Journal articles on the topic 'Canadian politics and government'
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Issraelyan, E. V. "Afghan Agenda in Current Canadian Politics." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S2 (June 2022): S142—S147. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622080044.
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Abstract Canada’s operation in Afghanistan has been unfolding during a critically important domestic political event, i.e., the federal elections of 2021. The election campaign had pooled the main attention and resources of the Canadian leadership, limiting its ability to act in Afghanistan. Despite the difficulties, the Liberal Government of Justin Trudeau has achieved a lot. Firstly, they have organized the evacuation of Canadians and of Afghans who worked with the Canadian Armed Forces during the US and NATO military mission. Secondly, Ottawa has defined its attitude towards the Taliban regime by refusing diplomatic recognition. Thirdly, the admission of Afghan refugees to Canada has begun. In each of these areas, the Liberal Government has successes and failures, which have caused acute controversy in the country.
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Beauvais, Edana, and Dietlind Stolle. "The Politics of White Identity and Settlers’ Indigenous Resentment in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 55, no. 1 (March 2022): 59–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423921000986.
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AbstractThis article introduces White identity as an understudied concept in Canadian politics and compares how White settlers’ ingroup attachments and their outgroup attitudes—specifically, White settlers’ anti-Indigenous attitudes—shape Canadian politics. We find that White identity is associated with greater support for government spending on policies that disproportionately benefit White Canadians, such as pensions, whereas Indigenous resentment is associated with greater opposition toward government spending on policies that are often perceived as disproportionately benefiting Indigenous peoples, such as welfare. In Canada outside Quebec, both White identity and anti-Indigenous attitudes are associated with voting Conservative. In Quebec, White identity mobilizes support for the Bloc Québécois, while White settlers’ negative attitudes toward Indigenous peoples are not associated with vote choice.
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Trim, Henry. "Brief Periods of Sunshine: A History of the Canadian Government’s Attempt to Build a Solar Heating Industry, 1974-1983." Scientia Canadensis 34, no. 2 (February 22, 2013): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1014346ar.
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In the 1970s a worldwide energy crisis wracked Canada. Searching for ways to provide energy for Canada’s future, the Canadian government encouraged the development of a new technology: solar heating. The political and economic needs of the Trudeau government and Department of Energy, Mines, and Resources dominated the Canadian solar heating industry from its inception in 1978 until its demise in 1983. Partisan politics, however, were not the only important influence on solar energy in Canada. Technologies of simulation and prediction, as well as the Canadian government’s adherence to the ideology of objectivity, also shaped the history of solar heating in Canada. By analyzing the role of simulation, “objectivity,” and political power in the rise and fall of the solar industry, this essay hopes to illuminate the importance of government in the Canadian history of technology and begin to provide a history of Canadian solar technology and industry.
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Kuzmina, Tatyana. "“Visible” ethnic communities in Canada during the COVID-19 pandemics." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 4 (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760017859-1.
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The author turns to the aspect of the development of the pandemic in Canada, which rarely becomes the focus of attention of political reviewers of the COVID-19 strategy of the Canadian government of J. Trudeau – the situation in visible ethnic communities and among first-generation immigrants from South Asia, Latin America, the Caribbean, etc. The universal multicultural strategy of the Government of Canada has left these groups underrepresented and, thus, made them marginal from the socio-political standpoint, which resulted in an increase in infection and mortality rates among them. The federal and regional governments” official documents and independent surveys in Canada have been analyzed including the opinions of Canadian specialists in medicine, politics and sociology for the period from 2020 to 2021. Canada's experience may be applicable for planning antivirus measures in other regions of the world.
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Merkle, Denise. "Language, politics, and the nineteenth-century French–Canadian official translator." Beyond transfiction 11, no. 3 (November 7, 2016): 436–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/tis.11.3.07mer.
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This article aims to contribute to the history of Canadian official translators by looking at three activist translators who were also published writers in post-confederation nineteenth-century Canada. All three francophone official translators “exiled” to Ottawa, the newly designated capital of the young confederation, were actively engaged in creating francophone spaces in and from which they could promote French-Canadian cultures and the French language. Refusing to submit passively to Anglo-dominated government authorship and to the increasingly anglicized Canadian landscape, they coordinated their efforts to carve out a distinct and distinctive place for Canadian francophones. Their weapon of choice in confronting Anglo-Canadian hegemony was authorship. From historical narrative, to novels, caustic songs and nationalist poetry, their writings nurtured pride in the shared history of French-Canadians from different backgrounds — despite the traumatic Grand Dérangement and Conquête — and generated hope for the future of their nation(s).
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Marland, Alex, and Jared J. Wesley. "Surveying the Canadian State: Evolution of Canadian Political Science, Politics, and Government Since 1967." Canadian Journal of Political Science 50, no. 1 (March 2017): 377–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842391600113x.
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This review essay identifies major monographs about the study of government and political institutions in Canada published in English over the past 50 years. Our review is woven around a general argument that key books about Canadian political life have mirrored the evolution of the discipline in the country as a whole. For instance, important books on federalism were written at turning points in Canada's constitutional history, while the recent uptick in social diversity and political communication studies mirrors broader societal trends. Equally, greater diversity in hiring within the academy has contributed to a broadening of subject matter, perspectives, methodologies and authorship. Thus, we explore the intersection between scholarship and society, with political scientists and their books as much products of their time as they have been contributors to the evolution of the political world around them. The sources that we identify have given shape to the study and practice of Canadian domestic politics.
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McCulloch, Michael. "The Death of Whiggery: Lower-Canadian British Constitutionalism and the tentation de l’histoire parallèle." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 2, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 195–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031034ar.
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Abstract The Constitutional Act of 1791 was sought to create in Lower Canada a community whose social and political values reflected the basic assumptions of late-eighteenth-century Whiggery. These included representation of interest rather than of individuals, the importance of the "due" weight of property, and the organic nature of the British constitution. These values of "Liberty and Property" constituted the focus of the emotional and cultural image of the British Constitution. For the British Lower Canadians of the 1830s, these values were not fossilised remnants. Rather, they formed a coherent framework that made legitimate their conflict with the French-Canadian majority for control over politics. The influence of organised Constitutionalism did not disappear with the Act of Union of 1841. In the opening years of the union, anglophones identified with the Constitutionalist party which dominated both opposition and government in Canada East. They remained an influence until midcentury. Indeed, the final disintegration of Constitutionalism as a defensible basis for British Lower-Canadian politics was not the result of the inevitable triumph of La Fontaine's Responsible Government. Because they strongly identified, not simply with Britain, but with specific elements of British society, English-speaking Lower Canadians responded to changes in British political society. “La tentation de l'histoire parallèle” ensured that the Irish Repeal agitation and the Free Trade campaign would disrupt the assumption of a united British "interest." After the 1840s, the disproportionate power of British-Canadian élites in Lower Canada was based on their influence among the leaders of political parties rather than a collective identity rooted in the values of ''Whiggery.''
