Journal articles: 'Canadian House of Commons'

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Jackson, Robert J. "The Unreformed Canadian House of Commons." La réforme de la Chambre des communes 26, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042654ar.

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Le Parlement évolue constamment et si l'on veut qu'il soit efficace, il faut que ses pratiques reflètent l'évolution de la société. L'auteur propose des changements dans le processus législatif la surveillance de l'exécutif, la représentation et l'organisation de la Chambre des communes car la société et l'appareil gouvernemental se développent plus rapidement que les mécanismes de cette chambre.

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Franks, C. E. S. "REFORM OF THE CANADIAN HOUSE OF COMMONS." American Review of Canadian Studies 16, no. 4 (December 1986): 399–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02722018609480962.

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Weaver, R. Kent. "Improving Representation in the Canadian House of Commons." Canadian Journal of Political Science 30, no. 3 (September 1997): 473–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900015985.

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AbstractCanada's single-member plurality (SMP) rules for elections to the House of Commons have a number of disadvantages, including their tendency to promote severe underrepresentation of the governing party in some regions, reward regionally concentrated parties, lead to single-region dominance of the governing party caucus and underrepresent women, Aboriginal peoples and visible minorities. Electoral reforms proposed to weaken these effects, especially proportional representation and “mixed-member corrective” systems, generally make single-party majority governments almost impossible. After reviewing alternatives, this article presents a simulation of the effects of a system featuring a limited number of compensation seats designed to award most of these seats to the parties that garner the most votes nationwide. This system could help rectify many of the problems associated with the current SMP system while only modestly lowering the prospects for single-party majority government.

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Stilborn, Jack. "An Alternative Approach to Canadian House of Commons Reform." American Review of Canadian Studies 47, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02722011.2017.1292534.

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Smith, Jennifer. "Democracy and the Canadian House of Commons at the miIlennium." Canadian Public Administration/Administration publique du Canada 42, no. 4 (December 1999): 398–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-7121.1999.tb02034.x.

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KORNBERG, ALLAN. "The Social Bases of Leadership in a Canadian House of Commons." Australian Journal of Politics & History 11, no. 3 (April 7, 2008): 324–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1965.tb00441.x.

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Crimmins, James E., and Paul Nesbitt‐Larking. "Canadian prime ministers in the house of commons: Patterns of intervention." Journal of Legislative Studies 2, no. 3 (September 1996): 145–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572339608420479.

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Kerr, Don, and Hugh Mellon. "Demographic Change and Representation by Population in the Canadian House of Commons." Canadian Studies in Population 37, no. 1-2 (December 31, 2010): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.25336/p6z02f.

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This paper considers Canadian representational debates, including a brief sketch of how electoral districts are defined across geography and population. Electoral boundary commissions in Canada have long differed in terms of the relative importance to be placed on population in decisions relating to the delineation of boundaries of federal electoral districts. As argued in this paper,the traditional understandings and agreements that have shaped decisions relating to electoral districts are increasingly at odds with Canada’s emerging demographic realities. In a nation that is highly reliant on immigration in maintaining its population, the current representational order arguably penalizes regions of the country which are growing most rapidly, and in particular, where new immigrants are most likely to locate. The current paper also considers possible reforms in the manner in which electoral districts are drawn, which at a minimum could involve the use of more up to date and accurate demographic data.

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Tremblay, Manon. "Do Female MPs Substantively Represent Women? A Study of Legislative Behaviour in Canada's 35th Parliament." Canadian Journal of Political Science 31, no. 3 (September 1998): 435–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900009082.

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AbstractThis article outlines the pattern of women's participation in the Canadian parliamentary system. The question of interest is whether female members of the House of Commons make a difference in politics and, notably, if they substantively represent women. The basic underlying hypothesis is that women in the Canadian House of Commons make a difference, that is to say, they substantively represent women. However, the impact of women in politics is limited: they do indeed make a difference, but not a drastic one. In this sense, women try to shape the legislative agenda and the legislative discourse in order to promote women's issues more than do men, but their activity in favour of women's concerns remains quite limited from a numerical point of view. To achieve effective results in this study, two methods were employed: a survey given to members of the 35th Canadian Parliament, and a content analysis of the Hansard Index of the House of Commons. Overall, the results presented here provide some support for the substantive argument. On the question of whether women members of the House of Commons make a difference in politics, and, significantly, if they substantively represent women, the answer is generally positive, although it is necessary to qualify this response. Both female and male MPs speak and act to support women's issues in the House of Commons, but these activities remain quantitatively marginal. However, on each aspect considered, the group of female MPs were proportionately more involved in women's issues than their male counterparts.

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Atkinson, Michael M., and David C. Docherty. "Moving Right Along: The Roots of Amateurism in the Canadian House of Commons." Canadian Journal of Political Science 25, no. 2 (June 1992): 295–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900003991.

