. My attention, however, has been focused primarily on the egodocuments important for the understanding of the empire’s decline and erosion — the journals and correspondence of Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna.The second part of the essay focuses primarily on the appearance or its lack of the February and October events in the journals of Russian writers including Bunin, Gippius, Ivnev, Korolenko, Kuzmin, Blok, Chukovsky, Merezhkovsky. All of them rather than only those that suffered the regime’s repressions shared a lack of compassion or empathy for the overthrown monarch, a dislike sometimes turning into outright hatred and hostility of the Bolsheviks, and a proclivity for mourning pre-Revolutionary Russia, a feeling of having witnessed the collapse of a prior, better world. The new definitely not brave — built by peasants clad in military garb, “the pale, tall Barbarians”, and mobs running rampant through post-October streets of Moscow and Petrograd — had a gloomy, hostile face of the “boor”, the “troglodyte”, who had nothing in common with the bucolic, paper characters of Turgenev or Tolstoy, and rather resembled clones of the inhabitants of Bunin’s apocalyptic The Village.In the conclusion, I have discussed the possible reasons behind Vladimir Putin’s decision to abandon the idea of official state celebrations of the centenary of the events of February and October of 1917. „Pимский мир периода упадка…” Ники, Аликс, Григорий и другие в дневниках, письмах, телеграммах, воспоминаниях Первая часть эссе представляет собой попытку назвать главные причины Февральской революции и охарактеризовать некоторые ее последствия: большевистский переворот, отречение от престола и казнь последнего императора из династии Романовых. Я привел несколько чаще других выдвигаемых по этому поводу гипотез с разным уровнем достоверности — начиная с тех сформулированных в публикациях историков, историков идей, социологов, политологов продолжающаяся война, нарастающее недовольство „людей из очередей” в Петрограде, некомпетентность политической элиты, усиливающийся с времен царствования Александра II процесс десакрализации монарха, а заканчивая иррациональными, окутанными мистикой, иногда остающимися в кругу теорий заговора зловещее проклятие мартовских ид, вышедшее из забвения Предсказание Лермонтова, завещание Распутина, козни масонской ложи „Великий Восток Народов России”. Однако свое внимание я сосредоточил прежде всего на эгодокументах необходимых для лучшего понимания процесса эрозии империи — дневниках и переписке Николая II и его супруги Александры Федоровны.Во второй части я писал в основном о при/от/сутствии февральских и октябрьских событий в дневниках русских писателей в том числе Бунина, Гиппиус, Ивнева, Короленко, Кузмина, Блока, Чуковского, Мережковского. Объединило их отсутствие сострадания, эмпатии для свергнутого с престола царя не только у репрессированных режимом, негативное иногда переходящее в ненависть, враждебность отношение к большевикам и всеобщее оплакивание дореволюционной России, чувство потери старого мира. У нового но не дивного — создаваемого крестьянами в военной форме, „варваров роями”, „чернью” на послеоктябрьских улицах Петрограда и Москвы — было угрюмое, недружелюбное лицо „хамов”, „пещерных людей”, которые не имели ничего общего с идиллическими, бумажными персонажами вымышленными Тургеневым или Толстым, а, скорее, были клонами героев, населяющих апокалиптическую Деревню Бунина.Наконец, я упомянул о причинах, по которым Владимир Путин отказался от торжественного празднования сотой годовщины Февраля и Октября.

В публикации предлагается интерпретирующий анализ «Записок чудака» Андрея Белого. Исследуются исторические, философские, естественнонаучные и литературные аспекты этого сложного автобиографического модернистского текста. В центре рассмотрения находятся так называемые «лондонские» главы книги. Реконструируется история замысла цикла романов Андрея Белого, объединенных общим заглавием «“Я”. Эпопея». Проясняется смысл заглавия «Записки чудака». В качестве авторов, на которых ориентировался Андрей Белый, указаны Ф.М. Достоевский, Ч. Диккенс и Гёте («Фауст»). Приводятся доводы в пользу предположения, что изображение военного Лондона в «Записках чудака» отразилось в «Возвращении Мюнхгаузена» Сигизмунда Кржижановского. Исследуется место и семантика лексемы «вихрь» в образном языке Андрея Белого. Обнаружено, что ассоциация вихря со злом и небытием присутствует в прозе Белого уже в 1903 году. Особое внимание уделено анализу представленной в «Записках чудака» теме распадения мира в атомных вихрях. Посредством привлечения доступных Белому научных публикаций Оливера Лоджа и Уильяма Томсона (лорда Кельвина) показано, что соответствующие образы в «лондонских главах» представляют собой художественное переосмысление конкретных научных теорий физики конца XIX – начала XX века; это касается рассуждений Андрея Белого об энтропии, вихревом атоме, демоне Максвелла и пр. Отмечено значительное влияние на Андрея Белого публикаций Н.А. Умова, его наставника в Московском университете. В качестве параллели вихревым теориям мира у Андрея Белого указано на художественное течение «вортицизм», придуманное Эзрой Паундом после знакомства с учением У. Томсона о вихревом атоме. Делается вывод, что пост-классическая физика для Андрея Белого — это учение не об устройстве мира, но об уничтожении физической вселенной. Обсуждается тема шпиономании периода первой мировой войны, которая ассоциировалась у Белого с мировым оккультным заговором. Установлена личность неназванного друга, с которым автор встречался в Лондоне: им является эсер Николай Маликов. Указано, что тема «расплющивания», понятого как переход от трехмерного существования к двумерному, заимствована Андреем Белым из работ Д.