Relevant bibliographies by topics / Canadian politics and government

Academic literature on the topic 'Canadian politics and government'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Canadian politics and government"

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Issraelyan, E. V. "Afghan Agenda in Current Canadian Politics." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S2 (June 2022): S142—S147. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622080044.

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Abstract Canada’s operation in Afghanistan has been unfolding during a critically important domestic political event, i.e., the federal elections of 2021. The election campaign had pooled the main attention and resources of the Canadian leadership, limiting its ability to act in Afghanistan. Despite the difficulties, the Liberal Government of Justin Trudeau has achieved a lot. Firstly, they have organized the evacuation of Canadians and of Afghans who worked with the Canadian Armed Forces during the US and NATO military mission. Secondly, Ottawa has defined its attitude towards the Taliban regime by refusing diplomatic recognition. Thirdly, the admission of Afghan refugees to Canada has begun. In each of these areas, the Liberal Government has successes and failures, which have caused acute controversy in the country.
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Beauvais, Edana, and Dietlind Stolle. "The Politics of White Identity and Settlers’ Indigenous Resentment in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 55, no. 1 (March 2022): 59–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423921000986.

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AbstractThis article introduces White identity as an understudied concept in Canadian politics and compares how White settlers’ ingroup attachments and their outgroup attitudes—specifically, White settlers’ anti-Indigenous attitudes—shape Canadian politics. We find that White identity is associated with greater support for government spending on policies that disproportionately benefit White Canadians, such as pensions, whereas Indigenous resentment is associated with greater opposition toward government spending on policies that are often perceived as disproportionately benefiting Indigenous peoples, such as welfare. In Canada outside Quebec, both White identity and anti-Indigenous attitudes are associated with voting Conservative. In Quebec, White identity mobilizes support for the Bloc Québécois, while White settlers’ negative attitudes toward Indigenous peoples are not associated with vote choice.
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Trim, Henry. "Brief Periods of Sunshine: A History of the Canadian Government’s Attempt to Build a Solar Heating Industry, 1974-1983." Scientia Canadensis 34, no. 2 (February 22, 2013): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1014346ar.

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In the 1970s a worldwide energy crisis wracked Canada. Searching for ways to provide energy for Canada’s future, the Canadian government encouraged the development of a new technology: solar heating. The political and economic needs of the Trudeau government and Department of Energy, Mines, and Resources dominated the Canadian solar heating industry from its inception in 1978 until its demise in 1983. Partisan politics, however, were not the only important influence on solar energy in Canada. Technologies of simulation and prediction, as well as the Canadian government’s adherence to the ideology of objectivity, also shaped the history of solar heating in Canada. By analyzing the role of simulation, “objectivity,” and political power in the rise and fall of the solar industry, this essay hopes to illuminate the importance of government in the Canadian history of technology and begin to provide a history of Canadian solar technology and industry.
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Kuzmina, Tatyana. "“Visible” ethnic communities in Canada during the COVID-19 pandemics." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 4 (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760017859-1.

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The author turns to the aspect of the development of the pandemic in Canada, which rarely becomes the focus of attention of political reviewers of the COVID-19 strategy of the Canadian government of J. Trudeau – the situation in visible ethnic communities and among first-generation immigrants from South Asia, Latin America, the Caribbean, etc. The universal multicultural strategy of the Government of Canada has left these groups underrepresented and, thus, made them marginal from the socio-political standpoint, which resulted in an increase in infection and mortality rates among them. The federal and regional governments” official documents and independent surveys in Canada have been analyzed including the opinions of Canadian specialists in medicine, politics and sociology for the period from 2020 to 2021. Canada's experience may be applicable for planning antivirus measures in other regions of the world.
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Merkle, Denise. "Language, politics, and the nineteenth-century French–Canadian official translator." Beyond transfiction 11, no. 3 (November 7, 2016): 436–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/tis.11.3.07mer.