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AbstractIt has been argued that rapid membership turnover in the Canadian House of Commons robs the institution of a dedicated and experienced group of MPs and produces a Parliament stocked with political amateurs. Both electoral defeat and voluntary retirement have been seen to play a role in the amateurism phenomenon. The authors explore the roots of amateurism and critically examine the argument that a frustrating career structure in the House of Commons encourages voluntary vacancies. Using a random sample of former MPs, the authors find support for both a “frustration” and an “exhaustion” model of career choice. The article concludes that while amateurism—in the sense of short political careers—may be problematic, not all MPs are amateurs and the problem of amateurism cannot be addressed simply by satisfying frustrated ambition.

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Godbout, Jean-François, and Bjørn Høyland. "The Emergence of Parties in the Canadian House of Commons (1867–1908)." Canadian Journal of Political Science 46, no. 4 (September 23, 2013): 773–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423913000632.

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Abstract. This study analyses legislative voting in the first ten Canadian Parliaments (1867–1908). The results demonstrate that party unity in the House of Commons dramatically increased over time. From the comparative literature on legislative organization, we identify three factors to explain this trend: partisan sorting, electoral incentives and negative agenda control. Our empirical analysis shows that intraparty conflict is primarily explained by the opposition between Anglo-Celtic/Protestants and French/Catholic members of Parliament. Once lawmakers sort into parties according to their religious affiliations, we observe a sharp increase in voting unity within the Liberal and Conservative caucuses. Ultimately, our results highlight the importance of territorial and socio-cultural conflicts, as well as agenda control, in explaining the emergence of parties as cohesive voting groups in the House of Commons.Résumé. Cette étude analyse le vote législatif dans les dix premiers parlements canadiens (1867–1908). Les résultats démontrent que l'unité partisane à la Chambre des communes a augmenté dramatiquement durant cette période. En nous basant sur les principales théories liées à l'organisation des législatures, nous identifions trois facteurs pour expliquer cette tendance : la classification partisane; les pressions électorales; et le contrôle de l'agenda législatif. Nos analyses empiriques confirment que les conflits intra-partisans au Parlement s'expliquent principalement par l'opposition entre les députés Anglos-Celtiques/Protestants et Francos/Catholiques. À partir du moment où les députés commencent à rejoindre les principaux partis selon leur groupe religieux, nous observons un accroissement important de l'unité législative au sein des caucus libéral et conservateur. Les résultats de cette recherche soulignent l'importance des conflits territoriaux et socioculturels, mais aussi de l'agenda législatif, pour expliquer l'émergence des partis politiques comme groupes cohésifs à la Chambre des communes.

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Beelen, Kaspar, Timothy Alberdingk Thijm, Christopher Cochrane, Kees Halvemaan, Graeme Hirst, Michael Kimmins, Sander Lijbrink, et al. "Digitization of the Canadian Parliamentary Debates." Canadian Journal of Political Science 50, no. 3 (January 18, 2017): 849–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423916001165.

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AbstractThis paper describes the digitization and enrichment of the Canadian House of Commons English Debates from 1901 to present. We start by laying out the general framework in which this project took place and then present the structure of the database and provide guidelines to prospective users. The paper concludes with the introduction ofwww.lipad.ca, an online platform designed as a hub for archiving Canadian political data, with the parliamentary proceedings at the centre of its architecture.

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Savoie, Donald J. "Legislatures." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 2 (June 2006): 425–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906229986.

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Legislatures, David C. Docherty, The Canadian Democratic Audit Series; Vancouver: UBC Press, 2005, pp. 224.David Docherty's book, Legislatures, is ambitious both in terms of its comparative perspective and the territory it reviews. The book deals with virtually all important aspects of the Canadian Parliament and provincial legislatures. The main focus, however, is on the House of Commons.

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Cohen, Marjorie Griffin. "Disorder through the Mai." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 8, no. 1 (May 1998): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/104829119800800118.

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Presentation to the Canadian House of Commons Sub-Committee on International Trade, Trade Disputes and Investment, Hearings on the Multilateral Agreement on Investment Panel on Corporate, Consumer and Social Implications, November 26, 1997, in Ottawa.

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15

McDorman, Ted L. "The Canada-France Maritime Boundary Case: Drawing a Line Around St. Pierre and Miquelon." American Journal of International Law 84, no. 1 (January 1990): 157–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203018.

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Saint Pierre and Miquelon are two very small islands. Saint Pierre is ten square miles and Miquelon is 83 square miles. The total population for both islands is 5,800. Those islands are only 15 miles off the mouth of Fortune Bay in Newfoundland.It can hardly be serious that anyone should think France would have a claim for 22,000 square miles or do anything like that under international law.So mocked the Honorable John Crosbie in the Canadian House of Commons in 1982 before he became the Canadian government minister with responsibility for the Canada-France negotiations respecting St. Pierre and Miquelon.

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16

Ready, Robert. "Commentary: A Canadian Perspective on Services Negotiations." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850060. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1147.

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A commentary on J. Robert Vastine's article "Services Negotiations in the Doha Round: Promise and Reality." Robert Ready is Director, Services Trade Policy Division in the Department of International Trade Canada. He manages the team responsible for the conduct of Canada’s international trade policy in the area of services (multilateral, regional and bilateral), including the coordination of consultations, analysis, and negotiations. Prior to his assignment with International Trade Canada, Ready held a number of other positions in the public sector, including with Industry Canada, Investment Canada, the Department of Western Economic Diversification Canada, the Government of Saskatchewan and the Canadian House of Commons. He received a B.A. (Hons) in History and a Masters in Public Administration (MPA) from Queen’s University in Kingston, Ontario.