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Lawton, William. "Worn Themes and New Developments in Quebec and Canadian Politics." Politics 15, no. 3 (September 1995): 167–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1995.tb00136.x.
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Taking the Quebec election of September 1994 as a starting point, this article provides observations on developments in Canadian politics and Quebec-Canada relations. The Quebec election resulted in the transfer of power to a government committed to Quebec's withdrawal from the Canadian federation. This latest manifestation of Quebec nationalism bears similarity with events in the past but the Canadian political landscape has undergone profound changes over the past decade. The article seeks to place the nationalist victory in the contexts of Canada's quest for constitutional reform, the regionalisation of federal politics, and North American economic integration.
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Lewis, J. P. "Party Unity and Discipline in Canadian Politics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 54, no. 1 (January 21, 2021): 230–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423920001146.
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Anyone with a passing understanding of Canadian politics is aware of the stubborn presence of party discipline in the parliamentary system. It is not a phenomenon that has been left to the stuffy corners of the ivory tower. Political actors and the media have complained about party discipline for decades. Reforms have been proposed; party leaders have promised new ways forward. As a central trait of Canadian Parliament, party discipline has driven away voters—it has even inspired the development of new political parties. What role can Canadian political science play in understanding party discipline 75 years after these familiar sentiments appeared in the predecessor to this journal: “How could this control [party discipline] be destroyed, and the individual member be made an independent critic of government and of legislation, and a responsible servant of the people” (Morton, 1946: 136)? It turns out Canadian political science has much to offer. With the publication of J. F. Godbout's Lost on Division: Party Unity in the Canadian Parliament and Alex Marland's Whipped: Party Discipline in Canada, 2020 has been a monumental year for the study of Canadian Parliament and political parties.
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Dodek, Adam. "The Politics of the Senate Reform Reference: Fidelity, Frustration, and Federal Unilateralism." McGill Law Journal 60, no. 4 (November 23, 2015): 623–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1034050ar.
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References are the most political of cases, almost always involving high profile public policy issues. Frequently, references are brought to obtain rulings on the relationship between the federal government and the provinces. Less frequently, references involve questions of interbranch relations, that is, between two or more of the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government. The Senate Reform Reference was one of the rare cases that featured each of these three elements. This article analyzes the Senate Reform Reference on several political levels. First, it situates the reference in terms of megaconstitutional politics, the long-held Canadian practice of attempting to resolve constitutional issues through formal and often high-profile negotiations between the federal and provincial governments. Such interactions have been anathema to the Harper government which has preferred unilateral political action to negotiated political agreement. The article then examines interparty politics or the relationship between the Harper government and the opposition parties during the period of minority government (2006–2011). This is the period during which one would have expected the government to bring a reference because of its inability to obtain support from the other parties in the House of Commons and the Senate for its proposed legislation on the Senate. However, it did not. This leads to an examination of the third issue: intra-party politics or the politics within the governing party, the Conservative Party of Canada. Finally, the article discusses legal politics and how the government of Québec essentially forced the federal government’s hand by bringing its own reference to the Québec Court of Appeal. The overarching framework of interbranch politics—the relationship between the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government—is examined throughout the article.
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Brock, Kathy L. "The politics of aboriginal self-government: A Canadian paradox." Canadian Public Administration/Administration publique du Canada 34, no. 2 (June 1991): 272–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-7121.1991.tb01463.x.
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Krikorian, Jacqueline D. "British Imperial Politics and Judicial Independence: The Judicial Committee's Decision in the Canadian Case Nadan v. The King." Canadian Journal of Political Science 33, no. 2 (June 2000): 291–332. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900000111.
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Traditionally, Canadian commentary on the Judicial Committee has focused on the effect or impact of the imperial tribunal's decisions on the nature of Canadian federalism. Numerous studies have examined the issue of whether or not the Judicial Committee strengthened the powers of provincial governments at the expense of the federal government by misinterpreting the Constitution Act, 1867 and by ignoring the intentions of the fathers of Confederation who sought to create a strong centralized government. The Canadian preoccupation with the merits of this debate has led one distinguished political scientist, David E. Smith, to suggest that “perhaps too much” has been written about the Judicial Committee. The literature examining the relationship between the Judicial Committee and Canada has not, however, addressed the significance of the imperial context in which the tribunal's decisions were written. The Judicial Committee was not only the final appellate body for Canada but was also responsible for hearing disputes from other parts of the Empire. Decisions written for one Dominion or colony could have profound legal and political effects on another.
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Cardinal, Linda, Helaina Gaspard, and Rémi Léger. "The Politics of Language Roadmaps in Canada: Understanding the Conservative Government's Approach to Official Languages." Canadian Journal of Political Science 48, no. 3 (August 24, 2015): 577–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423915000517.
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AbstractThis article critically examines the Conservative government's approach to official languages, through a policy instrument framework. Special attention is paid to the third federal roadmap for official languages—the first having been unveiled by the Liberal government in 2003 and the second by the Conservative minority government in 2008—and how this roadmap conveys a new representation of official languages in relation to Canadian identity and citizenship. The focus on the linguistic integration of new immigrants in the 2013 language roadmap generates interest. The policy instrument framework also shows how language roadmaps represent the fourth generation of official language policies in Canada; the first three generations found their respective bases in the 1969 Official Languages Act, the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the 1988 Official Languages Act. The article concludes that an analysis of language roadmaps elucidates transformations initiated by the Conservative governments in the area of official languages in Canada. It also promotes further exploration and analysis of language policies through the policy instrument framework.
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Willmott, Kyle. "From self-government to government of the self: Fiscal subjectivity, Indigenous governance and the politics of transparency." Critical Social Policy 40, no. 3 (June 20, 2019): 471–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018319857169.
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In 2013 the Canadian Parliament passed the First Nations Financial Transparency Act (FNFTA). Subject to immediate controversy, the law generated legal and political resistance from Indigenous leaders and scholars. The law requires First Nations governments to post audited consolidated financial statements and the salaries of chiefs and councillors online for public consumption. The article traces the use of transparency as a technology of government to examine how disclosure acts as an organizing mechanism of commensuration and moral scrutiny. The article then shows how transparency and disclosure was directed to rescale critique of the state away from the Canadian government, and toward First Nations governments. The article concludes by examining how bureaucrats envisioned how Indigenous peoples would use transparency and disclosure to reform their political conducts into that of a calculating taxpayer citizenship.