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This article aims to contribute to the history of Canadian official translators by looking at three activist translators who were also published writers in post-confederation nineteenth-century Canada. All three francophone official translators “exiled” to Ottawa, the newly designated capital of the young confederation, were actively engaged in creating francophone spaces in and from which they could promote French-Canadian cultures and the French language. Refusing to submit passively to Anglo-dominated government authorship and to the increasingly anglicized Canadian landscape, they coordinated their efforts to carve out a distinct and distinctive place for Canadian francophones. Their weapon of choice in confronting Anglo-Canadian hegemony was authorship. From historical narrative, to novels, caustic songs and nationalist poetry, their writings nurtured pride in the shared history of French-Canadians from different backgrounds — despite the traumatic Grand Dérangement and Conquête — and generated hope for the future of their nation(s).
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Marland, Alex, and Jared J. Wesley. "Surveying the Canadian State: Evolution of Canadian Political Science, Politics, and Government Since 1967." Canadian Journal of Political Science 50, no. 1 (March 2017): 377–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842391600113x.

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This review essay identifies major monographs about the study of government and political institutions in Canada published in English over the past 50 years. Our review is woven around a general argument that key books about Canadian political life have mirrored the evolution of the discipline in the country as a whole. For instance, important books on federalism were written at turning points in Canada's constitutional history, while the recent uptick in social diversity and political communication studies mirrors broader societal trends. Equally, greater diversity in hiring within the academy has contributed to a broadening of subject matter, perspectives, methodologies and authorship. Thus, we explore the intersection between scholarship and society, with political scientists and their books as much products of their time as they have been contributors to the evolution of the political world around them. The sources that we identify have given shape to the study and practice of Canadian domestic politics.
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McCulloch, Michael. "The Death of Whiggery: Lower-Canadian British Constitutionalism and the tentation de l’histoire parallèle." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 2, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 195–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031034ar.

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Abstract The Constitutional Act of 1791 was sought to create in Lower Canada a community whose social and political values reflected the basic assumptions of late-eighteenth-century Whiggery. These included representation of interest rather than of individuals, the importance of the "due" weight of property, and the organic nature of the British constitution. These values of "Liberty and Property" constituted the focus of the emotional and cultural image of the British Constitution. For the British Lower Canadians of the 1830s, these values were not fossilised remnants. Rather, they formed a coherent framework that made legitimate their conflict with the French-Canadian majority for control over politics. The influence of organised Constitutionalism did not disappear with the Act of Union of 1841. In the opening years of the union, anglophones identified with the Constitutionalist party which dominated both opposition and government in Canada East. They remained an influence until midcentury. Indeed, the final disintegration of Constitutionalism as a defensible basis for British Lower-Canadian politics was not the result of the inevitable triumph of La Fontaine's Responsible Government. Because they strongly identified, not simply with Britain, but with specific elements of British society, English-speaking Lower Canadians responded to changes in British political society. “La tentation de l'histoire parallèle” ensured that the Irish Repeal agitation and the Free Trade campaign would disrupt the assumption of a united British "interest." After the 1840s, the disproportionate power of British-Canadian élites in Lower Canada was based on their influence among the leaders of political parties rather than a collective identity rooted in the values of ''Whiggery.''
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Lawton, William. "Worn Themes and New Developments in Quebec and Canadian Politics." Politics 15, no. 3 (September 1995): 167–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1995.tb00136.x.

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Taking the Quebec election of September 1994 as a starting point, this article provides observations on developments in Canadian politics and Quebec-Canada relations. The Quebec election resulted in the transfer of power to a government committed to Quebec's withdrawal from the Canadian federation. This latest manifestation of Quebec nationalism bears similarity with events in the past but the Canadian political landscape has undergone profound changes over the past decade. The article seeks to place the nationalist victory in the contexts of Canada's quest for constitutional reform, the regionalisation of federal politics, and North American economic integration.
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Lewis, J. P. "Party Unity and Discipline in Canadian Politics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 54, no. 1 (January 21, 2021): 230–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423920001146.