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Tigerstrom, Barbara Von. "Current developments in Canadian privacy and information law: Implications for telehealth." Journal of Telemedicine and Telecare 6, no. 2_suppl (August 2000): 83–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1258/1357633001935716.

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An appropriate legal regime protecting privacy of personal information is an important element in assuring public confidence in telehealth initiatives while at the same time avoiding undue restrictions or difficulties for those implementing these technologies. In Canada there are several sources of legal protection of personal information but there is increasing emphasis on legislation. A bill recently passed by the Canadian House of Commons is expected have a significant impact on the way personal information, including health information, is handled in the private sector.

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Martinborough, Alex. "Debating Settler Constitutionalism: Consent, Consultation, and Writing a Transatlantic Debate, 1822–1828." Canadian Historical Review 102, no. 1 (March 2021): 27–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-2019-0018.

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In 1822, Robert Wilmot, the undersecretary of state for the colonies, introduced a bill to unite Upper and Lower Canada in the British House of Commons. In doing so, he was proposing not just an intercolonial union but a new constitution. He believed that because the Canadas’ constitution was granted by an Act of Parliament in 1791 it could be changed by Parliament without colonial consultation or consent. Whig parliamentarians and colonists contested this interpretation and raised questions about consent and the status of colonial constitutions. These debates in the 1820s reveal just how muddied thinking about colonial constitutions and consultation had become. Lower Canadian opposition to the bill has received significant attention from historians, yet this attempt at constitutional change also forced Upper Canadians to take unexpected positions, including interpreting the 1791 act as a written charter. Through these transatlantic debates, they were continuing to fashion a settler interpretation of British constitutionalism. This article traces these ideas by examining the movement of news and rumours through emerging, intertwined colonial and imperial public spheres, which illustrate the permeability of the line between public and private information. Inserting this failed constitution-writing effort into the longer history of Canadian constitutions sheds light on the limits to imperial intervention and encourages a broader rethinking of Canadian constitutional histories and the role of empire in a long nineteenth century.

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Moncrief, Gary F. "Terminating the Provincial Career: Retirement and Electoral Defeat in Canadian Provincial Legislatures, 1960–1997." Canadian Journal of Political Science 31, no. 2 (June 1998): 359–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900019831.

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AbstractThis article analyzes data on incumbent turnover in 103 provincial elections in Canada from 1960 to 1997. The author examines total turnover and the proportions attributable to retirement and electoral defeat. He notes that the overall rate of turnover in the provincial legislative assemblies is similar to that of the Canadian House of Commons. Further, voluntary retirement and electoral defeat comprise equal proportions of the total turnover. There are, however, important differences in the turnover rate and in its makeup, both by province and by time period. The author tests several models in an attempt to determine the correlates of turnover in Canadian provincial legislatures.

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Sancton, Andrew. "Eroding Representation-by-Population in the Canadian House of Commons: The Representation Act, 1985." Canadian Journal of Political Science 23, no. 3 (September 1990): 441–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900012701.

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AbstractThe Representation Act, 1985 amended both the Constitution Act, 1867 and the Electoral Boundaries Readjustment Act. This article shows that in each case the amendments erode the principle of representation by population by increasing the likelihood that federal electoral districts across the country will have widely varying populations. The first section examines the legislative history of the Representation Act, 1985 and its implementation in 1986 and 1987. The second analyzes the unsuccessful legal challenge brought against it by the City of Vancouver in Campbell et al. v. The Attorney General of Canada. The third addresses more explicitly John Courtney's main conclusions about the redistribution process in Canada as he expressed them in his 1988 CPSA presidential address.

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Conley, Richard S. "Legislative Activity in the Canadian House of Commons: Does Majority or Minority Government Matter?" American Review of Canadian Studies 41, no. 4 (December 2011): 422–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02722011.2011.623237.

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Lagassé, Philippe. "Parliament and the War Prerogative in the United Kingdom and Canada: Explaining Variations in Institutional Change and Legislative Control." Parliamentary Affairs 70, no. 2 (September 13, 2016): 280–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsw029.

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The British and Canadian Parliaments have no legal control over military deployment decisions. Recently, however, governments in both countries have held votes in the House of Commons on expeditionary missions involving combat. In the United Kingdom, this has led to a convention of legislative control of the executive’s prerogative to deploy the armed forces. In Canada, the votes have benefited and enabled the executive, rather than strengthening legislative control. Using Mahoney and Thelen’s (2010) theory of gradual institutional change, this article analyses how and why war prerogative reforms in the United Kingdom and Canada have resulted in different outcomes.

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Franks, C. E. S. "DEBATES AND QUESTION PERIOD IN THE CANADIAN HOUSE OF COMMONS: WHAT PURPOSE DO THEY SERVE?" American Review of Canadian Studies 15, no. 1 (March 1985): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02722018509480799.