С. Мережковского, где образы многомерных пространств и неэвклидовой геометрии часто встречаются. Обсуждаются соответствующие построения Андрея Белого. The publication offers an interpretive analysis of Andrei Bely’s “Diaries of an Idiot”. The historical, philosophical, scientific, literary, religious etc. aspects of this most complex autobiographical modernist text are investigated. In the center of consideration are the so-called London Chapters of the book. The genesis of a cycle of novels by Andrei Bely, united by the common title «“I”. Epopee» is reconstructed. The meaning of the title “Diaries of an Idiot” is clarified. Fyodor Dostoevsky, Charles Dickens and Goethe (“Faust”) are pointed out as the authors whom Andrei Bely was guided by. In turn, it is demonstrated that the representation of wartime London in the “Diaries of an Idiot” was reflected in the “The Return of Baron Munchausen” by Sigizmund Krzhizhanovsky. The place and semantics of the lexeme “vortex” in the figurative language of Andrei Bely are investigated. It was found that the association of the whirlwind with evil and non-existence was present in Bely’s prose as early as 1903. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the theme of the disintegration of the world in atomic vortices presented in the “Diaries of an Idiot”. By drawing on the scientific publications of Oliver Lodge and William Thomson (Lord Kelvin) available to Bely, it is shown that the corresponding images in the London Chapters are an artistic rethinking of specific scientific theories of physics of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. This concerns Andrei Bely’s reasoning about entropy, the vortex atom, Maxwell’s demon, etc. It is noted, that a significant impact on Andrei Bely’s knowledge of physics was made by the publications of Nikolai Umov, his professor at Moscow University. As a parallel to Andrei Bely’s vortex theories of the world, it is pointed to the artistic movement “Vorticism”, invented by Ezra Pound after getting acquainted with the teachings of W. Thomson about the vortex atom. It is concluded that post-classical physics for Andrei Bely was not the science about the arrangement of the world, but about the destruction of the physical universe. The topic of spy mania during the First World War, which at that time Bely associated with the world Masonic or “astral” conspiracy, is discussed. The identity of an unnamed friend with whom the author met in London has been established: he turned out to be the Socialist-Revolutionary Nikolai Malikov. It is shown for the first time that the theme of “flattening”, understood as a transition from a three-dimensional existence to a two-dimensional one, was borrowed by Andrei Bely from the works of Dmitry Merezhkovsky, in which images of multidimensional spaces and non-Euclidean geometry often occur. The corresponding speculations of Andrei Bely are discussed.

Ղրիմի (Արևելյան) պատերազմի ավարտից հետո եվրոպական մեծ տերությունների հարկադրանքով սուլթան Աբդուլ Մեջիդ I-ի շնորհած «Հաթթը հյումայուն» հրովարտակը «Թուրքիան եվրոպականացնելու» և բարեփոխումներ իրականացնելու միտում ուներ: Դրանից ոգևորված՝ մի խումբ զմյուռնահայ մտավորականներ իրենց ազգային, հասարակական և կրոնական գործերը բարելավելու նպատակով ստեղծեցին տարբեր ընկերություններ ու միություններ, անդամագրվեցին Անգլիայի և Ֆրանսիայի ազատ որմնադիրների հիմնած մասոնական օթյակներին: 1859թ. նոյեմբերի 19-ին Զմյուռնիայում «Անգլիայի Մեծ Օթյակի» արտոնագրով հիմնված անգլախոս «Հոմեր» («Homer») թիվ 806 օթյակը շուրջ երեք տասնամյակ արգասաբեր գործունեություն է ծավալել արևմտահայության շրջանում մասոնության գաղափարների տարածման ուղղությամբ: Օթյակի երևելի դեմքերից էին անգլիացի նշանավոր մասոն Հայդ Քլարքը, արևմտահայ մասոնության ռահվիրա Սերովբե Ազնավուրը, վաճառական Միքայել Երամյան, դրամատուրգ, բանասեր Սարգիս Վանանդեցին և ուրշներ: «Հոմեր» օթյակի անդամները 1861թ. մարտի 31-ին Զմյուռնիայում հիմնեցին ֆրանսախոս «Հաղթանակ» («La Victoire»),իսկ 1864 թ. ապրիլի 29-ին՝ «Տիգրան» թիվ 1014 հայկական առաջին օթյակը: «Հոմեր» օթյակն իր աշխատանքը դադարեցրել է 1887թ. փետրվարի 15-ին՝ Զմյուռնիայում տեղի ունեցած քաղաքական իրադարձությունների պատճառով: / After the Crimean War under compulsion of the great European states, the ―Hatt Hyumayun‖ manifesto, granted by Sultan Abdul Mejit 1st, tended to ―Europeanize Turkey‖ and make reforms. A group of Armenian intellectuals in Smyrna inspired by that document created different associations to improve their national, public and religious affairs and admitted to the English and French masonic lodges. On November 19,1859, ―The Homer‖ 806 Lodge, founded by the license of ―The Great Lodge of England‖, promoted activity among Western Armenians (about three decades) to disseminate masonic ideas. The eminent figures of the Lodge were the famous English mason Hyde Clarke, the well-known Western- Armenia masonic leader Serovbe Aznavour, vendor Michael Eramyan, playwright, philologist Sargis Vanandetsi and the like. On March 31, 1861, the members of ―The Homer‖‘ Lodge founded the francophone ―La Victoire‖ in Smyrna, and the 1st Armenian lodge ―Tigran‖ 1014 - on April 29, 1864. The lodge ―Homer‖ stopped its activity on February 15,1887 because of the latest political developments in Smyrna.