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Evans, Michelle Joan. "Miss Phases of Canadian Federalism." Federalism-E 20, no. 1 (April 17, 2019): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v20i1.13201.
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A critical review of Simeon and Robinson's "Dynamics of Canadian Federalism." Simeon and Robinson evaluate the evolutionary path of Canadian federalism throughout history using the lens of historical institutionalism. In Simeon and Robinson’s “The Dynamics of Canadian Federalism” in James Bickerton and Alain-G. Gagnon’s Canadian Politics 5th ed., the authors argue that the best way to understand Canadian federalism is by evaluating how key historical factors shaped the application of federal principles. They categorize Canadian federalism into periods and outline what historical factors defined the type of federalism that was pertinent at the time. Canadian federalism has achieved great success in responding to times of international crisis through strong leadership and maintaining the federation despite historical pressures. The question remains, what factors of Canadian politics will inform the next phase of Canadian federalism and how will the Canadian government account for the presence of Indigenous Canadians that have not been considered throughout the evolution of Canadian federalism.
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Al-hasin, FIkry Muhammad Reza, and Demeiati Nur Kusumaningrum. "The Matter of Quebec Movement: A Review on Canadian Domestic Politics." Nation State Journal of International Studies 3, no. 2 (January 9, 2020): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.2020v3i2.213.
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The Canadian government has succeeded to maintain its political stability by implementing middle-ways approach to face the separatism movement. Parti Quebecois has been the biggest promoter of Quebec sovereign movement. This political party has held referendums to be independent from the central government and managed to gain public attention. This paper aimed to figure out how the series of Quebec sovereign movements affected Canadian domestic politics. It used constructivist approach to explain why the Quebec struggle for independent and how its strategies influence the Canadian domestic structure. The data obtained from library research. This paper examines the effort of Quebec movement consist of (1) creating a political discourse of “self-determinantion”. The social movement transforms into Québécois political party and it visioned to gain territory of the province since the decade of the 1960s; (2) social construction dealing with the issue of French identity as non-Canadian culture. The supports of the idea embedded in the several forms of regulations and propaganda in the public sphere.
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Walks, R. Alan. "City Politics, Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 3 (September 2006): 706–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390631997x.
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City Politics, Canada, James Lightbody, Peterborough: Broadview Press, 2006, pp. 576.Scholarly research on Canadian urban politics has never been extensive, and the few who teach in the field have had to make do with a limited range of textbooks, mostly focused on the institutions of local government. Those wanting to extend their coverage to deal with such issues as the importance of globalization, social movements, race and ethnicity, social inequality, urban political culture, regional governance, the media, and federal policy, have been forced to rely on an assemblage of diverse materials. As well, the politics of, and role played by, the suburbs is often marginal to most texts, focused as they are on the politics of the largest central cities.
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Trilokekar, Roopa, Amira El Masri, and Hani El Masry. "Power, Politics, and Education: Canadian Universities and International Education in an Era of New Geopolitics." Canadian Journal of Higher Education 50, no. 3 (January 11, 2021): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.vi0.188777.
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This paper focuses on the recent political spars between Canada and Saudi Arabia as well as China and their impact on Canadian universities. It asks three questions: (1) What key issues did Canada’s political strains with Saudi Arabia and China raise for Canadian universities’ international education (IE) initiatives and what issues were absent? (2) What do these key issues suggest about Canada’s approaches to IE in an era of new geopolitics? and (3) What implications can be drawn from these cases about Canadian university-government relations in the context of new geopolitics? Given the powerful role media plays in education policy, a systematic study was conducted across three main media sources to identify 74 articles and news releases between August 2018 and November 2019. Three dominant themes are identified and analyzed, each vividly illustrating the close ties between global politics, government foreign policy and IE within Canadian Universities. On the one hand, the narratives speak to concerns about IE as a risk to national security and, on the other, as a vehicle for Canada’s economic prosperity. However, what the media has not achieved is a broader discussion on how Canada needs to revisit its IE objectives and approaches in light of broader geopolitical shifts. Using the theoretical framework of soft power, the paper speaks to the limitations and short-sightedness of Canada’s approach to IE as soft power in this era of new geopolitics and concludes with three recommendations for Canada.
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McCracken, Damian John. "The CCF and Canada's Socialist Streak." Federalism-E 20, no. 1 (April 17, 2019): 66–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v20i1.13154.
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In the early 20th Century Canada saw the rise of a prominent socialist movement led by the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF). The CCF's influence on Canadian politics was essential to the creation of Canada's modern political ideology, which can be described as reform liberal. This ideology took hold due to the pressure that the CCF exerted on the two major federal parties, which could both be characterized as classical liberal. Due to the settlement pattern of the prairies and the actions of the federal government in response to the Great Depression, the CCF was able to secure a strong support base that propelled it to federal politics and allowed it to form a provincial government in Saskatchewan. Though it never formed a federal government, the CCF pushed for old age pension, reforms of corporate taxation, and Medicare. As a provincial actor and a "third force" upon the two ruling federal parties, the CCF and its successor the New Democratic Party’s contributions to Canadian identity and policy are beyond dispute.
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Cutler, Fred. "Whodunnit? Voters and Responsibility in Canadian Federalism." Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no. 3 (September 2008): 627–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908080761.
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Abstract. Government accountability in Canada depends on Canadian voters' attributing responsibility to multiple levels of government for policy outcomes. This study presents the first comprehensive account of these responsibility judgments. The data are from panel surveys of voters in Ontario and Saskatchewan as they faced provincial elections in the fall of 2003 and then the federal election of 2004. Voters were asked about conditions in a number of policy areas and then asked to separately attribute responsibility to the two senior levels of government. Voters do not strongly differentiate the governments' roles and there is little variation across issues. Attentiveness to politics only very slightly improves the quality of responsibility attributions, and only on issues where responsibility is objectively clearer. The results suggest that federalism is a major challenge for Canadian voters wishing to reward or punish their governments for policy outcomes.Résumé. La responsabilisation gouvernementale au Canada dépend de la capacité du citoyen à différencier clairement les sphères d'activité des divers paliers de gouvernement. Cette étude offre, pour la première fois, un portrait exhaustif des mécanismes d'attribution de la responsabilité dans le système fédéral canadien. Les données sont tirées de deux enquêtes en panel réalisées durant les campagnes électorales provinciales de l'Ontario et de la Saskatchewan à l'automne 2003, puis durant la campagne fédérale de 2004. Deux aspects principaux de ces enquêtes ont été retenus pour cette étude. Tout d'abord, les répondants ont été interrogés sur leur perception de l'état des choses quant à une série d'enjeux de politique publique (économie, système de santé, et ainsi de suite). Ils ont ensuite dû attribuer la responsabilité de ces politiques aux deux paliers supérieurs de gouvernement au Canada. Il s'avère que les électeurs ne différencient que faiblement le rôle de chaque palier de gouvernement et ce, quel que soit l'enjeu. La capacité d'attribution de la responsabilité n'est que légèrement affectée par le niveau d'attention à la politique de l'électeur. Les résultats de l'analyse suggèrent que la nature fédérale du système politique canadien demeure un défi important à surmonter pour l'électeur qui désire récompenser ou punir ses gouvernements pour une politique publique donnée.