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Penner, Erin, Kelly Blidook, and Stuart Soroka. "Legislative priorities and public opinion: representation of partisan agendas in the Canadian House of Commons." Journal of European Public Policy 13, no. 7 (September 2006): 1006–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1350176060023979.

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Barrie, Doreen, and Roger Gibbins. "Parliamentary Careers in the Canadian Federal State." Canadian Journal of Political Science 22, no. 1 (March 1989): 137–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900000871.

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AbstractThe authors examine the political career paths followed by the 3,803 individuals who served in the House of Commons and/or Senate between 1867 and 1984 inclusive. Given Joseph Schlesinger's argument that career patterns significantly affect political integration in federal states, particular attention is paid to the provincial experience of national parliamentarians, and to variations in that experience over time and across regions. The data show that national recruitment from provincial legislatures has declined over time, and is particularly uncommon in Ontario and Quebec. Overall, the structure of political careers in Canada is bifurcated rather than integrated; politicians do not move through the ranks but rather face a choice between provincial or national careers.

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MacIvor, Heather. "Do Canadian Political Parties Form a Cartel?" Canadian Journal of Political Science 29, no. 2 (June 1996): 317–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900007733.

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AbstractThis article summarizes the cartel model of party structure and tests it against the experience of the Canadian party system in the 1990s. Four claims are evaluated: that the three dominant parties in the House of Commons before 1993 colluded to exclude new parties; that they used state subsidies in their own interest; that the 1993 election result was a backlash against the cartel parties; and that Canadian parties are adopting new leadership selection methods in order to allow their leaders greater autonomy. The article concludes that the first two claims are valid while the latter two are not, and discusses some of the implications of these findings for Canadian parties and for the cartel model itself.

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Sevi, Semra, Antoine Yoshinaka, and André Blais. "Legislative Party Switching and the Changing Nature of the Canadian Party System, 1867–2015." Canadian Journal of Political Science 51, no. 3 (May 31, 2018): 665–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423918000203.

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AbstractIn this paper, we investigate the phenomenon of party switchers in the Canadian House of Commons. With the most extensive dataset on party-switching MPs (1867–2015), we answer the following questions: What are the electoral trajectories of party switchers? Have their prospects changed over time? We assess whether the historical dynamics of the Canadian party system explain changes in the incidence and fate of party switchers since 1867, hypothesizing that both the rate of party switching and the electoral fortunes of floor crossers decline over time. The evidence accords with our second hypothesis more strongly than our first. Party switching has become slightly less common, but the electoral consequence has become much more severe.

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Eligator, Ronald. "The impact of auralization on design decisions for the House of Commons of the Canadian Parliament." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 136, no. 4 (October 2014): 2088. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4899501.

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Grace, Joan. "Presence and Purpose in the Canadian House of Commons: The Standing Committee on the Status of Women." Parliamentary Affairs 69, no. 4 (April 5, 2016): 830–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsw008.

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Cross, William. "The Importance of Local Party Activity in Understanding Canadian Politics: Winning from the Ground Up in the 2015 Federal Election." Canadian Journal of Political Science 49, no. 4 (November 4, 2016): 601–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423916000962.

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AbstractPolitical parties have long been identified as critical players in Canadian democracy. In this address I focus on the activities of parties at the constituency level arguing that this is crucial to fully understanding many important questions in Canadian political science. By way of example, using data relating to the 2015 federal election, I argue that examining the relative vitality of local party associations in the period between election campaigns assists in a fuller understanding of election outcomes and that examining local party nomination dynamics is key to understanding the underrepresentation of women in the candidate pool and ultimately in the House of Commons.

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Finnis, John. "The Coxford LecturePatriation and Patrimony: The Path to the Charter." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 28, no. 1 (January 2015): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cjlj.2015.17.

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This annotatedCoxford Lectureis the first account dedicated to tracing the part played in the 1980-82 patriation of the Canadian Constitution by the British House of Commons, particularly by its Select Committee on Foreign Affairs. This committee, for which author was the adviser, investigated the propriety of the UK Parliament’s acceding to a request for amendment of the British North America Act 1867 (as amended) if the amendment were opposed by a substantial number of Provinces and it would affect their powers. Against the firm opposition of the Canadian government (secretly being assisted by the British government), the Committee reported in January 1981 that acceding to such a request in such circumstances would be a breach of Parliament’s constitutional responsibilities. A second report, in April 1981, defended that opinion against the Canadian government’s vigorous attempt in March to refute it. The Committee’s position strongly resembles that of the “conventions” majority of the Canadian Supreme Court in September 1981. But the resemblance should not obscure a significant difference, rooted in the distinct authority of the UK Parliament during this terminal phase of the patrimony that, by Canadian decision in 1931, it had inherited: some imperial responsibilities (by then only procedural, and terminated in 1982) for the polity and people of Canada.

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Collier, Cheryl N., and Tracey Raney. "Canada's Member-to-Member Code of Conduct on Sexual Harassment in the House of Commons: Progress or Regress?" Canadian Journal of Political Science 51, no. 4 (July 27, 2018): 795–815. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842391800032x.