The history of Freemasonry in Banat still hides many unknown things. The historical course of many lodges in this region is not yet fully known. If we know enough data about some lodges such as the one in Reșiţa, those in Timișoara and others, we have too little data about some lodges, such as the one in Caransebeș or Lipova. Moreover, the museum artifacts that come from lesser-known lodges allow us to reconstruct their history and even the history of certain characters. In this sense, the museum institutions from Great Britain are very helpful; they keep in their collections medals of some lodges from Banat or even original documents, lists of lodges from Banat, etc. These artifacts and documents have not been studied so far and represent a novelty in reconstructing the history of Banat Freemasonry. Examples are the medals of the Irenea lodge in Caransebeș and Concordia in Lipova. The history of these lodges is known only in fragments, and the study of these medals allows us to complete the data on these little known lodges. Another piece unknown to the Romanian academic public is a medal of the „Three white lilies” lodge from Timișoara. The Museum of the Provincial Grand Lodge of Worcestershire and the Museum of Freemasonry in London are very helpful in this regard by offering the opportunity to study the pieces kept in their collections. In our study, we also present the work of a Serbian Freemason from Paris, D. Tomitch, on the rights and interests of Serbs in Banat Timisoara on certain territories within Romania.The English Masonic press is another resource that has not been fully exploited so far. Usually, studies on the history of Romanian Freemasonry cite foreign literature, but very little or almost no Masonic foreign press, especially the old press. However, in the British Masonic press, we find valuable references to Freemasonry in Romania and including Banat, from different historical periods. In the case of Banat Freemasonry, the references in the British press date from the second half of the 19th century. We find references regarding the lodges in Arad, Timișoara, Oraviţa, Lipova, and Caransebeș. All this information, compared to what we know so far, gives us the chance to detect the mistakes made in previous chronological dating but also to complete what we lacked in terms of information.

According to the information provided by the historian, Ludwig Aigner/Lajos Abafi (1840–1909), born in a locality from Banat, Iecea Mare, the first freemasons’ lodge from Banat, named Zu den drei weißen Lilien (At the three white lilies), was founded by a baron, Maximilian Josef Linden (1736–1801) who, known by freemasons as Ardaxanes Linniphoen Mimichemen, had already acted in the Viennese lodges Zur Hoffnung and Zur gekrönte Hoffnung. Besides the Viennese connections set up in the lodge of Rosicrucians from Timișoara there were also some local personalities such as the Orthodox bishop of Arad, Petru Petrovici (1733–1780), the canonic from Cenad, Vuko Branko de Pal (Vuco-Brancovici Paul, 1725–1798), the abbot from Bezdin, Gherasim Adamovici (1733–1794) subsequent Orthodox bishop of Transylvania, Iosif Ioanovici Şacabent (the Orthodox bishop of Vârşeţ between 1786 and 1804). These connections brought the people living in Banat closer to the Jacobin movement from Hungary in 1795, run by Ignác Martinovics. There is a new phase of the masonic activity in Banat, which begins after the reestablishment of the Ioanit lodge from Timișoara, known as Zu den drei weißen Lilien, on April 3, 1868. After 1868, there were some other lodges such as Hunyady (1872–1876) and Losonczy (1899–1919; after1923, Loja Pax) from Timișoara, Concordia from Lipova (1871–1883), Kosmos (1870–1878) and Glückauf zu den drei Schlägeln in Oravița (1871–1878), Irenea from Caransebeș (1882–1894), Petőfi from Aradul Nou (1871) and Loja Dél in Lugoj (1903–1918). The lodges’ members played a special role in the cultural and civic activities in these localities. In Banat, besides the already mentioned lodges there were: Zur Wahrheit lodge from Reșița, founded in 1874, Egalitas from Vârşeţ, in 1870, Fels der Warheit from Biserica Albă, in 1873, Vaskapu Kör from Orșova, Stella Orientalis from Panciova, in 1890 and Thales from Becicherecul Mare. We don’t own any information regarding the activity of these lodges. Besides the already specified lodges there were very many people from Banat, especially intellectuals and students, who had acted in the lodges from Hungary.The collections of the Museum of Banat from Timişoara comprise several masonic objects mostly originating in the property of a baron, János Károly Hiller de Butin (1748–1819).

Abstract Recent years have seen a flourishing of everyday experimentations with the category of religion: the “spiritual but not religious,” “religionless” Christians, and many more. Why is there such proliferation of popular experimentation with—and often distancing from—the category of religion? This article explores two such cases of experimentation, a religion-disavowing evangelical Christian brotherhood in Mexico and a Masonic lodge in Switzerland, and shows how, in these two cases, disavowing religion is in part a response to problems associated with a founding principle of liberalism, the separation of private conscience from public citizenship. Subjects of liberal separation are vulnerable to feelings of cloistered conscience and hollow citizenship, problems that are inherent to liberal separation, as evidenced by Freemasonry’s age-old experimentations. These problems are also, however, exacerbated by dwindling popular faith in the institutions of religion and liberal democracy, as evidenced by contemporary evangelical trends of which the Christian brotherhood is exemplary. Such experimentations can be distinguished between those that collapse conscience and citizenship and those that defend the separation while still looking for indirect connections. This contrast is also highlighted by the comparison of religion-disavowing evangelical Christians and Freemasonry.