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Martin, Geoff. "Executive Styles in Canada: Cabinet Structures and Leadership Practices in Canadian Government." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 1 (March 2006): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906219991.
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Executive Styles in Canada: Cabinet Structures and Leadership Practices in Canadian Government, Luc Bernier, Keith Brownsey and Michael Howlett, eds., Toronto: University of Toronto Press, for The Institute of Public Administration of Canada, 2005, pp. xiii, 282.Executive Styles in Canada is a welcome addition to the literature on Canadian political leadership and provincial politics, essentially raising the question of the power of the premier, central agencies, and executive council in each of the Canadian provinces. To this end the editors have organized the book in 13 chapters. The book begins with a survey of the whole debate over “court government” raised by Donald Savoie, and the development model of Canadian cabinets advanced by Stefan Dupré and Christopher Dunn. The second chapter is given over to Savoie to make his case with respect to the federal government. His argument, by now familiar, is that by the 1990s the real power in the federal government is in the hands of the “prime minister and a small group of carefully selected courtiers” (17). Executive dominance of the legislature in the Westminster model has given way to even greater centralization. Power flows not from ministers, but from the prime minister. While Savoie does not address the seeming anomaly of the Paul Martin minority government of 2004–05, in which the House of Commons and even the opposition parties suddenly became relevant again, one gets the sense that he would argue that this is a temporary development rather than a more durable departure from the direction of the last 30 years.
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Macfarlane, Emmett. "“You Can't Always Get What You Want”: Regime Politics, the Supreme Court of Canada, and the Harper Government." Canadian Journal of Political Science 51, no. 1 (September 11, 2017): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423917000981.
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AbstractApplying the regime politics approach to the study of judicial behaviour, which regards the Supreme Court as largely operating to preserve the policy agenda of the existing lawmaking majority, this paper evaluates the Court's behaviour during the Conservative government's tenure. There is evidence to support the basic core of the regime politics thesis. The Court rarely invalidates laws passed by the sitting government. Nonetheless, the Court's behaviour during the Conservative government's tenure was distinctive. Incorporating a measure of issue salience—the relative importance of the policies affected—into the analysis demonstrates the Court's impact on the Conservatives' policy agenda stands in sharp contrast to previous governments. It is the only government of the Charter period to have policies in its election platforms blocked by judicial review and the only government in Canadian history to effectively lose all of the constitutional reference cases it posed to the Court.
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Pickup, Mark. "Globalization, Politics and Provincial Government Spending in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 4 (December 2006): 883–917. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906050700.
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Abstract.Using time series, cross-sectional econometric modelling, an analysis is made of competing political and economic determinants of Canadian provincial government fiscal policy during the 1980s and 1990s. It is determined that provincial government spending responses to trade liberalization are dependent upon the ideology of the government and conditioned by the degree of provincial unionization. When relatively high levels of unionization prevail, those governments that typically spend the most reduce total spending to a lowest common denominator. However, when unionization is low, provincial government spending responses to increasing trade openness is primarily compensatory. This is in contradiction to the “race to the bottom” theory. The contingent nature of the provincial government spending response to trade openness means that despite overall pressures for fiscal convergence, political, economic and regional factors continue to contribute to distinct provincial spending policies.Résumé.Cet article utilise une modélisation économétrique transversale en série chronologique pour analyser les déterminants politiques et économiques en compétition au niveau de la politique fiscale du gouvernement provincial canadien durant les années 1980 et 1990. Il est établi qu'en termes de dépenses publiques, les réactions du gouvernement provincial face à la libéralisation des échanges sont tributaires de l'idéologie du gouvernement et déterminées par le niveau de syndicalisation provincial. Lorsque le niveau de syndicalisation est relativement élevé, ce sont les gouvernements provinciaux qui dépensent le plus qui réduisent leurs dépenses totales au plus bas dénominateur commun. Par contre, plus le niveau de syndicalisation est bas, plus les dépenses publiques face à la libéralisation des échanges sont principalement compensatoires. Cela vient contredire la théorie du “ nivellement par le bas ”. La nature conditionnelle de la réaction du gouvernement provincial en termes de dépenses publiques signifie qu'en dépit des pressions globales pour la convergence fiscale, des facteurs politiques, économiques et régionaux continuent de contribuer aux politiques de dépenses publiques distinctes.
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White, Graham. "Go North, Young Scholar, Go North." Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 4 (December 2011): 747–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423911000734.
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Abstract.The North—defined as the Canadian Arctic—ranks among the most understudied and yet the most promising fields of enquiry for Canadian political scientists. It offers a host of fascinating research topics and intellectual puzzles, many of which entail the often fraught relationship between the Canadian state and Aboriginal peoples. Important conceptual issues await academics studying northern politics and governance. As well, political scientists' work can benefit the governments and the people of the North who are grappling with difficult practical problems as they develop distinctive ways of governing themselves.Academic work on northern politics can be at once intellectually stimulating, professionally rewarding and of significant practical utility. Accordingly, more Canadian political scientists, especially young scholars, should turn their attention northwards.Résumé.Le Nord, ou plus précisément l'Arctique canadien, constitue un des champs les moins explorés et pourtant les plus prometteurs pour les politologues canadiens. Son étude révèle une foule de sujets de recherche fascinants et d'énigmes intellectuelles, dont plusieurs se rapportent aux relations souvent tendues entre l'État canadien et les peuples autochtones. D'importants enjeux conceptuels se posent aux chercheurs de la politique nordique et de la gouvernance. De plus, les recherches des politologues peuvent aider les gouvernements et les habitants du Nord à résoudre des problèmes concrets associés au développement de façons distinctives de se gouverner.En somme, la recherche sur la politique nordique peut être à la fois intellectuellement stimulante, professionnellement gratifiante et pourvu d'une grande utilité pratique. En conséquence, plus de politologues canadiens, et en particulier ceux des nouvelles générations, devraient diriger leur attention vers le Nord.