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AbstractIn 2015, the Canadian House of Commons passed a new code of conduct governing non-criminal sexual harassment between members of Parliament becoming the first of its kind in any Westminster system in the world. Using a feminist institutional and violence-against-women-in-politics approach, we assess how the code challenges, legitimizes and upholds traditionally gendered norms and institutionalized sexism within Canada's parliamentary system including parliamentary privilege, party cohesion and party discipline. Despite its novelty, we argue this code fails to enact positive gender-friendly institutional change and may do more harm than good in its efforts to curb sexual harassment.

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Carrión-Ruiz, B., S. Blanco-Pons, M. Duong, J. Chartrand, M. Li, K. Prochnau, S. Fai, and J. L. Lerma. "AUGMENTED EXPERIENCE TO DISSEMINATE CULTURAL HERITAGE: HOUSE OF COMMONS WINDOWS, PARLIAMENT HILL NATIONAL HISTORIC SITE (CANADA)." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLII-2/W9 (January 31, 2019): 243–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xlii-2-w9-243-2019.

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Abstract. The use of photogrammetry and terrestrial laser scanning for building information modelling (BIM) in the documentation and conservation of Cultural Heritage (CH) is now well established. By combining BIM with the latest visualization technologies, powerful, semi-immersive experiences can be developed to enhance the dissemination of CH. In semi-immersive experiences such as Augmented Reality (AR), digital content can be overlapped on to physical spaces, providing a new way to interact with both the physical space and the digital content. This paper discusses the translation of a digital object created using BIM, into a physical object and the utilisation of this physical object as a trigger for an AR experience. The case study looks at one of the neo- Gothic window frames from the House of Commons in the Centre Block of the Parliament Hill National Historic Site, in Ottawa, Canada. The window frame is one in a series that represents a Canadian province or territory with a stained glass feature that includes floral emblems and heraldic symbols from the respective provincial or territorial shield. The frame in this case study corresponds to the stained glass window of five provinces. Using the replica frame as a target, the user can select which stained glass windows they would like to view in the AR application. Through these combined technologies, we argue that CH can be revealed in a more interactive way and therefore more engaging manner &ndash; making even inaccessible architectural details readily available to the public.

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Studlar, Donley T., and Richard E. Matland. "The Growth of Women's Representation in the Canadian House of Commons and the Election of 1984: A Reappraisal." Canadian Journal of Political Science 27, no. 1 (March 1994): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900006211.

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AbstractIn the 1980s, Canada went from having one of the lowest levels of female representation in its national legislature to having one of the highest among countries with single-member district electoral systems. The authors examine the common assertion that this increase was largely due to the surprising Progressive Conservative landslide in the 1984 federal election. By simulating plausible alternative election results they find there would have been a substantial increase in the number of women in the parliament, regardless of how the vote split in 1984. The simulations are followed by probit analyses for 1980, 1984 and 1988 which examine what factors affected the probability a major-party candidate would be a woman and what factors affected the probability that a successful candidate would be a woman.

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Martin, Geoff. "Executive Styles in Canada: Cabinet Structures and Leadership Practices in Canadian Government." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 1 (March 2006): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906219991.

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Executive Styles in Canada: Cabinet Structures and Leadership Practices in Canadian Government, Luc Bernier, Keith Brownsey and Michael Howlett, eds., Toronto: University of Toronto Press, for The Institute of Public Administration of Canada, 2005, pp. xiii, 282.Executive Styles in Canada is a welcome addition to the literature on Canadian political leadership and provincial politics, essentially raising the question of the power of the premier, central agencies, and executive council in each of the Canadian provinces. To this end the editors have organized the book in 13 chapters. The book begins with a survey of the whole debate over “court government” raised by Donald Savoie, and the development model of Canadian cabinets advanced by Stefan Dupré and Christopher Dunn. The second chapter is given over to Savoie to make his case with respect to the federal government. His argument, by now familiar, is that by the 1990s the real power in the federal government is in the hands of the “prime minister and a small group of carefully selected courtiers” (17). Executive dominance of the legislature in the Westminster model has given way to even greater centralization. Power flows not from ministers, but from the prime minister. While Savoie does not address the seeming anomaly of the Paul Martin minority government of 2004–05, in which the House of Commons and even the opposition parties suddenly became relevant again, one gets the sense that he would argue that this is a temporary development rather than a more durable departure from the direction of the last 30 years.

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Michaud, Nelson, Stéphane Tremblay, and Frédéric Mayer. "The role of history in the formulation of Canadian foreign policy statements." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 4 (December 2020): 576–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020979055.

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Foreign policy statements—and, namely, white papers—offer diplomats, civil servants, and the general public, as well as international actors (friends and foes alike) an understanding of what motivates a country to engage in international issues. They are fundamental government declarations intended to direct the policy process toward its political and operational objectives. Is history embedded in the message these statements carry? And, if so, how is history used? Relying on Brands and Suri’s typology and framing categories (factual/normative), this article explores white papers issued by governments led by Pierre Elliott Trudeau, Jean Chrétien, Paul Martin Jr., as well as the 2017 House of Commons statement by Justin Trudeau’s foreign affairs minister, Chrystia Freeland. Based on Canada’s tradition of Pearsonian internationalism, we hypothesize that the factual use of history would prevail. We find this to be the case, but with important nuances.