Emmanuel Carasso (Turkified as Emanuel Karasu) (1863-1934) was a lawyer who hailed from a Sephardic Jewish family in Salonica, where he became instrumental after the turn of the century in the establishment of Macedonia Risorta, the local branch of the Italian masonic lodge Grande Oriente. The Salonica lodge quickly became an important center of Young Turk revolutionary activity in the following years, as privileges offered by capitulations enabled secrecy for lodge members. After the Constitutional Revolution of 1908, Karasu applied for Ottoman nationality and then became a member of the parliament representing Salonica and later Istanbul. During the course of his political career, he is best known for being a member of a delegation of four who went to Abdulhamid II to relay to him the news of his dethronement in the aftermath of the Counterrevolution (April 1909). Using his strong positions within the Committee of Union and Progress, Karasu managed to amass considerable wealth during the First World War, when his name also got popularly involved with corruption. Unlike other Unionists who left the imperial capital as the war came to an end, Karasu remained in Istanbul, where a number of court cases were brought against him. This is when he applied for Italian nationality, a request that started a lengthy bureaucratic paper trail that sheds light on an interesting nexus of political influence, capital, and extraterritorial privileges. This paper seeks to trace available Ottoman records in a bid to reconstruct the post-WWI odyssey of Karasu and trace the ways in which litigations were worked out in occupied Istanbul, how Al- lied Powers interacted with Ottoman authorities when it came to questions of nationality, and what these episodes imply in the transition to a post-Ottoman Middle East.

In 1766 at the Lodge of Kilwinning, Alexander Gillies, a young Scottish minister, delivered a discourse that not only manifested the influence of Adam Smith's moral theory but articulated how Christianity and freemasonry proposed distinct but complementary responses to the problem of self-love. This article, part intellectual history and part biography, examines Gillies's discourse, taking into account details of Gillies's life and establishing that he was in fact a student of Smith's at the University of Glasgow. The article then considers Smith's influence, as evident in Gillies's discourse, and reveals how a Calvinist notion of self-love resonated into the late eighteenth century. In the discourse, Gillies invoked subjects redolent of Smith's moral theory: the force of social interaction, the power of sympathy and the negative influence of self-love (a theme also manifest in some sermons of Smith's colleague, William Leechman). Like Smith, Gillies also worried about partiality and faction. Gillies forwarded the institution of freemasonry as a means—complementary to Christianity—of counteracting the tendency to partiality, born of self-love. In a later satirical composition, published in 1774 in the Edinburgh Magazine and Review, Gillies extended another critique of the power of self-love. Forged in part from his relation to Smith, Gillies's concern with self-love and his fresh stance on freemasonry yield a distinct perspective on eighteenth-century Scottish culture and ideas and offer insight into the complex relations of university, kirk and masonic lodge.

Abstract Background The mechanism underlying the health care cost trajectories among asylum seekers is not well understood. In the canton of Vaud in Switzerland, a nurse-led health care and medical Network for Migrant Health (“Réseau santé et migration” RESAMI) has established a health care model focusing on the first year after arrival of asylum seekers, called the “community health phase”. This model aims to provide tailored care and facilitate integration into the Swiss health care system. The aim of this study is to explore different health care cost trajectories among asylum seekers during this phase and identify the associated factors. Methods We detected different patterns of health care cost trajectories using time-series clustering of longitudinal data of asylum seekers in the canton of Vaud in Switzerland. These data included all adult asylum seekers and recipients of emergency aid who entered the canton between 2012 and 2015 and were followed until 2018. The different clusters of health care cost trajectories were then described using a multinomial logistic regression model. Results We identified a concave, an upward trending, and a downward trending cluster of health care cost trajectories with different characteristics being associated with each cluster. The likelihood of being in the concave cluster is positively associated with coming from the Eastern Mediterranean region or Africa rather than Europe and with a higher share of consultations with an interpreter. The likelihood of being in the upward trending cluster, which accrued the highest costs, is positively associated with 20–24-year-olds rather than older individuals, coming from Europe than any other region and having a mental disorder. In contrast to the other two clusters, the likelihood of being in the downward trending cluster is positively associated with having contacted the RESAMI network within the first month after arrival, which might indicate the potential of early intervention. It is also positively associated with older age and living in a group lodge. Conclusions Asylum seekers are heterogeneous in terms of health care cost trajectories. Exploring these differences can help point to possible ways to improve the care and supporting services provided to asylum seekers. Our findings could indicate that early and patient-centered interventions might be well-suited to this aim.

Цель исследования – описать основные направления общественно-поли- тической деятельности одного из наиболее видных осетин в европейской эмиграции в 1920–1940-е гг. – Тамбия Елекхоти. Статья подготовлена на основе архивных ма- териалов, собранных во Франции и в России. В статье впервые изучаются некоторые аспекты личной и политической жизни Елекхоти. До сих пор об этой личности не было научных исследований. До революции Елекхоти не проявлял себя в политической жизни, однако в эмиграции – вначале в Чехии, а потом во Франции – примкнул к тем горцам, ко- торые отстаивали идеи создания независимого государства на Северном Кавказе. Тем не менее крупных должностей в северокавказских организациях в эмиграции он не зани- мал, в кавказской масонской ложе не состоял. В 1920–30-е гг. он сосредоточился на под- готовке статей по истории и этнографии народов Северного Кавказа вообще и осетин в частности. Он проявил дар публициста. А в конце 1920-х гг. предположительно он во- шел в антироссийское агентство «Офинор», которое занималось мощной профашист- ской пропагандой. Есть несколько аргументов в пользу этой версии. Они приводятся в данной статье. Тем не менее этот период жизни Елекхоти, который длился довольно долго, до конца не исследован в силу ограниченности источников. Многие факты личной жизни до сих пор покрыты тайной The aim of this study is to describe the main directions of the social and political activities one of the most famous Ossetian in European emigration in the 1920-1940s –TambiyaElekhoti. The study of the peculiarities of the political life of North Caucasian emigrants is an important and actual part in the field of foreign Caucasian studies. It can to understand like the modern political trends as the social paradigms. The article was prepared on the basis of archival materials collected in France and Russia. In this article is study life of Elekhoti in detail. The author examines some aspects of Elekhoti's personal and political life. Until now, there has been no scientific research on this person. Before the revolution, Elekhoti did not show him-self in political life, but in emigration, in Czech Republic and France, he supported the idea of creating an independent state in the North Caucasus. Nevertheless, he did not occupied high positions in the North Cau-casian organizations in emigration. He was not a member of the Caucasian Masonic Lodge. In the 1920-30s he focused on preparing some articles on the history and ethnography of the peoples of the North Caucasus in general, and the Ossetians in particular. He was excellent publicist. At the end of 1920s.he began to work in the anti-Russian agency "Ofinor". It was the tool of the p large-scale pro-fascist propaganda. There are several arguments in favor of this version.