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Bell, Stephanie, and J. P. Lewis. "The Place of Civic Engagement in Introductory Canadian Politics and Government Courses in Canadian Universities." Journal of Political Science Education 11, no. 2 (April 3, 2015): 157–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15512169.2014.947421.
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Bhabha, Faisal. "International Human Rights in Canada: At the Juncture of Law and Politics." International Journal of Legal Information 41, no. 1 (2013): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500011525.
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Thank you for the opportunity to address the very timely topic of international human rights law from the Canadian perspective. As my title suggests, my analysis of this topic sits at the intersection of law and politics, as so much of international law necessarily does. I will proceed in three parts. First, I will provide a sketch of the political context, drawing from recent events and trends, to describe a conflicted official government approach to international human rights. Next, I will examine the formal legal status of international human rights law in Canada, drawing selectively from key Supreme Court of Canada decisions. This will be far from a comprehensive account. Finally, I will discuss the recent adoption of the newest international human rights treaty, the disability convention, and discuss calls to promote access to justice at the international level for breaches of Convention norms domestically. Notwithstanding important efforts to advance the status of international human rights law in Canada, my overall observation is that, in both law and politics, the Canadian approach to international human rights is predominantly inward looking.
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Muirhead, B. W. "The Politics of Food and the Disintegration of the Anglo-Canadian Trade Relationship, 1947-1948." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 2, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031035ar.
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Abstract This paper examines a somewhat peripheral event in postwar transatlantic diplomacy, the 1947-48 food negotiations between Canada and the United Kingdom, because the process and the outcome of these talks illuminate the deterioration in the traditionally close relationship between the two countries. Because of the financial strains caused by British wartime expenditures, Canada was unable to negotiate a reestablishment of the prewar trade relationship, in which surpluses in her trade with Great Britain financed deficits in her accounts with the United States. The British negotiating strategy forced the Canadian government to reconsider its traditional dependence on the British connection, which had hitherto been so fundamental to Canadian history. This paper therefore challenges the view that Canadian politicians ''sold out'' the country in shifting attention from Britain to the United States after World War II.
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Fisch, Justin. "The Case for Effective Environmental Politics: Federalist or Unitary State? Comparing the Cases of Canada, the United States of America, and the People’s Republic of China." University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, no. 51.4 (2018): 777. http://dx.doi.org/10.36646/mjlr.51.4.case.
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Federalism, by its nature, is a segmented system of governance. The Canadian and American constitutional orders are divided along very clear lines of jurisdictional authority between levels of government. Environmental issues, by their nature, are holistic in scope—they transcend borders, governments, jurisdictions, and authorities. For this reason, one might assume that a unitary state would be better positioned to tackle them. Is this justified? This Article examines the Chinese unitary state, in comparison to the federalist systems in Canada and the United States of America, to discern whether a unitary government can better manage issues plaguing the environment.
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Fisanov, Vоlоdymyr. "Immigration policy and the problem of renewal of multiculturalism practices in modern Canada." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.50-59.
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The goal of the article is to analyze certain aspects of Canada’s immigration policy in the context of contemporary realities, considering the concept of multiculturalism. In the paper, there are outlined the main stages of Canadian immigration policy and its impact on the politics of multiculturalism. The author emphasizes that the policy of multiculturalism, proclaimed by the Government of Canada in its modern interpretation in the late 1980s, has transformed in the first decades of the 21st century. It was caused by such factors as the rise of terrorist attacks, illegal migration and the widening of migration from South-East Asia. It was shown that Canadian immigration policy evolved to more open and liberal since the end of World War II, but at the beginning of the 21st century, the situation radically changed. This trend was especially noticeable during the activities of the conservative governments of S. Harper (2006-2015). Conservative government policy was marked by the introduction of restrictive immigration laws and the extension of bureaucratic procedures. In particular, some provisions of the «Strengthening Canadian Citizenship Act» of June 19, 2014, were analyzed. It was emphasized that this legal action had been crushed by the Bar Association of Canada, as well as in the Open Letter of 60 well-known scholars and community members to the Prime Minister of Canada. Another trend of last developments in Canadian multicultural society was influenced by American negative attitudes towards Muslims. Today, the Government of Canada must review and substantially add a policy of multiculturalism. However, it should not become a hostage to the political struggle between liberals and conservatives in the contemporary difficult realities. The escalation of feelings of danger and intolerance, based on the dialectical thе «еnemy-friend» opposition, no longer works in a society. But people are looking for effective democratic dialogue in order to normalize relationships in the multicolored society of the early 21st century.
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Urbaniak, Tom. "Redrawing Local Government Boundaries: An International Study of Politics, Procedures, and Decisions." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 3 (September 2006): 709–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906339972.
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Redrawing Local Government Boundaries: An International Study of Politics, Procedures, and Decisions, John Meligrana, ed., Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2004, pp. 246.Canadian readers will appreciate this book because it shows us that we are not alone. Our perennial obsession with adjusting, sometimes completely redrawing, local-government boundaries has its counterparts near and far. There is a trajectory and a pattern: Senior levels of government generally want to see local governments with larger territories. However, the decision-making and implementation processes, and the results of those processes, have scarcely been examined or compared from an international perspective. Even policy makers often have been in the dark about others' best (or worst) practices. This book is therefore very useful.
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Priest, Allen G. "Diefenbaker’s “New Frontier”: Masculinity, Modernity, and Canadian Electoral Politics, 1957–58." Canadian Journal of History 57, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 169–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh-57-2-2021-0103.
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The term “New Frontier” has become synonymous across historical scholarship with the thirty-fifth president of the United States of America, John F. Kennedy. The origins of the term, however, prove murkier. According to former Canadian prime minister John G. Diefenbaker, the Kennedy campaign stole the phrase from him to “great advantage” but “without attribution.” Indeed, Diefenbaker’s “New Frontier” policies were instrumental in his rise to power several years before Kennedy ran for president. This article explores the Canadian electoral campaigns of 1957 and 1958. Across these two contests, Diefenbaker’s Progressive Conservatives narrowly defeated the longstanding Liberal government of Louis St. Laurent, before going on to win the then-largest parliamentary majority in Canadian history. The article argues that the Progressive Conservatives’ “New Frontier” policies and the branding of Diefenbaker as a self-made man were instrumental in his victory and were effective because they spoke to the historical moment. Indeed, to a certain extent they were a performative political device. The late 1950s were the era of the “other-directed man,” to quote David Riesman, where concerns about the erosion of individuality and manliness led to a newfound fascination with the frontier and wilderness. Diefenbaker and the Progressive Conservatives managed to harness this nostalgia and appealed to the growing desire for agency and self-fulfilment in the populace. His past as a Saskatchewan-raised homesteader was utilized in lending credibility to his status as a frontiersman, and he promised Canadians that under a Progressive Conservative government he would lead them toward “adventure … to the nation’s utmost bounds, to strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield.”