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Girard, April L., Suzanne Day, and Laureen Snider. "Tracking Environmental Crime Through CEPA: Canada's Environment Cops or Industry's Best Friend?" Canadian Journal of Sociology 35, no. 2 (April 29, 2010): 219–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs4274.

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This paper examines shifts in the regulation and governance of environment crime over the 20 year period since the passage of the Canadian Environmental Protection Act (CEPA) in 1988, tracing its history, policies and enforcement record from 1989-2008. Documents assessed include Environment Canada’s enforcement data, Annual Reports, Reports on its Plans and Priorities, the Senate and House of Commons five-year reviews of CEPA 1988 and CEPA 1999 and the government’s response to these reviews. The purpose of the paper is to document the process and compromises that have shaped federal environmental protection, and explore the policy paralysis this has produced.

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Smith, David E. "THE AFFAIR OF THE CHAIRS." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 13, no. 1 & 2 (July 24, 2011): 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c93m37.

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Early in November 2002, a political tremour shook Parliament Hill — fifty-six Liberal MPs voted against the will of their leader and with the opposition parties in the House of Commons. At issue was a Canadian Alliance motion to change House rules to allow chairs of committees to be elected by secret ballot. Purple prose and fervid speculation followed: Had the unthinkable happened and the Prime Minister “lost control of his caucus”? What did the future hold now that his caucus had “tasted blood”? How much of a personal humiliation was the vote for Jean Chrétien, and was it enough of one to cut short his interminable long goodbye? Or, was it evidence that the official opposition had coalesced sufficiently after its own leadership turmoil to carry through a successful divide and conquer mission? Could more of the same strategy be expected?

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Althagafi, Alwalaa, Chris Ekong, Brian W. Wheelock, Richard Moulton, Peter Gorman, Kesh Reddy, Sean Christie, Ian Fleetwood, and Sean Barry. "Canadian neurosurgeons’ views on medical assistance in dying (MAID): a cross-sectional survey of Canadian Neurosurgical Society (CNSS) members." Journal of Medical Ethics 45, no. 5 (March 12, 2019): 309–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/medethics-2018-105160.

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BackgroundThe Supreme Court of Canada removed the prohibition on physicians assisting in patients dying on 6 February 2015. Bill C-14, legalising medical assistance in dying (MAID) in Canada, was subsequently passed by the House of Commons and the Senate on 17 June 2016. As this remains a divisive issue for physicians, the Canadian Neurosurgical Society (CNSS) has recently published a position statement on MAID.MethodsWe conducted a cross-sectional survey to understand the views and perceptions among CNSS members regarding MAID to inform its position statement on the issue. Data was collected from May to June 2016.ResultsOf the 300 active membes of the CNSS who recevied the survey, 89 respondents completed the survey, 71% of whom were attending neurosurgeons and 29% were neurosurgery residents. Most respondents,74.2%, supported the right of physicians to participate in MAID with 7.8% opposing. 37% had current patients in their practice fitting the criteria for MAID. 23.6% had been asked by patients to assist with MAID, but only 11% would consider personally providing it. 84% of neurosurgeons surveyed supported the physicians’ right to conscientious objection to MAID while 21% thought attending surgeons should be removed from the inquiry and decision-making process. 43.8% agreed that the requirment to refer a patient to a MAID service should be mandatory. Glioblastoma multiforme (65%), quadriplegia/quadriparesis secondary to spinal tumour/trauma (54%) and Parkinson’s disease (24%) were the most common suggested potential indications for MAID among the neurosurgical population.ConclusionsOur results demonstrate that most neurosurgeons in Canada are generally supportive of MAID in select patients. However, they also strongly support the physicians’ right to conscientious objection.

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Russell, Peter H. "A Project to Reduce Canadians' Constitutional Illiteracy." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 25, no. 3 (November 21, 2016): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c9ht18.

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How is it determined who is prime minister? Does the leader of the party that wins the most seats in the House of Commons, or that gets the most votes in the election automatically become prime minister? Who appoints cabinet ministers? Do cabinet ministers have to be MPs? Who appoints deputy ministers? What are deputy ministers? What are parliamentary secretaries? What is the PCO? What is the PMO? How is the Governor General selected? What are the Governor General’s powers? What is the role of the Queen in governing Canada? What contact, if any, can senior civil servants have with opposition parties? What contact, if any, can government leaders have with judges? How are treaties with foreign countries ratified? Why does Canada have treaties with Aboriginal peoples? Are there any constraints on federal spending in areas of provincial responsibility? What is the constitutional status of the northern territories and how does the federal government’s relationship with them differ from its relations with the provinces?A Canadian citizen who wants to know how her country is governed should be able to get clear, authoritative answers to these questions without much trouble; so should a civics teacher in a school classroom or a person preparing immigrants for Canadian citizenship. These are not small technical questions — they are basic to knowing how Canadian government and democracy work — yet the citizen who looks for answers to these questions in the written text of Canada’s Constitution will look in vain.