The article presents a hitherto unknown painting by Edward Mateusz Römer (1848–1900), a representative of a painters’ dynasty from Vilnius. The painting, which is currently referred to as “Spring in Vilnius”, features the house of the artist’s family in Vilnius. In order to fully evaluate the iconography of the work, considerable attention is given to the object of the work itself. The canvas features the courtyard and northern-side buildings of Römersʼ house in Vilnius, at the intersection of Savičiaus and Bokšto streets. Based on various written sources (house descriptions in tariff books, egodocuments of the Römer family), the development of the possession over the years and the functioning of the house in the nineteenth century are reconstructed. Also, changes in the structure of the living spaces are revealed, including the localisation of various premises and specification of the whereabouts of E. M. Römerʼs painting studio within the building complex. Throughout the nineteenth century, Römer’s house in Bokšto Street in Vilnius was the centre of the family’s social and cultural life. The main residential masonry buildings were mostly concentrated in the northern and eastern parts of the courtyard, whereas the wooden residential and livestock buildings were on the opposite side of the courtyard, to the right of the gate. After 1948, all the buildings in the southern part of the house were destroyed. Only the residential masonry houses consisting of three buildings located along the northern and eastern boundaries of the possession have survived to this day. The analysis of the origin revealed that the masonry in the northern part, which almost reached the top of the walls, dates back to 1792–1808. The reconstruction could have been related to Michał Józef Römer’s marriage in 1799. Most probably the “illusory” wall imitating the facade was built during the same year. At the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century, the eastern building on the hillside was the main building of the house. According to the data of 1812, by that time M. J. Römer’s apartment was in the more spacious part of the northern building (on the second floor), but from 1816 to1821, seven rooms of this apartment, rearranged according to the design of the architect Joseph Poussier, were leased to “Gorliwy Litwin”, the Masonic Lodge of Vilnius. In 1816, Michał Józef Römer and his wife Rachel moved back to the eastern building where they lived until M. J. Römer’s death. Their children with families lived in the apartments of the northern building, which were reconstructed between 1834 and 1837. From the end of eighteenth century until 1863, the first floor of the more spacious northern building, the so called “courtyard building” located away from the street, served as a stable and a carthouse. Later this part of the building was reconstructed, served as a painting studio of Adam Szemesz until 1864, and was E. M. Römer’s painting studio after 1877. The courtyard was a very important part of the complex of buildings. Part of it was occupied by an orchard and a small vineyard. After 1863, E. J. Römer decided to arrange the so-called “grove” of decorative plants for walking and relaxation. In 1850, a masonry studio for the painter Kanuty Rusiecki (1800–1860) was built in the courtyard of Römers’ house. For some time, this studio was also used by the painter Jan Zenkiewicz (1825–1888). Unfortunately, the building did not survive to this day. In the creative legacy of E. M. Römer, the paintings featuring the house in Bokšto Street are especially valuable. The painter concentrated on these motives during the last decade of his life, especially before 1897, when he mainly resided in Vilnius. E. M. Römer immortalised part of the courtyard and the northern buildings in the painting of 1893, which is now called “Spring in Vilnius”. Due to the painting quality of the work and its historical/iconographic value, this canvas is attributed to E. M. Römer’s most important extant works. In all likelihood, this painting is identical to the canvas “Under the Poplars” mentioned in the literature; in 1896, it was donated for the establishment of Jan Matejko’s museum in Krakow.