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Dicko, Saidatou. "Firms Political Connections and Winning Government Contracts." International Journal of Economics and Finance 8, no. 2 (January 24, 2016): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijef.v8n2p19.
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<p>This study investigates the impact of political connections on the awarding of government contracts to Canadian companies.<strong> </strong>Two-stage least squares (2SLS) analyses were performed on a sample of S&P/TSX companies from 2010 to 2014 inclusively.<strong> </strong>The results show that political connections are positively and significantly associated with the winning of government contracts. Politically connected firms obtain more government contracts and higher contract values than non-connected firms. Political connections thus appear to be directly associated with securing government contracts in the Canadian context. Firms can view political connections as a non-market, long-term strategy to help them gain competitive advantages and improve their performance. Accordingly, they tend to appoint directors and managers taking these connections and the advantages that can be gained into account. However, they must seriously consider the cost-benefit ratio of this strategy. For example, the costs incurred could be ethical in nature and firms could find themselves in a position of conflict of interest that could lead to extensive negative media exposure.<strong> </strong>These results alert regulatory and governmental organizations to the need for them to remain vigilant and to strengthen corporate governance regulations to prevent the excesses and abuses that could arise from firms’ political actions.<strong> </strong>Our study is the first to demonstrate a direct relationship between corporate political connections and government contracts in the Canadian context. The results confirm the growing interdependence between politics and business, particularly the increase in the number of corporate actions intended to influence government decisions.</p>
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Clowater, G. Brent. "Canadian Science Policy and the Retreat from Transformative Politics: The Final Years of the Science Council of Canada, 1985-1992." Scientia Canadensis 35, no. 1-2 (February 11, 2013): 107–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1013983ar.
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The Science Council of Canada (1966-1992) operated as an ‘arms-length’ agency providing science policy advice and recommendations to the federal government. The Council was always a voice for state interventionism. In the late 1970s, it turned to the politically sensitive issue of industrial policy and advocated a nationalistic, ‘transformative politics’ through its defense of technological sovereignty. An examination of its research and policy recommendations, and the controversies they excited, reveals that the Council’s struggle against new policy trends in its final years paralleled larger transitions in public perceptions of the role of government in Canadian society. Its 1992 dissolution symbolized Canada’s reorientation from a state-directed to a market-oriented approach to science and technology policy-making. This paper reviews the Council’s guiding philosophy and discusses its history within two larger contexts: the Canadian political debate over continentalism, and evolving conceptions of science, technology, and innovation, and the prospects for their management.
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Aucoin, Peter. "Organizational Change in the Machinery of Canadian Government: From Rational Management to Brokerage Politics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, no. 1 (March 1986): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900057954.
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AbstractOrganizational change in the central machinery of government is essentially a function of executive leadership. The major determinants of such change are invariably political and not administrative in character and derive from the leadership paradigms of chief executive officers—their philosophy of government, management style and political objectives. This phenomenon is examined in the recent transformation of the Canadian central executive system from one based upon the Trudeau paradigm of rational management to one structured to fit the Mulroney paradigm of brokerage politics. The organizational instruments of each paradigm are considered and their respective capacities to meet the requirements of executive leadership in our modern administrative state are assessed. It is argued that the two different systems and the changes introduced by them are best explained by the paradigms of these two prime ministers.
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Long, J. Anthony. "Political Revitalization in Canadian Native Indian Societies." Canadian Journal of Political Science 23, no. 4 (December 1990): 751–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900020837.
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AbstractAt present, the federal government is engaged in community-based self-government negotiations with a number of Indian bands and tribal groups across Canada with the objective of bringing about legislative arrangements for a limited form of self-government outside the Indian Act. An important part of these negotiations involves the federal government's promise to allow the incorporation of “customary or traditional structures,” where desired, into redesigned Indian governments. This article explores the difficulties confronting Indian leaders in their attempts to revitalize traditional governing practices within their respective communities. Through a comparison of traditional and contemporary governing practices in two plains Indian societies, the Blood and Peigan Nations, this article addresses the question of whether present Indian government, which represents an externally imposed form based on the Indian Act, has been institutionalized within these communities. If institutionalization has occurred, then a return to traditional governing practices, the author argues, is effectively precluded. After analyzing traditional and contemporary governing practices the author concludes that strong traditionalist orientations remain within these Indian communities, thus providing the opportunity for political revitalization.
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Brabazon, Honor, and Kirsten Kozolanka. "Neoliberalism, Authoritarian-Populism, and the “Photo-Op Democracy” of the Publicity State: Changes to Legislative and Parliamentary Norms by the Harper Government." Canadian Journal of Political Science 51, no. 2 (January 18, 2018): 253–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423917001020.
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AbstractSeveral recent reports seek to evaluate the impact of former Prime Minister Stephen Harper on Canadian democracy by documenting his government's efforts to curtail established democratic processes and mechanisms for public debate. However, this article uses examples of the Harper government's changes to legislative and parliamentary norms to demonstrate that this government's efforts to curtail multi-directional public debate were importantly accompanied by efforts to amplify unidirectional communication of the government's partisan messages. The paper finds that this corresponding emphasis on communication exemplified a “photo-op” approach to democracy, which highlights points of compatibility between the seemingly contradictory authoritarian-populist “publicity state” and neoliberal democratic ideals. This research demonstrates the necessity of attention to government communication in analysis of the Harper government's impact on the Canadian public sphere. It also illustrates the pragmatic rather than doctrinaire nature of New Right politics in Canada and the affinity between neoliberal and authoritarian-populist approaches to governance.
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Mendly-Zambo, Zsofia, and Dennis Raphael. "Competing Discourses of Household Food Insecurity in Canada." Social Policy and Society 18, no. 4 (November 15, 2018): 535–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746418000428.
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Household food insecurity (HFI) impacts over 1.7 million households in Canada with adverse effects upon health. As a signatory to numerous international covenants asserting that access to food is a human right, Canadian governments are obliged to reduce HFI, yet Canadian governments have done remarkably little to assure that Canadians are food secure. In the absence of government action, HFI has spawned numerous non-governmental means of managing the problem such as food banks, feeding programs, and community gardens and kitchens. These efforts have depoliticized the problem of HFI, making its solution more difficult. Solving HFI is also complicated by the presence of five competing discourses of HFI in Canada: nutrition and dietetics, charitable food distribution, community development, social determinants of health, and political economy which offer differing causes and means of responding to HFI. We argue that the least considered discourse – the critical materialist political economy discourse – best accounts for the presence of HFI in a liberal welfare state such as Canada and provides the most effective means of responding to its presence.