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Chartash, David, Nicholas J. Caruana, Markus Dickinson, and Laura B. Stephenson. "When the team’s jersey is what matters: Network analysis of party cohesion and structure in the Canadian House of Commons." Party Politics 26, no. 5 (August 30, 2018): 555–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818795196.

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Are parties “high discipline, low cohesion” in Westminster legislatures? This study applies network analysis to voting behavior among members of parliament (MPs), a novel approach that measures not deviation from party-line voting, but rather whether MPs with similar voting patterns are co-partisans. We study the Canadian Parliament from 2006 to 2015, during which time the governing party under Prime Minister Stephen Harper maintained tight central control and discipline, a likely source of elevated cohesion. We find that “low cohesion” generally holds, and parties do not always conform to commonsense expectations about how cohesively they “should” behave in various parliamentary situations, though they show themselves capable of learning over time. Moreover, we find that party cohesion stems less from shared voting behaviors and more from simple partisan identity. Further research should consider to what extent parliamentary behavior is based mainly on party alignment.

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Rémillard, Gil. "Quelques propositions." Les Cahiers de droit 26, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 125–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042651ar.

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Professor Rémillard questions the failure of the Senate after dealing with the debate on its reform within the context of Rapatriation of the Constitution. The Fathers of Confederation intended the Senate to represent and protect regional interests. It has enough powers to be effective but fails to manage its very own powers. The passivity might explained by the fact that senators have been too bound by party discipline to be reliable. An extended reform of the Senate would certainly be better than its abolition. First, the Senate should fight to keep democracy alive and to counterbalance the powers of the House of Commons. It should be an effective guardian of regional interests in the dual Canadian context. The author suggests that the reform of the Senate should be done within the limits of an entire reform of federal institutions. This would help Canadian federalism preserve its parliamentary system.

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Puddister, Kate, and Tamara A. Small. "Trial by Zoom? The Response to COVID-19 by Canada's Courts." Canadian Journal of Political Science 53, no. 2 (May 19, 2020): 373–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423920000505.

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COVID-19 has made videoconferencing a regular occurrence in the lives of Canadians. Videoconferencing is being used to maintain social ties, run business meetings—and to uphold responsible government. On April 28, 2020, Members of the House of Commons sat virtually using Zoom. The virtual sitting was the first of what will become a stand-in for regular proceedings, allowing the Members to fulfill some of their parliamentary duties while complying with physical distancing (see Malloy, 2020). As the legislative and executive branches look to digital technology to allow the business of government to continue, what about the judicial branch of Canada's government? Courts are an essential service. This is best articulated by the Chief Justice of Nova Scotia: “The fact is, the Courts cannot close. As the third branch of government, an independent judiciary is vital for our Canadian democracy to function. It is never more important than in times of crisis” (Wood, 2020). In this analysis, we seek to understand how courts have responded to COVID-19 and the challenges of physical distancing through the use of digital technologies. This is accomplished through a systematic review of COVID-19 statements and directives issued from all levels of court across Canada. We briefly compare Canada to the United States, a jurisdiction that demonstrates greater openness to technology.

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Bangarth, Stephanie. "Bringing China In: The New Democratic Party, China, and Multilateralism, 1949-68." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 20, no. 2-3 (2013): 203–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02003016.

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This article explores the history of Canadian foreign relations with China via the perspective of F. Andrew Brewin, a longtime New Democratic Party (NDP) politician. Brewin was an ardent champion of multilateralism in the 1960s and this approach was reflected in his views on China. These thoughts are most eloquently expressed in the debates in the House of Commons on the recognition and the admission of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) into the United Nations between 1963 and 1970. The NDP was the first political party to recommend the recognition of the PRC and by the 1960s public opinion had warmed sufficiently to the idea. Brewin’s concerns over the general silence on the part of Lester B. Pearson’s Liberal government on this issue reflected his wider concerns about the degree to which Canadian foreign policy was tied to the United States and nuclear proliferation. For Brewin, ending the PRC’s isolation was vital to achieving peace in his time.

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Ruff, Kathleen. "How Canada’s Asbestos Industry Was Defeated in Quebec." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 26, no. 4 (November 24, 2016): 543–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1048291116679951.

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Less than a decade ago, the Quebec asbestos industry enjoyed support from all the political parties in the Canadian House of Commons and the Quebec National Assembly, as well as from business and union organizations. Two lobby organizations (Chrysotile Institute and International Chrysotile Association) had significant global impact in promoting asbestos use and defeating asbestos ban efforts in developing countries. Quebec’s two asbestos mines planned to expand operations and make Quebec the second biggest global asbestos exporter. With the aid of lobbyists, public relations consultants, and government financing, the asbestos industry came close to succeeding. The article examines how a campaign of international solidarity, involving scientific experts, asbestos victims, and health activists in Quebec, Canada, and overseas, succeeded in closing the two mines and defeating the political and social power that the Quebec asbestos industry had wielded for a century. This victory ended Canada’s destructive role as global propagandist for the asbestos industry.

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Beaudoin, Gérald-A. "La réforme des institutions centrales. Quelques jalons." Les Cahiers de droit 25, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 173–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042591ar.