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Anyone with a passing understanding of Canadian politics is aware of the stubborn presence of party discipline in the parliamentary system. It is not a phenomenon that has been left to the stuffy corners of the ivory tower. Political actors and the media have complained about party discipline for decades. Reforms have been proposed; party leaders have promised new ways forward. As a central trait of Canadian Parliament, party discipline has driven away voters—it has even inspired the development of new political parties. What role can Canadian political science play in understanding party discipline 75 years after these familiar sentiments appeared in the predecessor to this journal: “How could this control [party discipline] be destroyed, and the individual member be made an independent critic of government and of legislation, and a responsible servant of the people” (Morton, 1946: 136)? It turns out Canadian political science has much to offer. With the publication of J. F. Godbout's Lost on Division: Party Unity in the Canadian Parliament and Alex Marland's Whipped: Party Discipline in Canada, 2020 has been a monumental year for the study of Canadian Parliament and political parties.
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Dodek, Adam. "The Politics of the Senate Reform Reference: Fidelity, Frustration, and Federal Unilateralism." McGill Law Journal 60, no. 4 (November 23, 2015): 623–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1034050ar.

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References are the most political of cases, almost always involving high profile public policy issues. Frequently, references are brought to obtain rulings on the relationship between the federal government and the provinces. Less frequently, references involve questions of interbranch relations, that is, between two or more of the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government. The Senate Reform Reference was one of the rare cases that featured each of these three elements. This article analyzes the Senate Reform Reference on several political levels. First, it situates the reference in terms of megaconstitutional politics, the long-held Canadian practice of attempting to resolve constitutional issues through formal and often high-profile negotiations between the federal and provincial governments. Such interactions have been anathema to the Harper government which has preferred unilateral political action to negotiated political agreement. The article then examines interparty politics or the relationship between the Harper government and the opposition parties during the period of minority government (2006–2011). This is the period during which one would have expected the government to bring a reference because of its inability to obtain support from the other parties in the House of Commons and the Senate for its proposed legislation on the Senate. However, it did not. This leads to an examination of the third issue: intra-party politics or the politics within the governing party, the Conservative Party of Canada. Finally, the article discusses legal politics and how the government of Québec essentially forced the federal government’s hand by bringing its own reference to the Québec Court of Appeal. The overarching framework of interbranch politics—the relationship between the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government—is examined throughout the article.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Canadian politics and government"

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James, Matt. "Misrecognized materialists : social movements in Canadian constitutional politics, 1938-1992." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ56567.pdf.

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Mincoff, Murray. "Canadians in discord : federalism, political community and distinct society in Canada." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56922.

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This thesis seeks to explain why Canadians have been unable to reach consensus on the meaning of Canadian citizenship and on the issue of how they relate to one another as citizens. Rather than adopt a longitudinal approach to this dilemma, that is explaining why it has persisted over time, this study focuses on the 1987 Meech Lake Constitutional Accord, and specifically the provision recognizing Quebec as a "distinct society within Canada". This thesis treats the Accord as a microcosm of the larger "Canadian question". Applying the covenantal and compactual traditions in politics to the Canadian experience, this essay argues that the source of Canadian discord lies in the inability to agree on the essential nature of federalism and political community in Canada. This development has made it difficult for citizens to construct covenantal relations which would bind Canadians together in a lasting political arrangement, free of seemingly perennial constitutional "crises".
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Telford, Hamish. "Federalism in multinational societies : Switzerland, Canada, and India in comparative perspective." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0016/NQ46433.pdf.

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Mracevich, Milovan. "The motives of the Croatian-Canadian pro-Communist returnees of 1947-48." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28182.