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GRUBER, LLOYD. "Power Politics and the Free Trade Bandwagon." Comparative Political Studies 34, no. 7 (September 2001): 703–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414001034007001.
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What explains the world's newfound enthusiasm for free trade? Are government leaders integrating their economies to achieve Pareto-improving gains? Or is it because a critical mass of pro—free trade governments has acquired the capacity to “go it alone,” leaving would-be protectionists with a choice between a bad option (opening their markets at very high political cost) and an even worse alternative (incurring the still higher political costs of exclusion)? This article suggests that in practice, mutual-gains-seeking motivations are frequently dominated by defensive ones. The North American Free Trade Agreement is a case in point: Without in any way being bullied or coerced, the Mexican and Canadian governments agreed to take part in a multilateral arrangement that the evidence suggests neither much liked. Although hard to reconcile with the political economy literature's positive-sum model of international cooperation, this finding is consistent with the broader “power-politics” model introduced here.
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Findlay, Tammy. "State of Struggle: Feminism and Politics in Alberta." Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, no. 2 (June 2005): 494–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423905259991.
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State of Struggle: Feminism and Politics in Alberta, Lois Harder, Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 2003, pp. xi, 227.State of Struggle is a fascinating study of feminist “claimsmaking” in Alberta. Lois Harder traces a rich history of women's organizing in Alberta, combined with a sharp analysis of the contemporary political context. Using an impressive range of sources—academic, government, women's organizations, and news media—with archival and interview research, Harder addresses many gaps in Canadian political science.
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Coates, Ken. "Breathing New Life into Treaties: History, Politics, the Law, and Aboriginal Grievances in Canada’s Maritime Provinces." Agricultural History 77, no. 2 (April 1, 2003): 333–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00021482-77.2.333.
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Abstract The 1999 Supreme Court of Canada decision in the case of R. v. Donald Marshall Jr. brought about a dramatic change in Aboriginal (First Nations) fishing and harvesting rights in Canada’s Maritime Provinces. Marshall argued that a series of eighteenth-century treaties signed between the Mi’kmaq and the British government guaranteed his right to fish for commercial purposes. The British and, later, the Canadian governments accorded little priority to these treaties, despite repeated protests by the Mi’kmaq. The Supreme Court’s decision caught most observers by surprise, particularly because of the sweeping provisions it made for Aboriginal participation in the commercial fishery. Political controversy followed, sparked by the absence of decisive action by the federal government, by the First Nations’ determination to commence commercial fishing, and by growing anger at "judicial activism" by the Supreme Court. The resulting tensions exacerbated long-standing ethnic tensions in the region. The Marshall decision represented a major turning point in Aboriginal harvesting rights in Canada. The Supreme Court’s judgment gave new power to treaties that non-Aboriginal governments had chosen to ignore. At the same time, the decision provided Aboriginal Maritimers with assured access to important fisheries (particularly the lucrative lobster trade) and therefore a key role in the evolving regional economy.
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Hennigar, Matthew A. "Expanding the ‘Dialogue’ Debate: Federal Government Responses to Lower Court Charter Decisions." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 1 (March 2004): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904040041.
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The inter–institutional dynamics between courts and elected governments under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms have recently, and widely, been characterized as a "dialogue" over constitutional meaning. This article seeks to expand the systematic analysis of "dialogue" to lower courts of appeal, using Canadian federal government responses as a case study. In the process, the article clarifies the hotly debated operational definition of this metaphor, and develops two methodological innovations to provide a comprehensive measure of dialogue. The article's findings suggest that there is more dialogue with lower courts than with the Supreme Court of Canada. However, the evidence indicates that dialogue in the form of government appeals to higher courts–which explicitly signal the government's disagreement with the lower court–is as prevalent as legislative sequels, and the dominant form following judicial amendment.
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Sukhobokova, Olga. "Canadian governments policy on Ukrainian immigration in the 1910s – 1930s." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 11 (2021): 34–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.11.3.
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The article examines Canadian immigration policy toward Ukrainians in the 1910s-1930s. At this time, following the tumultuous Ukrainian immigration organized by W. Laurier’s government, subsequent Canadian governments (Robert Borden, Arthur Meighen, Mackenzie King, Richard Bennet) restricted immigration from Eastern Europe, including from Ukrainian lands. The aim of the article is to analyze the main approaches of Canadian governments during this period to the immigration of Ukrainians, the formation of appropriate legislation and practice. Research methods. General scientific principles, interdisciplinary approaches (history, law, sociology) and special historical methods, in particular comparative and retrospective analysis, are used. They were used to analyze the origins and political and legal rationale for changes in Canadian immigration law and their implementation in practice. Emphasis is placed on the attitude of Canadian politicians and society to East Slavic, including Ukrainian, immigration, and its influence on official government policy. The scientific novelty of the study is to consider Canada’s immigration policy towards Ukrainians in the 1910s and 1930s in terms of its political and economic development, using mainly Canadian English-language sources and literature. Conclusions. Objective domestic and foreign policy circumstances due to the First World War and the economic development of Canada (the transition from agro-industrial to industrial-agrarian economy) had a significant impact on the formation of immigration policy of the government of R. Borden, along with the theoretical concepts of the Conservatives. It was they who played a leading role in determining the position of Ukrainian immigrants not only on the conservative government of R. Borden (1911–1920), but also remained in power under the liberal government of Mackenzie King. Despite some positive changes for Ukrainian immigrants in the 1920s, the Great Depression in the mid-1930s virtually halted the flow of immigration from Ukrainian lands. However, even under these circumstances, Canada remained one of the priorities for Ukrainians, and in the interwar period became the leader among American countries in the number of admitted Ukrainian immigrants.
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Bacher, John C. "Canadian Housing "Policy" in Perspective." Articles 15, no. 1 (October 21, 2013): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1018890ar.
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This paper provides an overview of the history of Canadian housing policy, reviewing the origins of both the programs which were implemented as well as the options which were defeated. Canada's approach to housing policy is also compared to the manner in which other prosperous western democratic states have approached their housing problems. The paper finds that one of the ironies of Canadian housing policy is that homeownership assistance programs for middle income groups and subsidies for private investors have continually emerged in the midst of political demands for publicly subsidized rental housing for low income groups. The Canadian government's rigid commitment to an assisted market approach is exceptional in comparison with other western states. Starting in the 1930s a unity between government and business emerged while a wide gulf remained between federal housing officials and advocates of social housing. The paper argues that this tilt in Canadian housing policy in favour of those Canadians who are least in need of government assistance in securing decent accommodation is no accident, but reflective of the marketplace ethos that has shaped all federal housing efforts.