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« In this article the author envisages and studies the reform of the Senate, of the House of Commons and of the Supreme Court of Canada ; the function of the Governor General is also considered. A suggestion is made for introducing a system of mitigated proportional representation in the House of Commons, as proposed by the Pepin-Robarts report of January 1979. The authors analyses the advantages and disadvantages of an elected Senate, of a Senate whose members are appointed by the federal government or by the federal and provincial governments, of a second House which would constitute a House of the Provinces ; the author is aganist an equal representation of the provinces in the Senate. Professor Beaudoin favours a specialized constitutional Court of Canada, although he considers that such a reform is very unlikely to happen ; however, he adds that in any case, the Supreme Court is de facto a constitutional court to a certain extent. He recommends that the principle of dualism be more visible. Finally, the author describes how the function of Governor General has evolved since 1926, and outlines the role that the Governor General may play in normal and anormal times. »

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Godbout, Jean-François, and Bjørn Høyland. "Unity in Diversity? The Development of Political Parties in the Parliament of Canada, 1867–2011." British Journal of Political Science 47, no. 3 (August 24, 2015): 545–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123415000368.

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What explains the development of legislative party voting unity? Evidence from the United States and Britain indicate that partisan sorting, cohort replacement effects, electoral incentives, and agenda control contributed to enhancing party cohesion during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Here, these mechanisms are evaluated by analysing a dataset containing all the recorded votes from the Canadian House of Commons, 1867–2011. Overall, we find that partisan sorting and the government’s ability to control the agenda are central to the consolidation of parties over time. Our results underscore the need to integrate institutional rules and legislative agendas into models of parliamentary voting behaviour and suggest that strict party discipline can lead to the development of a multi-party system in the legislative arena.

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Planinc, Zdravko. "Should Imprisoned Criminals have a Constitutional Right to Vote?." Canadian journal of law and society 2 (1987): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0829320100001204.

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Section 3 of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms sets out the democratic rights of Canadian citizens. Every citizen of Canada has the right to vote in an election of members of the House of Commons or of a legislative assembly and to be qualified for membership therein. Donald Smiley has written that “some of the rights contained in the Charter are stated so explicitly that there is little doubt about their meaning and effect,” and that section 3 is one of the best examples of such clarity. But Smiley was wrong. The “meaning and effect” of section 3 has been thrown into doubt by the question whether its guarantee of the right to vote extends to imprisoned criminals. Newfoundland obviously thinks that it does, for in The Charter of Rights Amendment Act 1985, it repealed the traditional prohibition of prisoner voting. Other jurisdictions have chosen to retain the legal prohibition and to defend it against constitutional challenges mounted by inmates of Canadian prisons. The issue is probably headed for the Supreme Court, which will have to decide whether prisoners are full “citizens” within the meaning of section 3, and, if they are, whether a limit on their right to vote can be justified under section 1 as a “reasonable limit, demonstrably justifiable in a free and democratic society.”

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Munro, Kenneth. "The Constitution Act, 1982 and the Crown: Twenty-Five Years Later." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 17, no. 1, 2 & 3 (July 11, 2011): 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c9dt1b.

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In a splendid ceremony on Parliament Hill on 17 April 1982, Her Majesty proclaimed the Constitution Act, 1982.1 When the Prime Min- ister and premiers had met in November 1981 to develop procedures for patriating and amend- ing our Constitution, they failed to propose any revisions with respect to the monarchy, except for section 41(a) of the Constitution Act, 1982. Under this section, the unanimous agreement of the Governor General, Senate, House of Commons, and the legislative assembly of each province is required to amend the Constitution in relation to “the office of the Queen, the Gov- ernor General and the Lieutenant Governor of a province.”2 In effect, by entrenching the monar- chy in the Constitution, our leaders determined that Canada would remain a constitutional monarchy in perpetuity. The twenty-fifth anni- versary of the proclamation of the Constitution Act, 1982 provides an appropriate occasion to remind ourselves of the nature of our Canadian Crown and to ask whether this institution can evolve, or has evolved, to meet the needs of Ca- nadians.

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Colón-Ríos, Joel I., and Allan C. Hutchinson. "Constitutionalizing the Senate: A Modest Democratic Proposal." McGill Law Journal 60, no. 4 (November 23, 2015): 599–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1034049ar.

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The Senate Reference did not provide an ideal situation for clarifying the nature and limits of the power of constitutional reform in Canada. The facts gave the Court no choice but to recognize the fundamental role that the Senate plays in the Canadian constitutional order, and therefore to place some of its main features outside the scope of section 44 of the Constitution Act, 1982, even if they ran contrary to basic democratic values. For example, in order to explain that the implementation of consultative elections would alter the constitution’s basic structure, the Court was forced to construe in a negative light the prospect of a democratically legitimate Senate. In this paper, rather than attack or defend bicameralism, we will argue in favour of attributing a democratically reconstituted Senate with the primary responsibility of reviewing the constitutionality of legislation (as opposed to acting as a chamber of “sober second thought” with respect to the policy decisions of the House of Commons). Such an approach, we suggest, would augment the overall democratic legitimacy of the constitutional order.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Canadian House of Commons'

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