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During 1947 and 1948, over a thousand Croatian-Canadians went to Yugoslavia as part of a larger return movement that was organized by the Yugoslav-Canadian pro-Communist umbrella organization, the Council of Canadian South Slavs. The returnees were strongly encouraged to return by the Council and by its related Croatian-Canadian pro-Communist organization and newspaper, and left Canada aboard the Yugoslav vessel Radnik in a series of voyages. Many of the returnees had been in Canada for some twenty years, and quit jobs, sold houses and business assets, and uprooted their families in order to return. This thesis places the Croatian-Canadian pro-Communist return movement within the context of return migration from North America by examining to what extent the returnees' decision to go back to Yugoslavia is explainable in terms of circumstances specific to themselves, and to what extent it reveals forces that were felt by other ethnic groups of the period. This study draws mainly upon interviews with participants in the return movement and upon the Croatian-Canadian pro-Communist newspaper Novosti in concluding that the returnees were motivated by a powerful and complex combination of forces: "traditional" return migration pressures; radicalizing and anti-assimilationist influences that were typical during the 1930s among the followers of the ethnic pro-Communist movement in Canada; Yugoslav wartime and postwar conditions that encouraged and allowed the returnees to go back; and a highly-organized and skillfully-propagandized return movement that both capitalized upon and created a desire for return among the Croatian-Canadian pro-Communists.
Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Kilpatrick, Anne. "The Jewish Immigrant Aid Services : an ethnic lobby in the Canadian political system." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22598.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the Jewish Immigrant Aid Services (JIAS) as an example of an ethnic lobby in the Canadian political system. The research explores how in-group and external political factors influence the techniques and effectiveness of JIAS within the immigration policy arena. Specifically, this paper examines how JIAS' lobbying efforts are influenced as a result of issues emerging from within the organization (e.g. structure, hierarchy, leadership, etc), and those arising from within the organization's constituency: Canadian Jews as a whole, and other organizations within the Jewish polity. Further, the broader context of public opinion and the Canadian immigration system are explored to determine how each affects JIAS' advocacy efforts. The political system is examined from the perspective of the structure and agendas operating at three levels of government involved in the development and implementation of immigration policy (the Department of Immigration, Legislative and Senate committees on immigration and employment, and the Cabinet).
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Todd, Phillip. "Breaking bones in political cartooning : Aislin and the free trade fight of 1988." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79981.

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Entertainer or agent provocateur? The modern Canadian political cartoonist, historically speaking, possesses a split identity. The Gazette cartoonist Terry Mosher---a.k.a. Aislin---in his experience, career and involvement in the fall 1988 fight against free trade, illustrates the tension inherent in the identity of the modern Canadian political cartoonist. Mosher's experience offers a theory as to what circumstances might compel a cartoonist to break the cartoonist's compromise---an informal promise not to use their powerful platform to advance a coherent, systematic and specific political agenda or aim in exchange for editorial independence, journalistic "status," and proper financial remuneration---a state of affairs modern cartoonists are, under normal circumstances, happy to accept.
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Jhappan, Carol R. (Carol Radha). "The language of empowerment : symbolic politics and Indian political discourse in Canada." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30656.

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The question of how subordinated groups in democratic states set about shifting their political relationship with their encompassing societies has received little attention among political scientists in Canada. Groups which lack significant political, legal, and economic resources, and which are stigmatized by an inferior status (reinforced by law and policy) do not enjoy the level playing field predicted by pluralist interest group theory. Yet they are sometimes able to overcome these obstacles and to renegotiate their political and legal status. The question is how some groups are able to do this, and what strategies are available to or obligatory for groups wishing to initiate political bargaining. According to the theory of symbolic politics developed here, disadvantaged minorities seeking political benefits from the state will typically conduct politics at the symbolic level. That is, they tend to invoke a range of political symbols and myths: first, to build in-group solidarity by presenting an analysis of a common past and present, as well as a vision of the future society, and thereby legitimate their political aspirations. In the first stage of minority politicization, such groups must: (a) build a sense of community of interests and goals which can be said to represent the reference group as a whole; (b) reverse the stigmatic identity ascribed to them by the dominant society; and (c) find ways of competing with the dominant society, not on the latter's terms, but on alternative ideological grounds. In the second stage of politicization, minorities must: (a) create appropriate demands; (b) learn to use the mechanisms, methods and institutions of the mainstream political process; and (c) eventually routinize conflict by negotiating stable norms to guide on-going relations with government. Subordinated groups do not normally seek purely material benefits. They usually seek symbolic benefits in the form of rights, and a redefined status within society. Thus, much of their politicking is conducted in public, and is largely devoted to capturing public sympathy which can be used as a resource against government. The political myths and symbols employed are characteristically emotive and imprecise. Political goals are presented in symbolic terms, and are advanced at the level of principle rather than substance. When applied to the case of Native Indian politics in the Canadian context, the evidence confirms the accuracy of these hypotheses. Indians have pursued the symbolic strategies predicted by the model: the essence of their political aspirations has been captured in the symbols of aboriginal title/aboriginal rights, land claims, and ultimately, self-government; at the macro level, they have sought predominantly symbolic benefits, as represented by legislative and constitutional recognition of certain rights and privileges; and they have attempted to win public support to use as a bargaining chip vis-a-vis government. However, they have not been entirely successful in their use of the symbolic strategies outlined, and the evidence suggests that they have reached a public opinion impasse. Despite their efforts, public opinion on native and native issues has remained remarkably stable over the last twenty years, so that further effort in this area is likely to bring diminishing returns. In the end, symbolic politics, while necessary for subordinated groups in their fledgling stages of politicization, must eventually give way to more conventional political methodologies as groups become institutionalized in the mainstream political process.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Paterson, David W. (David William). "Loyalty, Ontario and the First World War." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65476.