IntroductionIn the year 2000, a group of likeminded individuals got together and convened the first annual World Barista Championship in Monte Carlo. With twelve competitors from around the globe, each competitor was judged by seven judges: one head judge who oversaw the process, two technical judges who assessed technical skills, and four sensory judges who evaluated the taste and appearance of the espresso drinks. Competitors had fifteen minutes to serve four espresso coffees, four cappuccino coffees, and four “signature” drinks that they had devised using one shot of espresso and other ingredients of their choice, but no alcohol. The competitors were also assessed on their overall barista skills, their creativity, and their ability to perform under pressure and impress the judges with their knowledge of coffee. This competition has grown to the extent that eleven years later, in 2011, 54 countries held national barista championships with the winner from each country competing for the highly coveted position of World Barista Champion. That year, Alejandro Mendez from El Salvador became the first world champion from a coffee producing nation. Champion baristas are more likely to come from coffee consuming countries than they are from coffee producing countries as countries that produce coffee seldom have a culture of espresso coffee consumption. While Ireland is not a coffee-producing nation, the Irish are the highest per capita consumers of tea in the world (Mac Con Iomaire, “Ireland”). Despite this, in 2008, Stephen Morrissey from Ireland overcame 50 other national champions to become the 2008 World Barista Champion (see, http://vimeo.com/2254130). Another Irish national champion, Colin Harmon, came fourth in this competition in both 2009 and 2010. This paper discusses the history and development of coffee and coffee houses in Dublin from the 17th century, charting how coffee culture in Dublin appeared, evolved, and stagnated before re-emerging at the beginning of the 21st century, with a remarkable win in the World Barista Championships. The historical links between coffeehouses and media—ranging from print media to electronic and social media—are discussed. In this, the coffee house acts as an informal public gathering space, what urban sociologist Ray Oldenburg calls a “third place,” neither work nor home. These “third places” provide anchors for community life and facilitate and foster broader, more creative interaction (Oldenburg). This paper will also show how competition from other “third places” such as clubs, hotels, restaurants, and bars have affected the vibrancy of coffee houses. Early Coffee Houses The first coffee house was established in Constantinople in 1554 (Tannahill 252; Huetz de Lemps 387). The first English coffee houses opened in Oxford in 1650 and in London in 1652. Coffee houses multiplied thereafter but, in 1676, when some London coffee houses became hotbeds for political protest, the city prosecutor decided to close them. The ban was soon lifted and between 1680 and 1730 Londoners discovered the pleasure of drinking coffee (Huetz de Lemps 388), although these coffee houses sold a number of hot drinks including tea and chocolate as well as coffee.The first French coffee houses opened in Marseille in 1671 and in Paris the following year. Coffee houses proliferated during the 18th century: by 1720 there were 380 public cafés in Paris and by the end of the century there were 600 (Huetz de Lemps 387). Café Procope opened in Paris in 1674 and, in the 18th century, became a literary salon with regular patrons: Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot and Condorcet (Huetz de Lemps 387; Pitte 472). In England, coffee houses developed into exclusive clubs such as Crockford’s and the Reform, whilst elsewhere in Europe they evolved into what we identify as cafés, similar to the tea shops that would open in England in the late 19th century (Tannahill 252-53). Tea quickly displaced coffee in popularity in British coffee houses (Taylor 142). Pettigrew suggests two reasons why Great Britain became a tea-drinking nation while most of the rest of Europe took to coffee (48). The first was the power of the East India Company, chartered by Elizabeth I in 1600, which controlled the world’s biggest tea monopoly and promoted the beverage enthusiastically. The second was the difficulty England had in securing coffee from the Levant while at war with France at the end of the seventeenth century and again during the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-13). Tea also became the dominant beverage in Ireland and over a period of time became the staple beverage of the whole country. In 1835, Samuel Bewley and his son Charles dared to break the monopoly of The East India Company by importing over 2,000 chests of tea directly from Canton, China, to Ireland. His family would later become synonymous with the importation of coffee and with opening cafés in Ireland (see, Farmar for full history of the Bewley's and their activities). Ireland remains the highest per-capita consumer of tea in the world. Coffee houses have long been linked with social and political change (Kennedy, Politicks; Pincus). The notion that these new non-alcoholic drinks were responsible for the Enlightenment because people could now gather socially without getting drunk is rejected by Wheaton as frivolous, since there had always been alternatives to strong drink, and European civilisation had achieved much in the previous centuries (91). She comments additionally that cafés, as gathering places for dissenters, took over the role that taverns had long played. Pennell and Vickery support this argument adding that by offering a choice of drinks, and often sweets, at a fixed price and in a more civilized setting than most taverns provided, coffee houses and cafés were part of the rise of the modern restaurant. It is believed that, by 1700, the commercial provision of food and drink constituted the second largest occupational sector in London. Travellers’ accounts are full of descriptions of London taverns, pie shops, coffee, bun and chop houses, breakfast huts, and food hawkers (Pennell; Vickery). Dublin Coffee Houses and Later incarnations The earliest reference to coffee houses in Dublin is to the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85). Public dining or drinking establishments listed in the 1738 Dublin Directory include taverns, eating houses, chop houses, coffee houses, and one chocolate house in Fownes Court run by Peter Bardin (Hardiman and Kennedy 157). During the second half of the 17th century, Dublin’s merchant classes transferred allegiance from taverns to the newly fashionable coffee houses as places to conduct business. By 1698, the fashion had spread to country towns with coffee houses found in Cork, Limerick, Kilkenny, Clonmel, Wexford, and Galway, and slightly later in Belfast and Waterford in