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Petry, François, Louis M. Imbeau, Jean Crête, and Michel Clavet. "Electoral and Partisan Cycles in the Canadian Provinces." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 2 (June 1999): 273–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900010490.
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AbstractThis study tests explanations of the growth of Canadian provincial governments that draw from the political budget cycle approach. The approach assumes that governments jointly respond to electoral and partisan goals. When the next election is not expected soon, the government uses its discretionary power to pursue its ideological target. When the next election is near, politicians in government, fearing electoral defeat, deviate from their normal behaviour and engage in a re-election effort by undertaking an expansionary policy. This study suggests that provincial governments behave in the opportunistic fashion described by the model. Moreover, there is no sign that this opportunistic behaviour has been affected by government cutbacks in the 1990s.
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Stritch, Andrew. "Micropolitics and Canadian Business: Paper, Steel and the Airlines." Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, no. 2 (June 2005): 496–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423905269998.
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Micropolitics and Canadian Business: Paper, Steel and the Airlines, Peter Clancy, Peterborough: Broadview, 2004, pp. 336.Given the scarcity of work on business-government relations in Canada any new academic monograph in this field is certainly welcome. Yet, even if the field were crowded, Peter Clancy's wide-ranging and multi-layered study would be a useful addition to the literature. As the subtitle indicates, the book is essentially a study of three important Canadian industries chosen from different economic sectors. For each of these it examines the character of industry politics across a variety of dimensions with a substantial emphasis on internal structure and historical development. It deals both with business-government interaction in the process of policymaking and with the nature of industrial policy outputs in a way that is sensitive to the complex and heterogeneous forces operating within each industry.
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Wright, Miriam. "Fishing in the Cold War: Canada, Newfoundland and the International Politics of the Twelve-Mile Fishing Limit, 1958-1969." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 8, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031124ar.
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Abstract The intensification of offshore fishing by European trawlers in the northwest Atlantic in the 1950s and 1960s had many repercussions for the Newfoundland fishery. With only a three-mile fishing limit between themselves and the more technologically advanced Europeans, many people involved in the Newfoundland fishery demanded the federal government extend fishing rights to twelve miles from shore. The international debate on the extended fishing rights/territorial waters issue, however, was complicated by its entanglement in Cold War politics. Indeed, the Canadian government's attempts to find a solution in the aftermath of the failed United Nations Law of the Sea Conferences in 1958 and 1960 came face-to-face with the defence agenda of the United States Navy. In such an atmosphere, the Canadian government could do little to protect the resource without risking the wrath of its neighbour and largest trading partner.
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Story, Eric. "The Indigenous Casualties of War: Disability, Death, and the Racialized Politics of Pensions, 1914–39." Canadian Historical Review 102, no. 2 (June 2021): 279–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr.2019-0057.
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The First World War inflicted suffering upon hundreds of thousands of Canadian families between 1914 and 1918. In response, the state modernized its pension system to partially alleviate the postwar suffering of these families, reflecting the changing role of government in the lives of Canadians. To receive a pension after the war, Canadian veterans and dependants had to prove their postwar suffering arose directly from the battlefield, yet not all who qualified were accorded the same treatment. Unlike their non-Indigenous counterparts, external administrators were appointed to oversee the expenditure of pensions given to Indigenous veterans and dependants to ensure they were spent responsibly. Disabled Indigenous veterans and dependants recognized this as a profoundly discriminatory system – reducing them to their “Indian” identity – and drew from the nineteenth-century language of imperial nationalism and patriotism to demand equitable compensation and treatment from the state. Understanding the experiences of death and disability as intimately as the racist discrimination they faced, they envisioned their place as equals within the larger community of Canadian war casualties even though settlers and the state refused to recognize them as such.
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Afanas’eva, O. "Government Transparency and Accountability: Canadian Lesson." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2010): 108–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-10-108-118.
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For about 50 recent years, the socio-political agenda in developed countries has been focusing on theoretical and practical issues related to government transparency. Discussing this topic, specialists and non-specialists use such definitions as government transparency and accountability, the right to know and access to official information. The present article is devoted to practical experience of institutional provision for the government transparency and accountability.
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Previsic, Ivana, and Elke Winter. "Citizenship Revocation in the Mainstream Press: A Case of Re-ethnicization?" Canadian Journal of Sociology 42, no. 1 (March 31, 2017): 55–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs28660.
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Under the government of Stephen Harper’s Conservative Party (2006-2015), Canada witnessed numerous alterations of its immigration and citizenship rules. Under the new Citizenship Act (2014), dual citizens who have committed high treason, terrorism or espionage could lose their Canadian citizenship. In this paper, we examine how the measure was discussed in Canada’s mainstream newspapers. We ask: who/what is seen as the target of citizenship revocation? What does this tell us about the direction that Canadian citizenship is moving towards? As promoters of civic literacy, mainstream media disseminate information about government actions and legislation, interpret policies and are highly influential in forming public opinion. Our findings show that the newspapers were more often critical than supportive of the citizenship revocation provision. However, they also interpreted the measure as only likely to affect Canadian Muslims in general and omitted discussing the involvement of non-Muslim and, in particular, white, Western-origin Canadians in terrorist acts. Thus, despite advocating for equal citizenship in principle, Canadian Muslims were nonetheless constructed as less Canadian.
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Christensen, Benjamin. "Ontario Pension Policy Making and the Politics of CPP Reform, 1963–2016." Canadian Journal of Political Science 53, no. 1 (November 27, 2019): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423919000805.
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AbstractAfter years of pension policy drift in a broader context of global austerity, the Canada Pension Plan (CPP) was enhanced for the first time in 2016 to expand benefits for Canadian workers. This article examines Ontario's central role in these reforms. The deteriorating condition of workplace plans, coupled with rising retirement income insecurity across the province's labour force, generated new sources of negative feedback at the provincial level, fuelling Ontario's campaign for CPP reform beginning in the late 2000s. The political limits of policy drift and layering at the provincial level is considered in relationship to policy making at the national level. As shown, a new period of pension politics emerged in Canada after 2009, in which the historical legacy of CPP's joint governance structure led to a dynamic of “collusive benchmarking,” shaped in large part by political efforts of the Ontario government, leading to CPP enhancement.