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Osborne, Geraint B. "The emergence of a nationalizing Canadian state in a geopolitical context : 1896-1911." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0020/NQ44543.pdf.

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Aramaki, Michiko. "Family, paesani and networks : politics and economy of Montreal Italians." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28413.

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Focusing on Montreal Italian social networks, this thesis examines the ideological nature of ethnicity, and its functioning in political processes in urban Quebec. The ideological dynamics of ethnicity are revealed in the process of the creation and re-creation of belief in "Italian family", as a distinctive 'Italian' culture. This first separates Italians into different families and regional groups of paesani, but then brilliantly unites Italians into one group according to necessity. In political processes, various Italian associations and presidents are connected to formal politics through the mediation of Italian political brokers. The extensive construction of suburban residences created Italian economic elites and affected other sectors of the economy. Significantly, Italians attempt to keep business within Italian networks. This 'nationalistic' aspect of networks aims to maximize interests within the group. Such dynamic Italian politico-economic networks extend to the further level of formal politics in which federalist Liberals and separatist Parti Quebecois are principal rivals.
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Books on the topic "Canadian politics and government"

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Jackson, Robert J. Canadian government and politics. Ottawa: Dept. of the Secretary of State of Canada, 1988.

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1950-, Mahler Gregory S., and March Roman R. 1935-, eds. Canadian politics. 4th ed. Guilford, Conn: Dushkin Pub. Group, 1998.

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Nicol, Eric. Canadian politics unplugged. Toronto: Dundern Press, 2003.

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L, White W. Introduction to Canadian politics and government. 5th ed. Toronto: Holt, Rinehart and Winston of Canada, 1990.

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L, White W. Introduction to Canadian politics and government. 6th ed. Toronto, Ont: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1994.

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L, White W. Introduction to Canadian politics and government. 7th ed. Toronto: Harcourt Brace Canada, 1998.

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L, White W. Introduction to Canadian politics and government. 6th ed. Toronto: Harcourt Brace & Co., 1994.

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Essentials of Canadian politics and government. Toronto, Ont: Prentice Hall, 2001.

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Canadian government. Toronto (Ontario): Scholastic Canada, 2013.

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Canadian politics. 3rd ed. Toronto: Thomson Nelson, 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Canadian politics and government"

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English, John. "National Politics and Government." In Canadian History: A Reader's Guide, edited by Doug Owram, 1–50. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442672222-003.

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Findlay, Tammy. "Public Administration and Government Services: Gendering Policymaking in Canada." In The Palgrave Handbook of Gender, Sexuality, and Canadian Politics, 207–29. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-49240-3_11.

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Eberle, Dagmar. "Looking Back: The Emergence of Right-Wing Populist Parties in the Canadian West and their Performance in Government." In Conservative Parties and Right-Wing Politics in North America, 101–26. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-09508-8_5.