the 18th century. Maxwell lists some of Dublin’s leading coffee houses and taverns, noting their clientele: There were Lucas’s Coffee House, on Cork Hill (the scene of many duels), frequented by fashionable young men; the Phoenix, in Werburgh Street, where political dinners were held; Dick’s Coffee House, in Skinner’s Row, much patronized by literary men, for it was over a bookseller’s; the Eagle, in Eustace Street, where meetings of the Volunteers were held; the Old Sot’s Hole, near Essex Bridge, famous for its beefsteaks and ale; the Eagle Tavern, on Cork Hill, which was demolished at the same time as Lucas’s to make room for the Royal Exchange; and many others. (76) Many of the early taverns were situated around the Winetavern Street, Cook Street, and Fishamble Street area. (see Fig. 1) Taverns, and later coffee houses, became meeting places for gentlemen and centres for debate and the exchange of ideas. In 1706, Francis Dickson published the Flying Post newspaper at the Four Courts coffee house in Winetavern Street. The Bear Tavern (1725) and the Black Lyon (1735), where a Masonic Lodge assembled every Wednesday, were also located on this street (Gilbert v.1 160). Dick’s Coffee house was established in the late 17th century by bookseller and newspaper proprietor Richard Pue, and remained open until 1780 when the building was demolished. In 1740, Dick’s customers were described thus: Ye citizens, gentlemen, lawyers and squires,who summer and winter surround our great fires,ye quidnuncs! who frequently come into Pue’s,To live upon politicks, coffee, and news. (Gilbert v.1 174) There has long been an association between coffeehouses and publishing books, pamphlets and particularly newspapers. Other Dublin publishers and newspapermen who owned coffee houses included Richard Norris and Thomas Bacon. Until the 1850s, newspapers were burdened with a number of taxes: on the newsprint, a stamp duty, and on each advertisement. By 1865, these taxes had virtually disappeared, resulting in the appearance of 30 new newspapers in Ireland, 24 of them in Dublin. Most people read from copies which were available free of charge in taverns, clubs, and coffee houses (MacGiolla Phadraig). Coffee houses also kept copies of international newspapers. On 4 May 1706, Francis Dickson notes in the Dublin Intelligence that he held the Paris and London Gazettes, Leyden Gazette and Slip, the Paris and Hague Lettres à la Main, Daily Courant, Post-man, Flying Post, Post-script and Manuscripts in his coffeehouse in Winetavern Street (Kennedy, “Dublin”). Henry Berry’s analysis of shop signs in Dublin identifies 24 different coffee houses in Dublin, with the main clusters in Essex Street near the Custom’s House (Cocoa Tree, Bacon’s, Dempster’s, Dublin, Merchant’s, Norris’s, and Walsh’s) Cork Hill (Lucas’s, St Lawrence’s, and Solyman’s) Skinners’ Row (Bow’s’, Darby’s, and Dick’s) Christ Church Yard (Four Courts, and London) College Green (Jack’s, and Parliament) and Crampton Court (Exchange, and Little Dublin). (see Figure 1, below, for these clusters and the locations of other Dublin coffee houses.) The earliest to be referenced is the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85), with Solyman’s (1691), Bow’s (1692), and Patt’s on High Street (1699), all mentioned in print before the 18th century. The name of one, the Cocoa Tree, suggests that chocolate was also served in this coffee house. More evidence of the variety of beverages sold in coffee houses comes from Gilbert who notes that in 1730, one Dublin poet wrote of George Carterwright’s wife at The Custom House Coffee House on Essex Street: Her coffee’s fresh and fresh her tea,Sweet her cream, ptizan, and whea,her drams, of ev’ry sort, we findboth good and pleasant, in their kind. (v. 2 161) Figure 1: Map of Dublin indicating Coffee House clusters 1 = Sackville St.; 2 = Winetavern St.; 3 = Essex St.; 4 = Cork Hill; 5 = Skinner's Row; 6 = College Green.; 7 = Christ Church Yard; 8 = Crampton Court.; 9 = Cook St.; 10 = High St.; 11 = Eustace St.; 12 = Werburgh St.; 13 = Fishamble St.; 14 = Westmorland St.; 15 = South Great George's St.; 16 = Grafton St.; 17 = Kildare St.; 18 = Dame St.; 19 = Anglesea Row; 20 = Foster Place; 21 = Poolbeg St.; 22 = Fleet St.; 23 = Burgh Quay.A = Cafe de Paris, Lincoln Place; B = Red Bank Restaurant, D'Olier St.; C = Morrison's Hotel, Nassau St.; D = Shelbourne Hotel, St. Stephen's Green; E = Jury's Hotel, Dame St. Some coffee houses transformed into the gentlemen’s clubs that appeared in London, Paris and Dublin in the 17th century. These clubs originally met in coffee houses, then taverns, until later proprietary clubs became fashionable. Dublin anticipated London in club fashions with members of the Kildare Street Club (1782) and the Sackville Street Club (1794) owning the premises of their clubhouse, thus dispensing with the proprietor. The first London club to be owned by the members seems to be Arthur’s, founded in 1811 (McDowell 4) and this practice became widespread throughout the 19th century in both London and Dublin. The origin of one of Dublin’s most famous clubs, Daly’s Club, was a chocolate house opened by Patrick Daly in c.1762–65 in premises at 2–3 Dame Street (Brooke). It prospered sufficiently to commission its own granite-faced building on College Green between Anglesea Street and Foster Place which opened in 1789 (Liddy 51). Daly’s Club, “where half the land of Ireland has changed hands”, was renowned for the gambling that took place there (Montgomery 39). Daly’s sumptuous palace catered very well (and discreetly) for honourable Members of Parliament and rich “bucks” alike (Craig 222). The changing political and social landscape following the Act of Union led to Daly’s slow demise and its eventual closure in 1823 (Liddy 51). Coincidentally, the first Starbucks in Ireland opened in 2005 in the same location. Once gentlemen’s clubs had designated buildings where members could eat, drink, socialise, and stay overnight, taverns and coffee houses faced competition from the best Dublin hotels which also had coffee rooms “in which gentlemen could read papers, write letters, take coffee and wine in the evening—an exiguous substitute for a club” (McDowell 17). There were at least 15 establishments in Dublin city claiming to be hotels by 1789 (Corr 1) and their numbers grew in the 19th century, an expansion which was particularly influenced by the growth of railways. By 1790, Dublin’s public houses (“pubs”) outnumbered its coffee houses with Dublin boasting 1,300 (Rooney 132). Names like the Goose and Gridiron, Harp and Crown, Horseshoe and Magpie, and Hen and Chickens—fashionable during the 17th and 18th centuries in Ireland—hung on decorative signs for those who could not read. Throughout the 20th century, the public house provided the dominant “third place” in Irish society, and the drink of choice for itd predominantly male customers was a frothy