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Lightbody, James. "An Overview of Planning and Political Problems for Canadian Urban Municipalities in the 1990s." In Strategic Changes and Organizational Reorientations in Local Government, 91–108. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24343-3_6.

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Lees-Marshment, Jennifer. "The New (Old) Trudeau in 2019: The Challenges and Potential for Branding Prime Ministers in Government." In Political Marketing in the 2019 Canadian Federal Election, 11–26. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50281-2_2.

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Kneebone, Ronald D., and Kenneth J. McKenzie. "A Case of Institutional Endogeneity? A Study of the Budgetary Reforms of the Government of Alberta, Canada." In Institutions, Politics and Fiscal Policy, 235–61. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-4555-2_10.

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Schneider, Steffen. "Parliamentary Government in Canada: Institutional Stability and Constitutional Reform in the Legislative and Executive Branches." In The Politics of Constitutional Reform in North America, 83–116. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-11628-8_4.

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Pettitt, Robin T. "Government." In Contemporary Party Politics, 162–77. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-41264-5_9.

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Diaz-Guerrero, Rogelio, and Lorand B. Szalay. "Government, Politics." In Understanding Mexicans and Americans, 175–90. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-0733-2_12.

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Jones, Bill. "Local government." In British politics, 342–58. Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: The basics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429199509-27.

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Conference papers on the topic "Canadian politics and government"

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Nojoumian, Mehrdad, and Thomas Tran. "Computational Politics and Economy for the Establishment of an Integrated Intelligent Government." In 2006 Canadian Conference on Electrical and Computer Engineering. IEEE, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ccece.2006.277732.

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Kelmendi, Jeton. "GOVERNMENT�S POLITICS FOR HIGH EDUCATION IN KOSOVO." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b12/s3.060.

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Li, Boyi, and Kyung Ryul Park. "Session details: Open Government Data Policies and Politics." In dg.o '17: 18th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3247602.

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De Silva, Shelton G. "Knowledge of Arctic and EQQ Unmanned Aerial Vehicles for Multiple Applications." In ASME 2013 32nd International Conference on Ocean, Offshore and Arctic Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/omae2013-11477.

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The rapid change in climate conditions, and the present demand for political and commercial interest in the Arctic region will cause considerable implications on the environment, ecosystem, security, and on the social system in the region. Today, governments, scientists and researchers understand that there is a huge gap of knowledge in the Arctic region and this must be addressed prior to development of the region, or there will be devastating environmental consequences in the future. Existing studies concluded by various organizations including Lloyd’s of London, US Geological Survey and other institutes emphasize that in order to ensure sustainable development in the Arctic, it is important to close the existing gap of knowledge by obtaining accurate scientific data, and make available this data to scientists, researchers and policy makers, for them to take sound decisions on both Arctic challenges and future economic opportunities. The scientists understand that existing lack of knowledge is mainly due to insufficient information in the Arctic and the inability to obtain sufficient scientific data to understand the Arctic region in-depth. Main challenges will be, the vast area of the Arctic, inaccessibility to complex and remote areas, long cold dark winters and short summers, rapid changes of weather conditions etc. Presently, existing satellites provide extremely valuable scientific data, however scientists emphasize that this data would be further analyzed (due to inaccuracy) and collaborated with data on actual close observations, physical sea–ice samples, ice core samples, data from surface and bottom of the sea-ice, glacial ice etc. Collecting data from high altitudes using Unmanned Aerial Vehicles are not new to the Arctic region, and have been used for number of years. The AMAP, (Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Program Workshop), Oslo October, 2008, recommended that it is of great importance that scientists use unmanned aerial vehicles in the Arctic to obtain important environment measurements. Further, added to the AMAP work plan for 2011–2013, is to develop safety guidelines and cross-jurisdictional flight pilot projects, to demonstrate the use of unmanned aerial service (UAS) in the Arctic Environmental Monitoring Plan. The Canadian Government also completed the feasibility study to build a “High Arctic Research Station” in the high north to serve the entire world, for scientists to have an opportunity to share data and support the knowledge for researchers to conclude their investigations. The government is further considering purchasing, three large high-altitude Global Hawk drones for Arctic surveillance, and seeking small snowmobiles and remote control aircrafts to monitor the extreme complex landscape of the Arctic. At present, there is no method to obtain accurate surface and atmospheric data in complex and remote areas, and this requirement has become the highest priority and should be addressed urgently. In order to obtain sufficient accurate data from the Arctic surface and atmosphere, EQQUERA Inc. innovated, is designing and developing multipurpose, multifunctional SG EQQ Unmanned Aerial Vehicles that are able to access remote and complex areas in the Arctic, and operate in challengeable weather conditions such as cold long dark nights.
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Mew, John F., and James A. Torck. "A Canadian Government Look at Airworthiness." In Aerospace Vehicle Conference. 400 Commonwealth Drive, Warrendale, PA, United States: SAE International, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.4271/880935.

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Ronzhyn, Alexander. "Social Media Activism in Post-Euromaidan Ukrainian Politics and Civil Society." In 2016 Conference for E-Democracy and Open Government (CeDEM). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cedem.2016.17.

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Zhang, Xuefeng. "Is High Housing Price the Responsibility of the Government?" In 2017 2nd International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpel-17.2017.6.

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"The Status Quo, Opportunities and Challenges of Local Government Financing Platform Transformation." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.02.

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Del Col, Nancy, Stephanie McBride, Kouame Aime, Togola Diakaridia M’pai, Martin Diarra, and Honoré Kabamba. "IMAGINE Mali Girls’ Education Project: The Importance of Place and Space Inquiry to Inform Education Programming in a Conflict-Affected Context." In Tenth Pan-Commonwealth Forum on Open Learning. Commonwealth of Learning, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56059/pcf10.8891.

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IMAGINE contributes to the Canadian government's commitment to quality education for girls by improving their rights to inclusive, gender-transformative, quality education in two conflict-affected regions in Mali. Since 2020, this humanitarian-development/nexus project funded by Global Affairs Canada and implemented by a consortium of NGOs, has been affected by the Covid-19 pandemic, school closures due to the security situation, teacher strikes and coups, while public schools, once safe learning spaces, have experienced attacks by armed groups. // This paper shares lessons learned and challenges from IMAGINE, exploring the theme and sub-theme of Building Resilience and Education for Girls and the socio-political potential of education as a peacebuilding agent. Geographic Place and Space Theory establishes that place is an integral and inescapable aspect of community and individual life experiences. Butler and Sinclair (2020) argue that “place inquiry and spatial methodologies can strengthen the potential of education research by advancing our knowledge of the nature of and potential solutions to educational injustice.” We ask: How can education projects in the humanitarian-development/nexus space leverage geographic place and space inquiry to improve approaches to equitable educational access, particularly for girls? // As a gender-transformative education project, IMAGINE will contribute findings to this under-conceptualized space in education research.
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Shantora, V. "Acid Rain Control: A Canadian Perspective." In SAE Government Industry Meeting and Exposition. 400 Commonwealth Drive, Warrendale, PA, United States: SAE International, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.4271/871071.

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Reports on the topic "Canadian politics and government"

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Melnyk, Andriy. «INTELLECTUAL DARK WEB» AND PECULIARITIES OF PUBLIC DEBATE IN THE UNITED STATES. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11113.