pint of Guinness. Newspapers were available in public houses and many newspapermen had their own favourite hostelries such as Mulligan’s of Poolbeg Street; The Pearl, and The Palace on Fleet Street; and The White Horse Inn on Burgh Quay. Any coffee served in these establishments prior to the arrival of the new coffee culture in the 21st century was, however, of the powdered instant variety. Hotels / Restaurants with Coffee Rooms From the mid-19th century, the public dining landscape of Dublin changed in line with London and other large cities in the United Kingdom. Restaurants did appear gradually in the United Kingdom and research suggests that one possible reason for this growth from the 1860s onwards was the Refreshment Houses and Wine Licences Act (1860). The object of this act was to “reunite the business of eating and drinking”, thereby encouraging public sobriety (Mac Con Iomaire, “Emergence” v.2 95). Advertisements for Dublin restaurants appeared in The Irish Times from the 1860s. Thom’s Directory includes listings for Dining Rooms from the 1870s and Refreshment Rooms are listed from the 1880s. This pattern continued until 1909, when Thom’s Directory first includes a listing for “Restaurants and Tea Rooms”. Some of the establishments that advertised separate coffee rooms include Dublin’s first French restaurant, the Café de Paris, The Red Bank Restaurant, Morrison’s Hotel, Shelbourne Hotel, and Jury’s Hotel (see Fig. 1). The pattern of separate ladies’ coffee rooms emerged in Dublin and London during the latter half of the 19th century and mixed sex dining only became popular around the last decade of the 19th century, partly infuenced by Cesar Ritz and Auguste Escoffier (Mac Con Iomaire, “Public Dining”). Irish Cafés: From Bewley’s to Starbucks A number of cafés appeared at the beginning of the 20th century, most notably Robert Roberts and Bewley’s, both of which were owned by Quaker families. Ernest Bewley took over the running of the Bewley’s importation business in the 1890s and opened a number of Oriental Cafés; South Great Georges Street (1894), Westmoreland Street (1896), and what became the landmark Bewley’s Oriental Café in Grafton Street (1927). Drawing influence from the grand cafés of Paris and Vienna, oriental tearooms, and Egyptian architecture (inspired by the discovery in 1922 of Tutankhamen’s Tomb), the Grafton Street business brought a touch of the exotic into the newly formed Irish Free State. Bewley’s cafés became the haunt of many of Ireland’s leading literary figures, including Samuel Becket, Sean O’Casey, and James Joyce who mentioned the café in his book, Dubliners. A full history of Bewley’s is available (Farmar). It is important to note, however, that pots of tea were sold in equal measure to mugs of coffee in Bewley’s. The cafés changed over time from waitress- to self-service and a failure to adapt to changing fashions led to the business being sold, with only the flagship café in Grafton Street remaining open in a revised capacity. It was not until the beginning of the 21st century that a new wave of coffee house culture swept Ireland. This was based around speciality coffee beverages such as espressos, cappuccinos, lattés, macchiatos, and frappuccinnos. This new phenomenon coincided with the unprecedented growth in the Irish economy, during which Ireland became known as the “Celtic Tiger” (Murphy 3). One aspect of this period was a building boom and a subsequent growth in apartment living in the Dublin city centre. The American sitcom Friends and its fictional coffee house, “Central Perk,” may also have helped popularise the use of coffee houses as “third spaces” (Oldenberg) among young apartment dwellers in Dublin. This was also the era of the “dotcom boom” when many young entrepreneurs, software designers, webmasters, and stock market investors were using coffee houses as meeting places for business and also as ad hoc office spaces. This trend is very similar to the situation in the 17th and early 18th centuries where coffeehouses became known as sites for business dealings. Various theories explaining the growth of the new café culture have circulated, with reasons ranging from a growth in Eastern European migrants, anti-smoking legislation, returning sophisticated Irish emigrants, and increased affluence (Fenton). Dublin pubs, facing competition from the new coffee culture, began installing espresso coffee machines made by companies such as Gaggia to attract customers more interested in a good latté than a lager and it is within this context that Irish baristas gained such success in the World Barista competition. In 2001 the Georges Street branch of Bewley’s was taken over by a chain called Café, Bar, Deli specialising in serving good food at reasonable prices. Many ex-Bewley’s staff members subsequently opened their own businesses, roasting coffee and running cafés. Irish-owned coffee chains such as Java Republic, Insomnia, and O’Brien’s Sandwich Bars continued to thrive despite the competition from coffee chains Starbucks and Costa Café. Indeed, so successful was the handmade Irish sandwich and coffee business that, before the economic downturn affected its business, Irish franchise O’Brien’s operated in over 18 countries. The Café, Bar, Deli group had also begun to franchise its operations in 2008 when it too became a victim of the global economic downturn. With the growth of the Internet, many newspapers have experienced falling sales of their printed format and rising uptake of their electronic versions. Most Dublin coffee houses today provide wireless Internet connections so their customers can read not only the local newspapers online, but also others from all over the globe, similar to Francis Dickenson’s coffee house in Winetavern Street in the early 18th century. Dublin has become Europe’s Silicon Valley, housing the European headquarters for companies such as Google, Yahoo, Ebay, Paypal, and Facebook. There are currently plans to provide free wireless connectivity throughout Dublin’s city centre in order to promote e-commerce, however, some coffee houses shut off the wireless Internet in their establishments at certain times of the week in order to promote more social interaction to ensure that these “third places” remain “great good places” at the heart of the community (Oldenburg). Conclusion Ireland is not a country that is normally associated with a coffee culture but coffee houses have been part of the fabric of that country since they emerged in Dublin in the 17th century. These Dublin coffee houses prospered in the 18th century, and survived strong competition from clubs and hotels in the 19th century, and from restaurant and public houses into the 20th century. In 2008, when Stephen Morrissey won the coveted title of World Barista Champion, Ireland’s place as a coffee consuming country was re-established. 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