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The article focuses on the «Intellectual Dark Web», an informal group of scholars, publicists, and activists who openly opposed the identity politics, political correctness, and the dominance of leftist ideas in American intellectual life. The author examines the reasons for the emergence of this group, names the main representatives and finds that the existence of «dark intellectuals» is the evidence of important problems in US public discourse. The term «Intellectual Dark Web» was coined by businessman Eric Weinstein to describe those who openly opposed restrictions on freedom of speech by the state or certain groups on the grounds of avoiding discrimination and hate speech. Extensive discussion of the phenomenon of «dark intellectuals» began after the publication of Barry Weiss’s article «Meet the renegades from the «Intellectual Dark Web» in The New York Times in 2018. The author writes of «dark intellectuals» as an informal group of «rebellious thinkers, academic apostates, and media personalities» who felt isolated from traditional channels of communication and therefore built their own alternative platforms to discuss awkward topics that were often taboo in the mainstream media. One of the most prominent members of this group, Canadian clinical psychologist Jordan Peterson, publicly opposed the C-16 Act in September 2016, which the Canadian government aimed to implement initiatives that would prevent discrimination against transgender people. Peterson called it a direct interference with the right to freedom of speech and the introduction of state censorship. Other members of the group had a similar experience that their views were not accepted in the scientific or media sphere. The existence of the «Intellectual Dark Web» indicates the problem of political polarization and the reduction of the ability to find a compromise in the American intellectual sphere and in American society as a whole.
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Bassetto, Marco, and Thomas Sargent. Politics and Efficiency of Separating Capital and Ordinary Government Budgets. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w11030.

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Persson, Torsten, and Guido Tabellini. The Size and Scope of Government: Comparative Politics with Rational Politicians. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6848.

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Brander, James, Edward Egan, and Thomas Hellmann. Government Sponsored versus Private Venture Capital: Canadian Evidence. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, May 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w14029.

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Menes, Rebecca. The Effect of Patronage Politics on City Government in American Cities, 1900-1910. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6975.

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de Figueiredo, John, and Brian Silverman. How Does the Government (Want to) Fund Science? Politics, Lobbying and Academic Earmarks. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13459.

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Harvey, Paul, and Habiba Mohamed. The Politics of Donor and Government Approaches to Social Protection and Humanitarian Policies for Assistance During Crises. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/basic.2022.010.

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This paper examines social protection policy processes in fragile and conflict-affected settings (FCAS). It explores what the policies of donor governments, aid agencies, and crisis-affected governments reveal about the politics of assistance during crises, and how aid agencies are navigating tensions between humanitarian and development approaches to social assistance. It finds that social protection policies are prone to conflict blindness. Commitments to state-building often ignore dilemmas inherent in supporting states that are parties to ongoing conflicts and the political rather than technical challenges involved. Government social protection policies in FCAS often make little mention of the fact that war or conflict are taking place.
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Mitralexis, Sotiris. Deepening Greece’s Divisions: Religion, COVID, Politics, and Science. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp11en.

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Instead of being a time of unity and solidarity, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has proven to be a time of disunity, a time for deepening Greece’s divisions after a decade of crisis — on a spectrum ranging from politics to religion, and more im-portantly on the public discourse on religion. The present article offers a perspective on recent developments — by (a) looking into how the Greek government weapon-ized science in the public square, by (b) examining the stance of the Orthodox Church of Greece, by (c) indicatively surveying ‘COVID-19 and religion’ develop-ments that would not be covered by the latter, and last but not least by (d) discuss-ing the discrepancy between these two areas of inquiry in an attempt to explain it.
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Lenihan, D. Open government in transition: a case study of the Canadian Geomatics community round table. Natural Resources Canada/ESS/Scientific and Technical Publishing Services, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4095/296396.

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Avis, William. Armed Group Transition from Rebel to Government. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.125.

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Governments and political parties with an armed history are not unusual, yet how these groups function during and after the transition from conflict has largely been ignored by the existing literature. Many former armed groups have assumed power in a variety of contexts. Whilst this process is often associated with brokered peace agreements that encourage former combatants to transform into political parties, mobilise voters, and ultimately stand for elections, this is not always the case. What is less clearly understood is how war termination by insurgent victory shapes patterns of post-war politics. This rapid literature review collates available evidence of transitions made by armed groups to government. The literature collated presents a mixed picture, with transitions mediated by an array of contextual factors that are location and group specific. Case studies are drawn from a range of contexts where armed groups have assumed some influence over government (these include those via negotiated settlement, victory and in contexts of ongoing protracted conflict). The review provides a series of readings and case studies that are of use in understanding how armed groups may transition in “post-conflict” settings.
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